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THE    JOURNAL 


ASIATIC   SOCIETY 


B  E  N  G  A  I.. 


F^DITED 


BY    THE    SECRETARY. 


VOL.     IX. 

PART  II.— JULY  TO  DECEMBER,  1840. 
NEW    SERIES. 


"  It  will  flourish,  if  naturalists,  chemists,  antiquaries,  philologers,  and  men  of  science,  in  differ- 
ent parts  of  Asia  will  commit  their  observations  to  writing,  and  send  them  to  the  Asiatic  Society 
in  Calcutta;  it  will  languish,  if  such  communications  shall  be  long  intermitted  ;  and  will  die  away 
if  they  shall  entirely  cease."~SiR  Wm.,,^^^^^^/^^ 


BISHOP'S    COLLEGE    PRESS. 

1840. 


CONTENTS. 


No.  103. 


I.— Points  in  the  History  of  the  Greek  and  Indo-Scythian  Kings  in  Bactria, 
Cabul,  and  India,  as  illustrated  by  decyphering  the  ancient  legends  on  their 
coins.     By  Christian  Lassen,  Bonn,  1838.      (continued.)  627 

II.— Abstract  Report  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Committee  appointed  to  super- 
intend the  Boring  Operations  in  Fort  "William,  from  their  commencement  in 
December,  1835,  to  their  close  in  April,  1840.     By  Col.  D.  McLeod 677 

III.— Report  on  a  line  of  Levels  taken  bj  order  of  the  Right  Honorable  the 
Governor  General,  between  the  Jumna  and  Sutlej  rivers.  By  Lieut.  W.  E. 
Baker,  Superintendent  of  Canals  West  of  the  Jumna.  ....         688 

IV. — Memoir    on    the   Hodesum    (improperly    called    Kolehan).      By  Lieut. 

Tickell 694 

V. — Sketch  of  the  Physical  Geography  of  Seistan.  By  Captain  Edward  Conolly, 
6th  Cavalry 710 

VI. — Proceedings  of  the  Asiatic  Society. *•••     726 

No.  104. 

I. — Points  in  the  History  of  the  Greek  and  Indo-Scythian  Kings  in  Bactria, 
Cabul,  and  India,  as  illustrated  by  decyphering  the  ancient  legends  on  their 
coins.     By  Christian  Lassen,  Bonn,  1838.     (concluded.)         ....  ....     733 

II. — Paper  on  Ancient  Land  Grants  on  Copper,  discovered  in  Assam.  Com- 
municated by  Major  F.  Jenkins,  Governor  General's  Agent  N.  E. 
Frontier,  (with plate) ....         766 

III. — Memoir  on  the    Hodesum    (improperly   called    Kolehan.)      By    Lieut. 

Tickell,  (concluded,)  783 

IV. — Memoir  of  Sylhet,  Kachar,  and  the  adjacent  Districts.  By  Captain  Fisher, 

formerly  Superintendent  of  Kachar  and  Jynta 808 

V. — Memorandum  on  the  "Silk  Trade  between  Shikarpore  and  Khorassan,  and 
on  the  produce  of  Indigo  in  Sinde.  By  Lieut.  J.  Postans,  Assistant  Poli- 
tical Agent,  Upper  Sinde 843 

VI.— On  the  Historical  Geography  of  Hindustan,  and  the  origin  of  the  Social 

State  among  the  Hindus.     By  Jas.  Bird,  Esq 848 

VII.— Proceedings  of  the  Asiatic  Society, 859 


iv  Contents. 

No.  105. 

I. — Description  of,  and  deductions  from  a  consideration  of  some  new  Bactrian 

coins.     By  Lieut.  Alexander  Cunningham,  Engineers.  867 

Jl.—Notes  of  a  March  from  Brimham  Ghat  on  the  Nerbudda,  to  Umurkuntuk, 

the  Source  of  that  River.     By  G.  Spilsbury,  Esq.  (with  plate.)    889 

III.— Notice  of  Amulets  in  use  by  the  Trans- Himalayan  Boodhists.     By  W.  E. 

Carte,  Esq.  (ivith  plate.)  904 

IV. — Report  on  the  Country  between  Kurrachee,  Tatta,  and  Sehwan,  Scinde. 

By  Capt.  E.  P.  De  la  Hoste,  Assistant  Quarter- Master  General 907 

V. — Narrative  of  facts  attending  the  Wreck  of  the  Transport  "Indian  Oak," 

on  the  Loochoo  Islands;  communicated  from  the  Political  Secretariat  Office, 

Government  of  India.  916 

VI. — Notes  on  the  Eusofzye  tribes  of  Afghanistan.     By  the  late  Capt.  Edward 

Conolly 924 

VII.— Extract  from  Proceedings  of  the  Numismatic  Society  of  London,  1837-38.  938 
VIII. — Proceedings  of  the  Asiatic  Society.  941 

No.  106. 

I. — Extracts  from  the  Journal  of  an  Expedition  into  the  Naga  Hills  on  the 
Assam  Frontier.  By  Lieut.  Grange,  Assistant  Political  Agent,  undertaken 
by  order  of  Government  in  the  beginning  of  1840,  (taken  by  permission  from 
the  records  of  the  Political  Secretariat  under  the  Government  of  India) ....     947 

II. — A  short  Memoir  of  Mechithar  Ghosh,  the  Armenian  Legislator.  By  Johan- 
nes Avdall,  Esq.,  M.  A.  S.  &c 967 

III.— Letters,  forwarding  a  Paper  on  the  formation  of  the  Museum  of  Economic 

Geology  of  India,  from  Captain  Tremenheere,  Engineers.  973 

IV. — Grammatical  construction  of  the  Ho  language.     By  Lieut.  Tickell 997 

v.— Note,  to  be  appended  to  my  account  of  the  coins  of  Mayas,  in  the  article  on 

"Some  New  Bactrian  Coins."  No.  105.     By  Lieut.  A.  Cunningham 1068 

VI. — A  Third  Memoir  with  reference  to  the  Theory  of  the  Law  of  Storms  in 
India;  being.  Researches  relating  to  the  Hurricane  in  the  Bay  of  Bengal, 
and  at  Cuttack,  from  27th  April  to  1st  May  1840.  By  H.  Piddington,  Esq.. . 
{with  plates)  100^ 

Vir — Proceedings  of  the  Asiatic  Society 1055 

No.  107. 

I.— Vocabulary  of  the  Ho  language.     By  Lieut.  Tickell 1063 

II.— A  short  account  of  Khyrpoor  and  the  Fortress  of  Bukur,  in  North  Sind. 

By  Captain  G.  E.  Westmacott,  37th  Regiment  Bengal  Native  Infantry 1090 

III.— A  cursory  Notice  of  Nayakote.      By  B.  H.  Hodgson,  Esq.  Resident  at 

the  Court  of  Nepal.  ...1114 

IV.— Fossil  Shells  discovered  by  Captain  Hay,  1st  European  Regiment,  in   the 

neighbourhood  of  Bajgah,  Afghanistan,    {with plates) 1126 

v.— Proceedings  of  the  Asiatic  Society,....  1129 


Contents.  v 

No.  108. 

I,— The  Galvanic  Battery  in  its  various  Practical  Applications  as  an  Igniting 

Agent.  By  Lieut.  R.  Baird  Smith,  Bengal  Engineers,  (with plate,)  ....  1149 
II.— On  the  Common  Hare  of  the  Gangetic  Provinces,  and  of  the  Sub-Hema- 

laya;  with  a  slight  notice  of  a  strictly   Hemalayan  species.     By  B.  H. 

Hodgson,  Esq.  Resident  at  the  Court  of  Nepal 1 183 

III. — A  Short  account  of  Khyrpoor  and  the  Fortress  of  Bukur,  in  North  Sind. 

By  Captain  G.  E.  Westmacott,  37th  Regt.  Bengal  N.  I.  (concluded.)  ....  1187 
IV. — Three   new  Species  of  Monkey;  with  remarks  on  the  genera  Semnopi- 

thecus  et  Macacus.     By  B.  H.  Hodgson,  Esq 1211 

v.— General  notice   of   the  tribe  of  Kujjukzyes  (Upper   Sinde).     By  Capt. 

N.  Hart,  2nd  Regt.  Grenadiers  (Bombay  Army.)  1214 

VI. — Second  Notice  of  some  forged  coins  of  the  Bactrians  and  Indo-Scythians, 

By  Lieut.  Alexander  Cunningham,  (with  plate.) ....  1217 


Index. 


Page. 

Proceedings  of  the  Committee  ap- 
pointed  to  superintend  the  Boring 
Operations  in  Fort  William,  from 
their  commencement  in  December, 
1835,  to  their  close  in  April,  184U, 
Abstract  Report  of  the,  by  Col.  D. 
McLeod, 677 

Silk  Trade  between  Shikarpore  and 
Khorassan,  and  the  produce  of  In- 
digo in  Sinde,  Memorandum  on  the, 
By  Lieut.  J.  Postans,  Assistant 
Political  Agent,  Upper  Sinde, . . . ,  843 


Page. 

Sketch  of  the  Physical  Geography  of 
Seistan.  By  Capt.  Edward  ConoUy, 
6th  Cavalry,  710 

Vocabulary  of  the  Ho  language.  By 
Lieut.   Tickell,  ....  ....1063 

Wreck  of  the  Transport  "  Indian 
Oak,"  on  the  Loochoo  islands, 
Narrative  of  facts  attending  the. 
Communicated  from  the  Political 
Secretariat  Office,  Government  of 
India,         916 


JOURNAL 


ASIATIC    SOCIETY 


Points  in  the  History  of  the  Greeks  and  Indo- Scythian  Kings 
in  Bactria,  Cabul,  and  India,  as  illustrated  by  decyphering 
the  ancient  legends  on  their  coins.  By  Christian  Lassen, 
Bonn,  1838.1 

Character  of  the  Alphabet. 

The  rule  for  reading  the  Alphabet  is  the  Semitic_,  and  this 
fact  is  the  more  remarkable,  as  the  Indian  characters  of  the 
immediate  neighbourhood,  as  well  as  those  occurring  upon 
Greek  coins,  coeval  with  the  most  ancient  coins  on  which  the 
Cabulian  characters  occur,  have  never  assumed  this  direction 
in  all  the  varieties  which  the  Indian  alphabet  has  gone  through 
within  India  and  out  of  its  confines. 

The  arrow-headed  inscriptions  too  have  the  same  direction 
with  the  Indian,  and  though  at  least  one  variety  of  them 
does  not  express  the  a,  following  consonants,  yet  it  has  not, 
as  the  characters  of  the  coins  have,  signs  of  the  shortened 
vowels  i  and  u. 

On  the  other  hand,  there  is  evidently  in  the  legends  a  certain 
approximation  to  the  Indian  system  of  vowel-writing,  not 
especially  by  the  fact,  that  i  and  perhaps  also  u,  even  when 
short,  are  not  denoted  by  marks  on  the  consonants,  nor  by 
the  other  similarity,  that  they  are  not  represented,  even  when 
long  (with  u  however  this  is  mere  conjecture)  by  the  correspond- 
ing quiescent  semivowels  j  and  v ;  for  the  first  may  occur  in 
*  Continued  from  p.  488.  vol.  ix. 
No.  103.  New  Series,  No.  19.  4   l 


628  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  103. 

Semitic  alphabets^  the  latter  may  be  omitted  in  them,  especi- 
ally if  they  be  applied  to  a  foreign  language  ;  but  this  approxi- 
mation of  the  vowel  system  is  made  remarkable  by  the  pecu- 
liarity, that  a  is  not  treated  in  the  same  manner  with  i,  but 
is  considered  inherent  as  in  Indian  languages.  Whenever  any 
Semitic  language  expresses  the  short  vowels  by  smaller 
signs,  it  does  so  with  a  as  well  as  with  i  and  u  :  whenever  it 
denotes  the  long  vowels  by  quiescent  consonants,  similar  to 
vowels,  it  applies  for  this  purpose  ^^  as  well  as  •»  and  1.  But 
all  Indian  alphabets  represent,  as  our  coins  do.  A,  I,  U,  by 
their  own  signs  only  as  initials  to  syllables,  but  never  A,  when 
following  a  consonant,  and  the  other  vowels  only  by  abbrevia- 
tions. 

The  diphthongs,  at  least  6,  do  not  follow  the  Indian  system, 
according  to  which  ^  "^  te,  tai,  ^^  to,  as  well  as  ^  tu,  are 
written  by  abbreviated  signs,  they  do  not  follow  a  Semitic 
system  ;  but  the  diphthongs  are  placed  in  the  line  with  the  other 
letters,  and  6  has  in  the  writing  no  reference  to  u ;  e  has  it  not 
to  ee ;  while  instances  of  the  uncontracted  diphthongs  di  and  du 
are  wanting.  The  instance  of  Eukratides  can  decide  nothing  as 
to  the  system  of  orthography  peculiar  to  the  language. 

As  the  diphthongs  are  written  in  this  language,  so  were  all  the 
vowels  in  Zend  ;  but  that  language  distinguishes  between  long 
and  short  vowels,  though  the  former  are  but  amplifications  of 
the  latter. 

Now  supposing  that  the  characters  on  the  coins  were  a  Semi- 
tic alphabet  applied  to  an  Indo-Iranian  dialect,  the  shapes  of 
the  consonants,  and  the  initial  vowels,  might  be  considered  as  of 
Semitic  origin,  the  principle  for  the  medial  vowels  would  have 
been  borrowed  from  the  Indian  system  of  orthography,  while  an 
independent  principle  was  invented  for  the  diphthongs ;  and  if 
the  orthography  of  the  Zendic  language  were  likewise  of  Semitic 
origin,  the  principle  adopted  on  the  legends  for  only  6,  (and  e) 
would  have  been  extended  in  this  language  to  all  vowels. 

This  conjecture  embraces  the  postulate,  that  at  the  period 
when  the  characters  on  the  coins  were  introduced,  the  Indian 
alphabet  had  already  completed  the  system  upon  which  its  pe- 
cuUar  mode  of  representing  the  vowels  is  founded. 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Indo- Scythian  coifis,  629 

This  supposition  may^  I  think,  be  proved  correct. 

Let  us  first  of  all  dismiss  any  consideration  of  the  Semitic 
origin  of  both  alphabets,  and  look  to  the  reference  they  have  one 
to  another.  If  in  the  one,  the  system  of  vowels  be  of  Indian 
origin,  and  in  the  other  original  (and  peculiar  to  the  language,) 
as  above  supposed,  there  can  be  no  point  of  comparison.  But 
with  regard  to  the  diphthong  6,  it  is  worth  remarking,  that  ^,  6, 
has  the  form  t^  on  later  coins,  but  slightly  differing  from  0;?,  and 
hence  it  would  appear  as  if  the  Zen  die  alphabet  had  borrowed 
this  6  from  the  alphabet  on  the  coins.  This,  however,  does  not 
hold  good  with  e. 

By  comparing  the  consonants,  we  find  resemblances  perhaps 
only  between  r  and  w,  (not  v,  of  the  Zend  alphabet),  and  n,  in 
which,  however,  the  similarity  is  very  obvious,  though  we  in  fact 
are  comparing  two  extreme  points  only,  viz.  the  characters  on 
the  coins  in  th^ir  most  ancient  form,  and  the  Zendic  character 
of  wholly  modern  manuscripts.  With  other  letters  we  only 
require  a  common  medium  of  comparison  to  ascertain  their  rela- 
tion, as  for  instance  with  m,  dh,  and  others. 

I  do  not  propose  to  carry  this  comparison  further,  which  to 
afford  satisfactory  evidence,  would  require  us  to  obtain  in  the  first 
instance  the  characters  of  the  coins  in  their  latest  shapes ;  and 
would  also  necessitate  us  to  point  out  in  the  Zendic  alphabet, 
what  characters  were  subjected  to  a  change  of  shape,  to  which  the 
nasals  are  especially  liable.  Lastly,  it  would  not  be  sufficient  to 
confine  our  comparison  to  these  two  alphabets ;  all  other  alpha- 
bets must  be  similarly  considered,  which  in  a  geographical 
and  historical  point  of  view  are  included  in  the  same  circle  as 
these,  viz.  the  Pehlvi  characters  of  the  books  of  the  Parsees,  so 
intimately  connected  with  the  Zendic  character,  as  well  as  the 
various  characters  of  the  Sassanian  monuments.  All  of  them 
are  closely  connected,  first,  in  a  geographical  point  of  view,  as 
they  are  the  native  tongues  in  the  countries  west  of  the  Indus, 
and  east  of  the  Euphrates,  viz.,  in  Iran,  probably  so  called ;  and 
secondly,  in  an  historical  point  of  view,  as  they  came  into  lise  in 
the  period  intervening  between  Alexander  the  Great  and  the 
invasion  of  the  Mahomedans. 

Without    at   all    deciding    on    the    time'  when    the   Zendic 


630  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  103. 

works  were  first  composed,  it  is  certainly  evident,  that  the 
characters  of  the  coins,  appearing  before  the  dominion  of  the 
Sassanians,  were  the  most  ancient  of  the  alphabets  of  Central 
Iran. 

The  characters  on  the  coins  are  therefore  of  special  im- 
portance with  regard  to  their  relations  to  Semitic  alphabets, 
before  proposed  as  a  mere  conjecture,  and  if  we  do  consider 
that  it  was  during  the  dominion  of  the  Seleucides,  and  their 
successors,  in  use  in  Bactria  and  Parthia,  we  must  look  for 
the  model  upon  which  they  are  formed,  in  the  capitals  of  the 
Seleucidian  power,  if  their  origin  from  the  west  be  admitted. 
The  comparison  must  consequently  specially  include  all  that 
may  be  most  likely  to  afford  us  an  idea  of  the  Syrian  alphabet, 
as  it  was  in  use  under  the  Seleucides,  such  as  the  inscriptions  of 
Palmyra,  though  the  most  ancient  of  them  is  nearly  a  century 
and  a  half  later  than  the  characters  on  the  coins. 

These  conjectures  pretend  to  no  more  authority  than  is 
implied  in  them  as  mere  suggestions,  and  they  must  not  hinder 
us  from  determining  more  exactly  the  alphabet  on  the  coins  in 
a  geographical  and  chronological  point  of  view. 

Its  geographical  limits  are  connected  with  the  extent  of  the 
Greco-Bactrian  and  Indo- Scythian  power  southward  from  the 
Indian  Caucasus.  None  of  the  Greek  kings  who  reigned  in 
Bactria  only  has  made  use  of  this  alphabet  on  his  coins,  and 
even  of  those  who  have  adopted  them,  Eukratides  perhaps  alone 
possessed  territories  in  Bactria,  as  well  as  southward  from  the 
Caucasus. 

To  this  we  must  add  the  following  :  the  Kanerkis,  who,  while 
passing  towards  India,  must  have  lingered  longer  in  Bactria 
than  other  Scythians,  because  they  appropriated  to  themselves 
in  preference  Bactro-Persian  gods,  have,  like  the  Greek  purely 
Bactrian  kings,  never  adopted  this  alphabet. 

This  being  so,  we  cannot  help  supposing,  that  the  characters 
of  the  coins  were  not  indigenous  to  Bactria,  that  is  to  say, 
that  they  existed  to  the  south  only,  and  not  to  the  north  of 
the  Caucasus.* 

*  A  short  inscription,  a  word  from  Bamian,  which  Mr.  Masson  had  read 
according  to  their  alphabet,  is  quite  uncertain,  As.  T.  v.  188. 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Indo- Scythian  coins.  631 

They  are  discovered  to  the  east  in  topes,  near  Jelalabad,  and 
between  the  Indus  and  Hydaspes  m  Manikyala,  but  further 
eastward  than  this,  they  have  not  been  met  with.  We  also  do 
not  know  yet  whether  they  extend  to  Kandahar,  in  a  more 
westerly  direction.  To  the  north  of  the  Cabul  river  those  cha- 
racters are  met  with  in  Kapurdigarhi,  in  the  ancient  Peuke- 
laotis.     As.  Trans,  v.  PI.  xxviii. 

As  the  matter  therefore  rests  at  present,  we  may  assert,  that 
these  characters  were  geographically  limited  to  the  country 
about  the  Cabul  river,  and  we  will  term  the  characters  on  the 
coins  THE  Cabulian  Alphabet. 

Menandros,  or  Eukratides,  is  the  first  who  made  use  of  the 
alphabet.  That  we  may  not  pretend  to  fix  the  time  more 
exactly  than  the  facts  admit,  we  shall  assign  their  first  occur- 
rence to  the  years  180 — 1/0  (b.  c.)  It  existed  in  use,  as  has 
been  already  noticed,  till  within  the  Sassanian  era,  and  is 
therefore  coeval  with  the  character  found  further  west  on  the 
monuments  and  coins  of  the  Sassanides. 

The  latest  occurrence  of  these  characters  is  perhaps  found  in 
the  report  of  Hiuan  Thsang,  when  he  says,  that  in  Thsaokiutho 
other  characters  than  the  Indian  were  in  use ;  now  there,  in  the 
country  to  which  our  alphabet  was  indigenous,  about  the  Pan- 
jhir,  a  tributary  of  the  Cabul,  it  appears  hardly  possible  to 
allude  to  any  other  characters  than  to  these. 

But  it  was,  on  the  other  hand,  also  cotemporary  with  the 
Indian  alphabet,  which  appears  as  early  upon  the  coins  of 
Agathokles  and  Pantaleon,  and  proves  entirely  different,  both  by 
its  opposite  mode  of  writing  and  by  the  shape  of  its  characters. 
This  Indian  alphabet  occurs  immediately  before  this  date  on  the 
columns  of  Azoka  (260 — 219.  b.  c.)*  and  continues  under  the 
Indian  kings  of  the  Maurja  dynasty. f  As  now  the  empire  of 
Azoka  extended  to  the  Indian  Caucasus  (I  shall  hereafter  recur 
to  this)  and  as  it  would  appear  preposterous  that  he  should 
have  introduced  an  alphabet  foreign  to  him  upon  the  stupas 
which  he  is  said  to  have  built  there,  J   as  on  the  contrary  the 

*  Zeitschrift  fuer  die  Kunde  des  Morgenkinder,  As.  Trans,  vi.  791. 
t  As.  Trans,  vi.  678. 
I  Foe  K.  p.  395. 


632    ^  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  103. 

Cabulian  characters  on  the  coins  disappear  in  western  India^ 
together  with  the  dominion  of  the  foreigners,  the  following 
conclusions  seem  still  to  result.  First,  the  Cabulian  charac- 
ters on  the  coins  occur  in  the  Punjab,  not  because  a  native 
alphabet  was  unknown  there,  but  in  consequence  of  the  foreign 
dominion,  which  transplanted  thither  from  Cabul,  carried  on 
its  coins  along  with  it,  to  the  east,  its  peculiar  characters. 
Secondly,  it  is  doubtful,  whether  the  dominion  of  the  foreigners 
descending  from  the  Caucasus,  found  in  western  Cabulistan,  this 
alphabet  alone  in  use,  or  employed  in  common  with  an  Indian 
one.  To  us  it  appears  probable,  from  the  foregoing  remarks, 
that  these  foreigners  did  not  import  the  alphabet  with  them 
from  Bactria.  At  the  very  place  where  the  intercourse  of  trade 
brought  into  contact  the  east  and  the  west,  India  and  Iran,  it  was 
most  easily  possible  that  an  alphabet,  introduced  from  the  west, 
such  as  we  must  admit  the  alphabet  on  the  coins  on  our 
previous  investigation  to  be,  may  have  been  in  use  in  common 
with  Indian  letters,  unless  we  be  disposed  to  attribute  to  the 
Paropamisades  the  invention  of  an  alphabet  of  their  own. 
Whether  there  were  indeed  an  Indian  alphabet  there,  we  shall 
not  question  -,  the  coins  of  Agathokles  and  Pantaleon,  however, 
prove,  that  an  Indian  alphabet,  if  not  in  western  Cabulistan, 
prevailed  at  least  more  to  the  eastward ;  had  this  not  been  the 
case,  why  should  they  have  used  Indian  characters  ?  But  these 
characters  disappear  with  those  kings,  and  retreat  proportion- 
ately with  the  extension  of  the  dominion  of  Menandros  to  the 
eastward. 

I  do  not  here  extend  these  remarks,  as  the  era  and  the 
abode  of  Agathokles  and  Pantaleon  are  still  uncertain  ;  I  shall  only 
add,  that  I  can  place  them  neither  with  Mr.  Raoul-Rochette  in 
Bactria  at  the  head  of  all  those  princes,  nor  with  Mr.  K.  O 
Mueller  remove  them  to  India  Proper. 

But  the  following  fact  will  prove,  how  correct  it  is  to  con- 
sider the  characters  on  the  coins  as  foreign  to  India.  Upon  the 
ancient  Buddhist  coins,  discovered*  in  the  ruins  of  the  town 
Behat  on  the  banks  of  the  Jumna,  there  occurs  the  title  "Pil^lu 

*  As.  Trans,  iii.  227. 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Inda- Scythian  coins.  633 

MahdrdJS,  in  Cabulian  characters^  andron  the  reverse  the  same 
words  m  the  old  Indian  characters  of  the  Agathokles  coins^  and 
the  Azoka  columns.*  By  this  fact  it  is  quite  evident_,  that  the 
Cabulian  alphabet  on  the  coins  was  not  in  use  in  India  Proper, 
and  this  at  the  period  when  the  most  ancient  form  of  the 
Devanagari,  which  we  as  yet  know,  was  still  prevailing.  Those 
Buddhist  kings  whom  we  otherwise  do  not  know,  must  have 
employed  the  Cabulian  characters  only  for  the  use  of  their  sub- 
jects on  the  banks  of  the  Indus. 

It  does  not  follow  from  the  foregoing  remarks,  that  the  cha- 
racters are  not  more  ancient  than  the  coins  upon  which  they 
occur.  If  no  coins  were  previously  struck  there,  the  characters 
could  not  indeed  be  used  for  numismatic  purposes,  but  they 
would  be  in  the  transactions  of  other  business.  When  Panini 
(IV.  I.  49)  informs  us,  that  by  the  affix  ani  to  the  word  Javana, 
the  writing  peculiar  to  this  nation  Javanarii  5r^?rr«Tt  f%f^; 
^^«TT*ft  is  represented,  he  perhaps  points  at  the  Cabulian 
alphabet.  According  to  Indian  tradition,  Panini  is  placed  im- 
mediately before  Chandragupta,  (therefore  during  the  reign  of 
Alexander  the  Great)  ;  it  is  more  certain,  however,  that  his 
native  country  was  the  ancient  Gandhara,  where  he  would  be 
certainly  enabled  to  become  familiar  with  the  characters  of  the 
Javanas  of  that  country. 

I  have  taken  it  for  granted  in  the  course  of  the  preceding 
remarks,  that  the  Indians  were  already  possessed  of  an  alphabet 
of  their  own,  at  the  period  when  the  Greek  kings  first  extended 
their  dominion  to  the  south  of  the  Caucasus;  some  of  my  inferen- 
ces are  mainly  founded  upon  this  view. 

*  I  owe  this  important  fact  to  communications  Mr.  Prinsep  made  me 
by  letter.  The  proper  names  are  not  yet  read,  as  far  as  I  know,  upon 
the  coins  of  this  kind,  with  duplicate  legends  ;  those  that  are  read,  are  only 
in  old  Indian  characters  and  Indian.  As.  Trans.  VI.  464.  As  those  others 
are  ancient,  I  presume,  that  on  these  very  coins,  monuments  of  the  dynasty 
of  the  Buddhist  Khanishka  will  be  brought  to  light ;  for  he  must  have 
reigned  a  short  time  before  or  after  the  commencement  of  our  era ;  he 
ruled  Gandhara,  Kazmira,  and  the  country  Keenaputi  500  hs  to  the  eastward 
fi*om  VipazEl,  (Foe  K.  p.  381).  This  lies  in  the  nearest  neighbourhood 
of  Behat,  and  the  use  of  the  two-fold  characters  for  the  same  language  is 
exactly  suited  to  these  countries. 


634  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.   103. 

But  now  I  perceive,  that  an  erudite  person  whose  views  must 
be  of  great  weight  with  all  those  that  have  occupied  themselves 
with  his  writings,  draws  from  the  newest  inquiries  into  Indian 
coins,  the  conclusion,  that  the  Indian  alphabet  is  derived  from 
the  Grecian. 

Mr.  Prinsep  in  decyphering  these  Indian  characters,  written 
in  a  peculiar  manner  on  the  coins  of  Saurashtra,  asserted,  that 
the  more  ancient  the  Nagari,  the  more  similar  become  the  cha- 
racters to  the  Grecian  ones.  Upon  this  he  had  grounded  the 
conclusion,*  that  the  most  ancient  Greek  characters  are  but  the 
Indian  turned  upside  down. 

Mr.  Mueller,  who  did  not  of  course  require  proof  of  the  inva- 
lidity of  this  view,  takes  the  converse  of  the  assertion. f  ^^  If,'' 
says  he,  ^^  the  relation  of  the  ancient  Nagari  to  the  Greek  alphabet 
is  closer  than  can  be  explained  by  the  common  derivation  of  both 
from  Phoenician  language,  we  are  forced  into  the  conclusion, 
that  the  Greeks  introduced  this  alphabet  to  the  Indians,  and  that 
in  consequence,  the  heaven-born  alphabet  of  the  Brahmins  is  not 
older  than  Alexander." 

Now  this  is  no  casual  remark,  such  as  sometimes  occurs  in 
a  journal,  and  which  we  may  put  aside  without  notice,  but 
it  is,  if  not  a  view  deliberately  considered,  still  an  opinion 
positively  pronounced  and  hopefully  cherished.  He  says  (p. 
249,)  ^^  We  must,  however,  confess  that  our  hopes  as  to  the 
historical  connexion  between  Indian  and  Grecian  civilization, 
go  far  beyond  this  fact,'^  (that  the  Indians  have  borrowed 
their  shapes  of  coins  from  the  Indo- Scythians)  ^^  and  extend 
over  the  whole  history  of  art  and  letters.'^ 

It  is  therefore  a  favourite  opinion  of  this  celebrated  scholar, 
the  correctness  or  incorrectness  of  which  must  be  of  vital  im- 
portance in  Indian  antiquities.  For  if  the  Indians  had  no  alpha- 
bet before  Alexander,  all  the  writings  that  we  have  hitherto 
considered  the  subject  matter  of  as  genuine  sources  for  the 
knowledge  of  India  from  the  most  ancient  days,  were  penned 
after  Alexander's  time,  or  more  correctly  speaking,   after  the 

*  As.  Trans.  VI.  p.  390. 
t  Goett.  Gel.  Anz.  at  other  places,  p.  252. 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Indo-Scythian  coins,  635 

establishment  of  the  dominion  of  the  Bactrian  kings  in  Cabul 
and  on  the  Indus^  as  no  sound  critic  can  assign  such  an  influ- 
ence as  consequent  on  Alexander's  momentary  sojourn  in  India. 

Bayer  had  discovered  from  some  Indian  words^  communicated 
to  him^  that  a  striking  similarity  obtained  between  the  Greek 
and  Indian  numerals ;  hence  he  concluded,  that  the  Indians  had 
borrowed  these  words  from  the  Greeks.  The  affinity  was  in- 
geniously discovered,  while  the  inference  not  too  bold,  as  he  at  the 
same  time  admitted,  that  the  Indians  possessed  other  and  more 
ancient  native  numerals ;  none,  however,  will  probably  in  our  days 
earnestly  undertake  to  refute  Bayer's  opinion  3  but  in  his  time 
he  could  hardly  draw  any  other  conclusion  from  the  reports  at 
his  disposal. 

Mr.  Mueller's  conclusion,  however,  appears  to  me  much  bolder, 
and  whatever  species  of  criticism  he  may  meet  with  from  others, 
I  for  my  part  shall  refute  him  in  good  earnest. 

Supposing,  there  exists  in  very  deed  a  similarity  between  the 
Greek  and  the  Indian  characters  on  the  Saurashtra  coins,  as  Mr. 
Prinsep  has  maintained;  granting  also,  that  they  were  imitated 
after  Parthian  and  Indo- Scythian  models,  it  will  be  asked,  what 
inference  can  be  hence  derived?  Certainly  only  this,  that  the 
characters  on  those  coins  are  of  Greek  origin.  Mr.  Mueller* 
places  a  date  to  these  coins,  subsequent  to  the  first  century  of 
our  era;  the  age  of  the  Indian  alphabet  cannot  therefore  be 
traced  with  certainty  prior  to  this  period. 

Whether  this  similarity  do  exist,  or  not,  is  here  wholly 
beside  the  question ;  I  think  it  fallacious,  but  I  shall  here  drop 
the  subject. 

Mr.  Mueller  will  have  it  for  granted,  that  the  older  the 
Indian  characters  are,  according  to  his  conjecture,  the  closer 
must  be  their  similarity  with  the  Greek. 

Now  he  assigns  himself  the  coins  of  Agathokles  and  Pantaleou 
to  the  year  200 — 160  b.  c.  Their  coins,  having  exactly  the  same 
alphabet  as  employed  but  a  short  time  before  on  Indian  monu- 
ments, was  undoubtedly  the  form,  then  adopted,  of  Brahminical 
Debnagari.      This  character  has  been  now  decyphered  with  full 

*  p.  248. 

4    M 


636  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  103. 

authenticity  by  Mr.  Prinsep,  as  is  the  most  ancient  from  the 
Indian  characters  hitherto  discovered. 

I  shall  here  copy  this  alphabet,  (and  ask),  whether  the  hopes, 
above  alluded  to,  of  tracing  the  sources  of  the  Indian  alphabet 
to  the  Greek,  are  likely  to  be  much  favoured  by  this  discovery? 
I  must  strongly  doubt  it. 

H  a  :•  i  L  u  f  ri  >  e  +  k  T  kh  A  g 
d  k'  (fc  k'h  £  g'  C  t'  0  t'h  f*  d'  d  d'h 
A  t  0  t'h  :>  d  D  d'  1  n  b  p  b  p'h  D  b 
rfb'h8mJl;j      Ir-JlivrOslrh 

It  may  be  added,  that  this  alphabet  had  already  the  junctions 
of  consonants,  and  the  representative  marks  for  shortened  vowels, 
such  as  we  find  them  to  this  day  in  the  Indian  orthography. 

To  prove  the  desired  derivation  of  the  Indian  alphabet  from 
the  Greek,  it  will  be  necessary  to  point  out,  as  existing  be- 
tween the  era  of  Alexander  the  Great,  and  the  grandson  of 
Chandragupta,  Azoka,  a  form  of  Indian  characters,  marking  the 
progress  of  transition  from  the  Greek  alphabet  to  the  Indian, 
above  exhibited.  Till  this  has  been  effected,  we  may  be  allowed 
to  keep  in  store  (as  reserve  artillery),  the  remaining  arguments 
in  favour  of  the  originality  of  the  Indian  alphabet,  which  are  to 
be  discovered  in  the  grammatical  system,  in  the  history  of  the 
language,  in  the  substance  of  the  inscriptions,  and,  lastly,  in 
the  reports  of  Megasthenes  and  Nearchos. 

The  time  has  been,  when  every  invention  of  the  human  mind 
must  have  passed  from  the  East  into  Greece;  but  the  philologists 
of  classic  antiquity  would  like  to  establish  the  converse  of  this 
view  on  every  subject.  The  hope  of  advancing  science  is  most 
laudable,  but  most  fallacious,  if  cherished  for  a  favourite  system, 
since  it  impedes  the  judgment  in  forming  clear  and  impartial 
conclusions.  How  otherwise  could  a  man  of  so  clear  a  mind, 
as  is  Mr.  Mueller,  fail  to  perceive,  that  he  clung  to  a  predilec- 
tion, while  neglecting  the  most  important  facts  ? 

It  seems  to  me,  I  confess,  a  pleasant  accident,  that  this  latest 
effort  at  Indian  conquest,  made  by  Greek  philology,  may  be 


1 840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Indo- Scythian  coins,  637 

refuted   by   the   mere  agency  of  a  petty   monument  of  Gre- 
cian art. 

§  13. 

TTie  Language, 

That  the  language  of  the  legends  in  the  Cabulian  character 
belongs  to  the  widely  extended  family  of  the  Arian  languages, 
is  so  evident  from  the  foregoing  disquisition,  as  to  render  it 
unnecessary  to  dilate  on  the  subject;  a  few  words  only  on  the 
latest  coins  of  the  Kadphises  dynasty,  constitute  the  only 
exception  to  this  fact. 

The  language  on  the  coins  also  remains  at  all  periods  un- 
altered; in  the  word  tdddro  alone  is  an  alteration  affected  to 
dhddhdro,  giving  evidence  of  a  later  variety  in  pronunciation. 

I  do  not  include  in  this  assertion  the  language  of  the 
Kanerki-coins ;  they  refer  to  another  dialect,  on  the  position 
of  which,  as  to  local  use,  a  conjecture  can  only  be  formed  here- 
after. From  the  discussions,  as  to  the  country  to  which  this 
alphabet  was  indigenous,  the  natural  inference  ensues,  that 
the  language,  expressed  in  these  letters,  may  be  assigned  to  the 
same  country;  -all  peculiarities  hitherto  discovered,  as  to  the 
system  of  sounds  in  the  language,  tend  to  the  same  conclusion. 

The  language  is  not  Zend,  for  this  does  not  absorb  the 
consonants ;  the  Zend  has  puthra,  not  putta,  and  retains  even 
on  the  Kanerki-coins,  athro,  mithro,  ardethro ;  the  language 
of  the  coins,  on  the  contrary,  reads,  Minadho,  Eikatidd ;  Zend 
again  retains  n  before  t,  but  not  the  language  on  the  coins; 
Zend  does  not  exclusively  express  its  nominative  in  the  ter- 
mination 6,  and  it  alters  an  Indian  H  into  Z,  while  the 
language  of  the  coins  has  mahato.  Zend  has  no  L,  while 
with  our  language  it  is  a  favourite  letter,  as  for  instance,  prati 
becomes  pati,  and  even  pali,  A  Zendic,  or  more  correctly 
speaking,  an  Iranian  affinity,  appears  only  in  the  substitution 
of  k  (i.  e.,  q  or  kv)  for  sp  identical  with  sv.  This  fact,  and 
the  correspondence  with  the  old  Persian  in  omitting  the  nasal 
before  dentals,  are  the  only  peculiarities  which  refer  to  Iran. 

Other  facts  have  been  noticed,  with  regard  to  the  language, 
as  common  to  the  Indian  dialects  of  Pracrit,  viz.  the  absorption 


638  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  103. 

of  consonants_,  the  alteration  of  hard  into  soft  roots,  and  the 
1  for  t.  The  word  Dharma  has  a  decided  relation  to  India,, 
being  all  a  doctrinal  term,  which  cannot  be  declared  as  such 
with  reference  to  Iran ;  again,  rdjan  for  kinff,  and  gaja  for 
victory ;  tdddro  too  is  also  Indian, — ^though  we  will  not  deny  its 
also  belonging  to  Zend.  These  indications  lead  us  to  a  country, 
immediately  bordering  upon  India,  and  the  language  of  which, 
though  not  entirely  Indian,  and  rather  forming  a  transitional' 
dialect  in  some  respects  between  the  Indian  and  Iranian  lan- 
guages, still  did  not  very  materially  differ  from  an  Indian 
dialect ;  in  saying  which,  I  allude  to  the  language  in  daily  use 
with  the  common  people,  and  not  to  Sanscrit,  which  was  then 
already,  in  all  probability,  the  language  of  the  learned  castes, 
and  of  the  great.  The  existence  of  the  dialects  of  Pra- 
crit,  as  in  common  use  with  the  people,  is  ascertained  by  their 
occurrence  on  the  Buddhist  monuments  of  this  time ;  the  Pra- 
crit,  or  what  eventually  is  the  same,  the  Pali,  could  not  have 
been  raised  by  the  Buddhists  to  the  dignity  of  a  religious 
language,  unless  it  had  existed  aforetime  among  the  people. 
Now  as  about  the  period  of  the  first  of  the  Greco-Indian  kings, 
Pracrit  was  used  on  monuments  in  India  itself,  at  least  by  the 
Buddhists,  there  is  no  occasion  for  wonder,  if  we  meet  with 
a  popular  dialect  in  Cabulistan,  especially  on  coins :  the  San-- 
scrit  would  have  only  been  in  use  there  under  a  Brahminical 
influence. 

The  country  of  the  language  on  the  coins  may  therefore  with 
certainty,  I  think,  be  looked  for  westerly  from  the  Indus,  and 
to  the  south  of  the  Indian  Caucasus;  but  it  is  very  difficult  to 
define  its  limit  more  exactly;  for  though  we  have  already 
proved,  that  the  influence  of  Indian  dialects  extends  to  the 
westward  of  the  Indus,  even  to  the  Cabul  river  beyond  Jelala- 
bad,  still  it  does  hence  not  follow,  that  to  the  country  west  of 
that,  the  same  language  existed.  It  is  true,  we  found  also,  that 
the  Paropamisades  were  represented  as  being  Indians,  and  a 
later  notice  extends  the  term  Indian  even  to  Arachosia  ;*  but  re- 
ports of  only  a  little  later  date,  have  limited  the  hifluence  of  the 

*  Isidor,  Charac.  with  Huds.  p.  S. 


1840.]  from  Bacirian  and  Indo- Scythian  coins.  639 

Indian  language  to  a  point  beyond  Jelalabad.  To  arrive  at  a  con- 
clusion, would  involve  the  necessity  of  acquaintance  with  the 
more  minute  peculiarities  of  those  languages  in  their  ancient 
condition. 

Again_,  the  existing  relics  of  the  ancient  languages  in  these 
countries,  admit  the  inference  of  no  deduction.  The  Deggani  lan- 
guage in  Lamghan,  as  well  as  the  spoken  language  of  Kaferis- 
tan,  may  still  be  recognised  as  remnants  of  old  Indian  dialects, 
but  we  do  not  know  them  so  well,  as  to  be  able  to  make  use  of 
them  here.  The  language  of  the  remaining  ancient  races  of 
western  Cabulistan,  the  Kohistan  of  the  present  day,  is  entirely 
unknown.  We  can  therefore  only  say  generally,  that  in  one  of 
those  dialects  the  remnants  of  the  ancient  Cabulian  language 
must  exist,  the  oldest  traces  of  which  occur  on  the  coins,  but 
without  being  able  to  decide  ourselves  in  favour  of  any  particular 
dialect  among  them,  as  being  the  receptacle  of  those  remains. 
I  indeed  know,  that  some  have  pretended  to  recognise  the 
Afghans  in  eastern  Cabul,  even  as  early  as  Alexander's  time ; 
not  so  Mr.  Elphinstone,*  who  rather  proves  their  immigration 
into  Cabul  at  a  much  later  period;  this  conjecture  has  originated 
with  Professor  Wilken,  who  thinks,  he  recognises  the  Afghans 
in  the  Assakanes.f  If  these  were  indeed  Afghans,  the  Afghan 
language  would  have  been  spoken  throughout  Cabul,  and  the 
language  of  the  coins  must  be  the  sources  of  the  Pushtoo. 
Without  observing,  that  neither  ancient  authorities  nor  modern 
Afghan  history,  admit  or  require  this  supposition,  the  correct 
assertion  of  the  learned  academician  himself,  that  the  Afghans 
belonged  to  the  Medo-Persic  tribe,  is  at  variance  wath  it ;  the 
Assakanes  inhabited  a  country,  where  even  in  the  7th  century 
A.  D.,  an  Indian  language  was  spoken.  The  language  of  the 
Afghans,  moreover,  shows  an  evident  difference  from  the  lan- 
guage on  the  coins ;  as,  for  instance,  it  substitutes  like  Zend, 
z  for  the  Indian  h,  zumy,  winter,  for  himay  and  this  z  is  altered 
in  the  western  Afghan  dialect  into  gh^  urighu  (rice)  for  urizu, 
for  vrihi.X 

*  Account,  &c.  II,  10.  33.  44.  50.  56.  &c. 
t  Abhandlg.  der  Berl.  Acad.  1818-19  p.  261. 
\  '  Ojou^tt  has  been  introduced  through  Persian  into  Grecian  language. 


640  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  103. 

Though  I  cannot  therefore  discover  the  Afghans  on  the  Indian 
frontier  at  so  early  a  period^  yet  I  willingly  allow^  that  the  ori- 
ginal seats  of  the  Afghans^  may  have  had  a  situation  sufficiently 
near  Cabul.  On  this  supposition^  it  would  by  no  means  be  sur- 
prising^ if  their  language  were  not  a  purely  Iranian  dialect,  but 
rather  like  that  on  the  coins,  forming  the  transitional  dialect 
between  the  Iranian  and  the  Indian,  but  approaching  (in  point 
of  locality),  the  west,  with  a  prevailing  affinity  to  Iranian  pecu- 
liarities. I  dare,  however,  not  indulge  myself  by  pursuing 
this  interesting  investigation. 

§  14. 

The  Kings.     Classes  of  coins,  and  places  of  their  discovery. 

There  is  much  more  difficulty  in  obtaining  for  the  seat  of  the 
different  empires,  established  by  the  coins,  and  for  the  series  of 
their  kings,  even  that  degree  of  probability,  which  we  have,  I  think, 
succeeded  in  arriving  at  for  both  the  language  and  alphabet. 

It  will  here  be  necessary,  first  to  have  before  us  the  materials 
to  be  arranged ;  I  shall  accordingly  enumerate  the  names  of  the 
kings  according  to  the  coins,  adding  the  facts,  which  hence 
result,  as  regard  the  aera,  the  succession,  or  any  remarkable  cir- 
cumstance with  respect  to  each  of  those  kings.  I  have  invari- 
ably noted  the  places,  where  the  coins  have  been  discovered,  if  it 
appeared  to  be  instrumental  in  determining  the  native  country 
of  the  kings.  The  classes  I  have  adopted,  are  founded  on  the 
language  and  alphabet,  and  their  sub-divisions  upon  the  numis- 
matic inquiries  of  Mr.  Raoul-Rochette,  and  upon  the  titles  of 
the  kings. 

Concerning  this  catalogue,  I  must  premise,  that  it  has  been 
only  made  with  a  view  to  facilitate  succeeding  investigations, 
and  that  it  does  not  pretend  to  giving  a  numismatic  description. 


I.     Coins  with  merely  Greek  characters. 
§  1.     Greek  characters,  and  purely  Greek  names  and  titles, 
Euthy  demos.     Head  with  diadem;  on  the  reverse  Hercules, 
either  standing  with  the  club  raised  in  his  left  hand,  the  lion's 
skin  over  the  arm,  and  in  the  right  hand  a  crown,  or  else  a  com- 
mon Hercules,  seated,  leaning  on  his  left  hand,  in  the  right  the 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Indo-Scythian  coins,  641 

club  placed  on  a  rock.*  The  coins  presenting  Hercules  in  a 
standing  position,,  exhibit  the  youthful  head  of  the  king,  which 
indeed  differs  from  the  head  of  Euthydemos,  as  ordinarily  re- 
presented, and  rather  resembles  that  of  Agathokles  ;  hence  Mr. 
Raoul-Rochette's  conjecture,  that  Euthydemos  may  have  suc- 
ceeded Agathokles,  and  may  at  first  have  retained  on  his  coins 
the  portrait  of  his  predecessor,  f  The  resemblance  with  that 
king,  however,  appears  not  striking  enough,  and  the  connexion 
between  both  of  them  could  be  only  admitted  in  the  reversed 
succession.  Lastly,  a  coin  has  been  discovered,  the  reverse  of 
which  represents  a  horse  without  trapping,  and  galloping  ',X  one 
legend  occurs  invariably.  BA2IAEQ2  EYGYAHMOY.  Bronze 
coins  with  an  Apollo,  crowned  with  laurel,  and  the  reverse  with 
the  tripod.  R.  R.  II.  60.  J.  d.  S.  p.  387. 

We  may  get  some  single  specimens  of  these  coins,  which 
are  distinguished  for  their  beauty,  from  the  south  of  the 
Caucasus ;  but  they  come  in  course  of  trade  from  Balkh ; 
there  occur  too  in  Bokhara  many  coins  of  Euthedemos,  bar- 
barously executed,  with  an  almost  illegible  legend,  which  some- 
time eluded  all  attempts  at  reading  it.§  These  latter  are 
imitations,  originating  with  the  Scythians  of  the  north,  whom 
we  cannot  call  Indo-Scythians,  as  they  had  not  arrived  yet 
in  India. 

DemetrioSy  son  of  Euthydemos,  a  fact  confirmed  by  the  coins.  || 
Beardless,  diademed  head  j  reverse,  helmeted  Minerva,  stand- 
ing, with  a  long  tunic,  and  a  shorter  one  over  it,  the  left  hand 
leaning  on  the  shield ;  in  the  right  a  spear.  Another  reverse 
with  Hercules  standing,  either  similar  to  the  coins  of  the  father,l[ 
or  crowning  himself  with  his  right  hand ;  and  the  head  of  the 
king,  elegantly  adorned  with  the  trunk  and  tusks  of  an  ele- 
phant. This  latter  emblem,  evidently  refers  to  his  Indian  con- 
quests. Mr.  Raoul-Rochette  infers  from  the  similarity  of  the 
other  type  with  that  on  the  coins  of  the  Eukratides,  that  these 

*  R.  R.  J.  des  Sav.  p.  328.  p.  386.  I.  p.  7.  A.  T.  IV.  pi.  XXV.  No.   1.  V. 
pi.  XLVl.  No.  3.  t  I.  8. 

X  As.  T.  V.  pi.  XLVI.  No.  4.  §  R.  R.  I.  3.  II.  12. 

II  R.  R.  J.  des  Sav.  p.  330.  1.  p.  3.  II.  17. 
H  R.  R.  I.  p.  7.  &c.   II.  p.  16. 


642  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  103. 

coins  of  Demetrios  were  struck,  while  he  was  unexpelled  as  yet 
from  Bactria  by  Eukratides,  and  infers,  that  Demetrios  had  there- 
fore also  reigned  in  Bactria,  though  but  for  a  short  tim^.*  That 
he  laid  claims  to  Bactria,  is  certain  enough.  These  coins  are 
likewise  of  superior  workmanship,  and  in  most  elegant  taste. 
Legend  BASIAEQS  AHMHTPIOY.  The  coins  are  rare,  and 
have  been  partly  transmitted  to  us  through  India,  partly 
through  Bokhara.  Their  proper  place  of  discovery  is  perhaps 
not  yet  exhausted  (discovered  ?)  On  this  hereafter.  Mr.  Mion- 
net  (viii.  473)  pretends  to  infer  from  these  coins  the  existence 
of  two  Demetrii;  till  this  new  fact  in  history  is  more  surely 
proved,  we  may  be  allowed  to  treat  this  second  Demetrios  as 
^^  a  king  of  shadows  .^^ 

Heliokles. — Known  only  by  his  coins,  and  first  embodied 
in  the  series  of  Bactrian  kings  by  Mionnet,  then  by  Visconti.f 
Mionnet  asserted,  that  he  was  the  son  of  (or  of  an)  Eukratides, 
while  Mr.  R.  R.  thinks  him  his  predecessor.]:  A  specimen 
has  been  brought  from  the  city  of  Cabul  by  Mr.  Honigberger,§ 
Type ;  Jupiter  standing,  with  the  thunderbolt,  and  the  legend 
HAI0KAE0Y2  BA2IAEQ2  AIKAIOY.  On  account  of 
the  epithet  {just,)  Mr.  R.  R.  puts  Heliokles  in  connexion  with 
other  kings,  who  likewise  style  themselves  just,\\  as  the  founder 
of  a  separate  branch ;  but  Lysias,  whom  he  had  in  mind,  in 
forming  his  opinion,  is  a  Spalyrios,  and  of  the  other  Grecian 
kings,  only  one  has  the  same  epithet,  viz.  Archelios,  a  later 
discovery,  he  has  indeed  as  well  the  Jupiter  type,  but  he  in 
addition  calls  himself  NIKH<1>0P02,  and  has  a  native  legend. 
A  copper  coin  of  Heliokles,  the  first  specimen  of  this  kind, 
has  been  discovered  of  late  in  the  Punjab,  (As.  Trans.  Vol.  vi. 
987^)  it  is  not  stated,  whether  with  a  native  legend  or  not. 
I  may  be  hereafter  allowed  to  propose  a  conjecture  on  historic 
grounds  concerning  his  era. 

Eukratides.  Mr.  Raoul-Rochette^  distributes  the  coins  bear- 
ing this  name,  between  two  Eukratides,  father  and  son,  on 
the   precedent   of  Bayer,  who  maintained,   that   some   things 

*  I.  p.  10.  As.  T.  IV.  pi.  XXV.  No.  2. 
t   R.  R.  J.  des  Sav.  1834.  p.  329.  %  R.  R.  I.  p.  34.  II.  p.  26. 

§  R.  R.  I.  3.  II  I.  p.  26.  t  T.  der  Sav.  p.  387. 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Indo-Scythian  coins.  643 

were  mentioned  of  Eukratides,  not  in  correspondence  with 
the  victorious  king  of  this  name;  hence  he  concluded^  the 
name  of  his  son^  successor,  and  murderer_,  was  the  same.* 
But  that  the  son  and  parricide  did  bear  the  same  name,  is 
not  conclusively  established  by  authorities  (of  which  hereaf- 
ter); while  Mr.  Muellerf  objects  to  this  view  from  the  very 
reason,  that,  according  to  the  arrangement  of  M.  R.  R.,  this 
very  Eukratides,  known  to  us  as  a  parricide,  was  called  ^^the 
Great.^^  There  occur  indeed  two  specimens,  one  of  which  has 
also  native  legends.  I  here  describe  the  purely  Greek  one  alone, 
postponing  my  own  view  for  the  historic  examination. 

Diademed  head  of  the  king;  reverse,  a  naked  Apollo  crowned 
with  laurel,  standing  with  one  hand  leaning  on  a  bow,  in  the 
other  an  arrow.  Legend  BASI AEQ2  EYKPATIA0Y4  This 
type  never  has  a  native  legend.  On  other  coins  a  head  of 
Apollo  with  a  laurel  wreath ;  on  the  reverse,  a  horse  with  the 
same  legend  in  Greek  alone. § 

The  coins  with  the  Dioscuri  on  horseback,  with  the  title  of 
'^  Great  King,^^  and  which  are  partly  of  purely  Greek  and 
some  with  a  native  legend,  are  assigned  to  Eukratides  11. 

This  type  of  the  Dioscuri,  however,  likewise  occurs  with 
the  simple  Greek  legend,  BA2IAEQ2  EYKPATIAOY,||  and 
without  the  native  character,  which  only  appears,  when  the  Greek 
has  the  word  MEFAAOY.  The  Dioscuri  on  horseback  have 
sometimes  a  helmeted,  and  sometimes  a  diademed  head  of  the 
king;  those  with  the  caps  of  the  Dioscuri  only  a  diademed  head, 
with  the  title  either  simple,  or  at  length.^ 

It  is  evident,  that  neither  the  difference  between  ^^  king"  and 
^^  Great  King,^^  nor  the  native  legend,  affords  any  criterion  for 
assigning  the  type  of  the  Dioscuri  to  the  son.  There  remains 
the  difference  in  the  features  of  the  king,  which  may  be  laid  to 
a  difference  in  age.  On  the  native  legend  we  shall  remark 
hereafter. 


*  p.  95.  t  p.  205 

:  J.  des  Sav.  p.  386,  I.  No.  5. 

§  R.  R.  II.  60.  II  A.  T.  IV.  pi.  XXV.  No.  6.  7. 

f  A.  T.  V.  pi.  XLvi.  No.  10.  No.  li., 

4n 


644  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  103. 

Masson  found  107  coins  of  Eukratides  in  Beghram,  he  does 
not,  however,  distinguish  them  according  to  the  types.* 

There  occur  also  coins  of  Agathokles,  with  a  purely  Greek 
legend ;  but  as  nobody  would  adopt  the  idea  of  two  Agathokles, 
we  shall  postpone  the  investigation  of  this  point. 
§  2.     Purely  Grecian  characters,  the  kings  not  Greek,  having, 
however,  no  barbarian  titles. 

The  following  coins  present  a  singular  phenomenon.  Mr.  Mas- 
son  discovered  at  Beghram_,t  in  the  space  of  three  years  two  hun- 
dred and  fifty-seven  specimens  of  a  coin  with  the  legend 
BA2IA2EY2:  BA2IAEQN  2QTHPMErA2,  but  without  a 
proper  name.  The  Greek  legend  being  sometimes  corrupted, 
we  observe  either  BAEIAEY  or  BASIAEYON.:]:  Bags  full  of 
these  may  be  had  in  Affghanistan,  and  in  the  Punjab.  The  simi- 
lar coins  with  a  native  legend,  never  have  the  bust  of  the  nameless 
king.  Mr.  Raoul-Rochette  describes  them  in  this  manner  : 
"  Bust  of  a  king,  the  head  encircled  by  a  diadem  and  a  nimbus  ; 
with  his  left  hand  holding  an  iron  spear  ;  no  legend.  Reverse, 
a  man  on  horseback  with  the  Greek  legend,  above  mentioned. 
The  head  of  the  bust  helmeted,  occurs  too  as  a  variety.'^§ 

The  large  number  of  these  coins  proves  that  this  king  posses- 
sed an  ample  empire,  and  did  not  reign  for  a  short  time ;  he  must 
have  governed  Cabul,  and  a  part  of  the  Punjab.  The  corrupt 
Greek  suggests  an  era,  more  recent  than  that  of  many  other 
Indo-Scythian  coins.  The  title  awrrip  seems  to  connect  him  to 
the  Greek  Soter  family,  which  may  have  concluded  with  Hermaios. 
This  is  the  remark  of  Mr.  Mueller,  and  I  am  only  prevented 
from  adopting  it,  because  the  Kadaphes  coins  are  apparently 
still  nearer  related  to  one  or  the  other  Hermaios,  and  all  the 
other  Soters  have  likewise  native  legends.  M.  Raoul-Rochette|| 
accounts  for  the  want  of  the  name  by  (the  supposed  existence 
of)  an  agreement,  with  regard  to  the  currency,  to  the  effect,  that 
in  order  to  put  the  coins  into  common  circulation  in  neighbour- 
ing states,  the  name  of  none  of  the  kings  of  those  states  was 

*  A.  T.  V.  p.  547.  t  A,  T.  V.  p.  547. 

t  R.  R.  I.  p.  26.  As.  T.  IV.  345. 
§  R.  R.  I.  No.  17.  No.  18.  No.  19.  As.  T.  IV.  pi.  xxni.  No.  26  (Among 
the  Azes'  coins.)  \\  II.  38. 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Indo' Scythian  coins.  645 

used  on  the  coins.  The  nameless  king^  however^  appears  to 
have  been  too  powerful  to  acquiesce  in  such  a  stipulation.  Ac- 
cording to  Mr.  Mueller^  his  name,  on  account  of  its  dissonance, 
could  not  be  well  expressed  in  Greek.  People,  however,  who 
were  not  offended  at  the  nominative  /BaciAev,  or  the  genitive 
^aaik^vtJVy  would  not  have  hesitated  at  obtruding  a  name  as 
barbarian  as  possible,  on  the  Greek  letters,  and  if  the  attempt 
were  unsuccessful  in  Greek,  why  was  not  given  recourse  to 
native  letters  ? 

I  cannot  explain,  why  there  is  no  name;  but  from  the  use  of 
Greek  characters  alone,  it  becomes  probable,  that  the  Soter  be- 
longed to  a  certain  Scythian  horde,  which  had  for  some  time  their 
abode  in  a  country,  where  purely  Greek,  and  not  native  charac- 
ters, were  adopted  for  the  coins.  The  nameless  king,  who  per- 
haps first  settled  his  horde  in  Cabul  and  about  the  Indus, 
perhaps  adhered  at  first  to  the  established  custom  by  not 
adopting  native  characters  on  his  coins.  At  an  after  period, 
however,  he  perhaps  used  them ;  if  indeed  the  coins  with  native 
legends,  which  M.  Mionnet  assigns  him,  be  really  his.* 

There  exist  besides,  coins  of  some  other  Indo-Scythian  kings, 
with  regard  to  which  it  is  doubtful  whether  they  have  native  or 
purely  Greek  legends.  They  bear  the  title  '^  King  of  Kings,^' 
and  some  of  them  have  a  horse,  others  an  elephant,  and  they 
reigned  therefore  partly  in  Bactria,  partly  in  India.  As  the 
names  are  illegible,  we  shall  here  only  refer  to  the  engravings 
and  descriptions  of  these  coins  ;  for  we  must  at  first  leave  even 
this  undecided,  to  which  of  these  kings  the  native  legends  belong, 
and  whether  we  have  to  adopt  a  separate  series  of  Indo-Scythian 
kings,  who  admitted  purely  Greek  letters  and  titles,  whilst 
the  Kanerki  dynasty  adhered  to  Greek  characters  to  express 
barbarian  words.  If  the  assertion,  that  to  the  north  of  the 
Caucasus  the  characters  on  the  coins  were  not  used,  be  well 
founded,  we  might  presume,  that  those  Indo-Scythian  kings  held 
fixed  dominion  in  Bactria  alone.  Now  those  coins  yield  no  other 
historical  result,  than  that  the  Indo-Scythians  were  divided  into 

♦  VIII.  p.  505.  pi.  X.  No.  85. 


646  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  103. 

a  number  of  dynasties,  and  that  we  are  far  from  knowing  the 
whole  series  of  their  names.* 

Lastly,  we  have  yet  to  mention  here  the  king  Mayes. 

Type  a  Caduceus  ;  legend  BA2IAEQ2  MAYOY.  Reverse, 
the  head  of  an  elephant  from  which  a  bell  hangs,  of  beauti- 
ful Grecian  workmanship  and  with  good  Greek  characters ; 
according  to  M.  R.  R.,  contemporary  with  Menandros  and 
ApoUodotos,  as  the  same  head  of  an  elephant  occurs  on  their 
coins  ;.  his  conjecture,  that  the  name  may  be  a  variety  of 
ApoUodotos,  has  hardly  any  support  whatever. f  Mr.  Mueller 
thinks  these  large  copper  coins  to  be  the  most  ancient  monuments 
of  the  Indo- Scythian  dominion  in  India.  J  The  elephant  alludes 
indeed  to  a  campaign  against  India.  Being  taken  from  the  col- 
lections of  the  Generals  Ventura  and  AUard,  they  refer  to  the 
Punjab.  M.  Mionnet  ascribes  to  Mayes,  moreover,  a  native 
legend,  which  consists  of  two  signs. — This  legend  as  given  by 
Mr.  Prinsep,  is  scarcely  to  be  taken  as  letters ;  M.  R.  R.  has 
not  noted  it  at  all ;  the  pretended  legend  stands  besides  between 
^aaikkfjjq  and  Mauov ;  the  name  must  have  been  expressed  by 
Tau,  which  does  not  appear  with  Mr.  Mionnet.  How  then 
has  this  king  used  a  native  legend  ?  As  respects  this  king 
also,  I  must  leave  it  to  numismaticians  to  make  a  historical 
application. 

§  3.  Pure  Greek  characters  ;  barbarian  names  and  words, 
Kodes.  Small  silver  coins.  A  head,  the  hair  wreathed  with 
fillets,  and  descending  to  the  neck ;  it  would  appear,  that  the 
face  is  different  (on  different  specimens)  ;  one  has  mustachoes,  but 
all  of  them  have  suffered  much.  Legend,  KQAOY,  complete  on 
but  one  coin.§    Reverse,  a  figure  standing,  the  right  hand  lean- 

*  As.  Trans,  v.  pi.  xxxv.  No.  4,  iv.  pi.  xxi.  No.  12.  No.  13.  No.  14.  Then 
iv.  pi.  xxi.  No.  7  and  8,  lastly  iv.  pi.  xxi.  No.  11.  Compare  Mionnet  viii.  p. 
504.  No.  135,  No.  136,  No.  141,  No.  142.  I  shall  not  undertake  to  read  the 
native  legends,  represented  x.  No.  88. 

t  II.  p.  49.  The  coins  R.  R.  II.  No.  18.  As.  Trans,  iv.  pi.  xxv.  No.  4. 
New  varieties  of  them  are  discovered  of  late  in  the  Punjab.  As.  Trans,  vi. 
987.  :  228. 

§  As.  Trans,  v.  pi.  xlvi.  No.  16,  No.  17.  No.  18.  iv.  pi.  xxv.  No  11.  No. 
12.  No.  13.  R.  R.  J.  d.  S.  1834.  No.  8.  No.  9.  p.  389. 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Indo-Scythian  coins,  647 

ing  on  the  hip^  in  the  left  a  spear,  indistinct  head  dress,  flames 
behind  the  shoulders.  Legend  according  to  Mr.  Prinsep^s  con- 
jecture :  (A)PAHePOY  MAKAP(02).  The  Greek  letters 
terminate  in  points  ;  upon  No.  13  there  is  perhaps  the  name 
of  another  god.  A  second  variety,  has  the  anterior  half  of  a 
horse.  They  come  from  Cabul  and  western  India ;  but  like- 
wise through  Bokhara  to  Russia. 

The  horse  refers  to  Bactria,  as  do  the  purely  Greek  characters 
and  the  god  of  fire,  with  whom  the  names  of  gods  on  the 
Kanerki  coins  are  connected. 

Kodes  is  perhaps  the  very  same  king,  who  went  southwards 
over  the  Caucasus,  and  founded  an  empire  on  the  banks  of  the 
Indus  and  of  the  Cabul,  for  the  Kanerkis. 

Kanerki  coins.  I  shall  not  repeat  the  remarks  above  made  on 
the  legends,  the  words  PAO  NANO  PAO  and  KOPANO,  and 
the  names  of  gods.  Kanerki  is  represented  in  a  standing  posi- 
tion, with  a  long  Usbek  coat,  pointed  Tartar  cap,  the  right 
hand  leaning  on  a  spear  (and  a  bow  over  the  back,  T.  A.  V. 
XXXVI  b.  9.)  with  the  left  making  an  offering  over  an  altar. 
The  figures  of  gods  on  the  reverse  are  already  described.  In  the 
note  I  shall  mention  the  coin,*  some  from  the  topes  in  Mani- 
kyala,  Jellalabad,  and  from  Cabul  and  the  Punjab,  from  Benares, 
and  likewise  from  the  Ganges. f 

Ooerki.  Bust  of  the  king,  adorned  with  a  tiara,  holding  with 
the  hand  a  plant  which  he  contemplates. J  The  same  places 
of  discovery.  No  coins  having  Greek  words,  or  the  god  of 
the  sun. 

A  man  mounted  on  an  elephant;  his  name  illegible,  only 
PAO  NANO  PAO-KOPANO.^ 

On  the  coins  of  another  king  of  this  series,  a  female  figure 

*  T.  As.  III.  pi.  XII.  pi.  XXV.  IV.  pi.  LI.  V.  pi.  XXXVI.  Trans.  R.  As.  Soc.  i. 
pi.  XII.  R.  R.  J.  des  Sav.  1834.  and  i.  pi.  ii.  and  the  authorities,  i.  57. 

t  As.  Trans,  iii.  p.  443.  iv.  p.  631.  R.  R.  ii.  p.  4. 

X  As.  Trans,  iii.  pi.  xxi.  No.  2.  xxri.  No.  24.  iv.  pi.  xxxviii.  No.  9.  No.  7. 
V.  pi.  xxxvi.  No.  3.  No.  7.  R.  R.  ii.  p.  58.  J.  des  Sav.  1834.  No.  10.  As. 
Trans,  in.  p.  445. 

§  A.  T.  III.  pi.  LI.  No.  10.  v.  pi.  xLvi.  No.  1  o.  No.  12.  iv.  pi.  li.  No.  10. 
A.  T.  V.  p.  722. 


648  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  103. 

with  a  glory^  seated  on  a  couch  ;  one  foot  on  the  ground^  the 
other,  on  the  couch.*     Here  also  the  name  is  illegible. 

There  is  another  type  of  a  figure  sitting  in  a  cross-legged 
position  ;  some  other  varieties  may  probably  be  still  dis- 
covered. 

The  most  ancient  specimens  of  these  coins  have  a  tolerably 
good  style,  and  distinct  letters ;  both  become  gradually  worse, 
and  lastly  deteriorate  into  a  chaos ;  then  follow  the  Indian  imi- 
tations. The  places  of  discovery  prove,  that  the  Kanerki 
dynasty  possessed,  at  least  at  the  commencement  of  their  rule, 
a  large  territorial  dominion  ;  from  the  traces  of  the  Shiva  wor- 
ship, we  may  conclude  that  the  Kanerkis  added  to  the  worship 
of  Mithra,  introduced  by  them  from  Bactria,  the  worship  of 
Shiva,  as  it  occurred  with  the  Kadaphises.f  Hence  they  must 
(partly  at  least)  have  taken  possession  of  the  dominions  of  the 
Kadaphises.  We  may  consider  their  dialect  either  as  a  more 
modern  one,  or  as  a  provincial  variety.  It  is  evident  from  the 
coins,  that  they  out-lasted  the  Kadaphises^  who  never  sunk  into 
the  same  barbarism. 

It  will  remain  doubtful,  whether  the  Kanerkis  maintained 
themselves  till  within  the  Sassanian  period,  unless  it  be  decided, 
that  the  topes  must  be  ascribed  indisputably  to  the  Kanerkis. 
They  certainly  reigned  in  India  before  the  time  of  the  Sassa- 
nians.  Lastly,  the  opinion,  that  the  Kanerkis  were  Buddhists,  or 
in  other  words,  that  we  have  to  recognise  Kanishka  in  Kanerki, 

*  A.  T.  III.  pi.  XXII.  No.  29.  IV.  pi.  21.  No.  9. 

t  The  worship  of  Shiva  appears  to  have  prevailed  in  Cabul  in  the  first 
centuries  of  our  era,  and  beside  it,  pure  Buddhism  was  widely  diffused. 
Hiuan  Thsang  at  least  mentions  a  temple  of  Bhima,  viz.  of  Parvati  or 
Doorga,  in  Gandhara,  p.  379.  But  Megasthenes  appears  to  have  already 
corrected  this  mistake.  For  if  he  reported,  according  to  Arrian  and  Strabo, 
that  the  Indians  of  the  plains  worshipped  Hercules  (whereby  Mathura  is 
made  mention  of)  and  that  the  mountaineers,  on  the  other  hand,  adored 
Dionysos,  these  latter  must  be  probably  understood  to  be  the  inhabitants 
of  the  mountainous  districts  about  the  Cabul,  and  below  Kazmira,  in  the 
Punjab,  while  the  plains  are  those  of  the  inner  country,  and  on  the  borders 
of  the  Jumna  and  Ganges.  It  is  true,  it  has  been  of  late  doubted,  whether 
Hercules  be  Krishna,  but  I  hardly  think,  one  acquainted  with  these  sub- 
jects, will  doubt  it  any  more,  than  that  Dionysos  cannot  be  but  Shiva. 


1840.J  from  Bactrian  and  IndO'Scythian  coins.  649 

must  continue  to  be  improbable,  until  Kanerki  be  also  discover- 
ed on  Buddhistic  monuments. 


II.  Greek,  and  Indian  characters. 

The  coins  of  Agathokles  and  Pantaleon  alone  as  yet  compose 
this  class. 

Agathokles,  Diademed  head  of  the  king ;  reverse,  a  standing 
Jupiter,  with  the  left  hand  leaning  on  his  sceptre,  holding 
on  the  right  a  small  three  headed  Artemis,  bearing  a  torch. 
Legend,  BA2IAEQ2  ArAGOKAEOYE  *  Tetradrachma  of 
very  superior  workmanship. 

M.  Raoul-Rochette  has  proved,  that  the  figure  on  the  legend 
is  the  Persian  Artemis  Hecate,  the  ZaprjrtQ  or  Zapa,  whose  wor- 
ship Artaxerxes  Mnemon  was  endeavouring  to  propagate  with- 
in his  empire,  and  Bactria  is  especially  mentionedf  with  regard 
to  this.  Male  head,  with  Dionysos^  crown  of  grapes.  Reverse,  a 
panther  walking,  holding  with  his  fore  claw  a  grape.  The  same 
legend  as  above  mentioned.     Tetradrachma. J 

Square  copper  coins  with  the  same  legend.  On  the  obverse, 
a  female  Bacchanal,  flourishing  the  thyrsus,  and  the  legend  above 
represented,  in  old  Indian  characters.  Eleven  specimens  have 
been  discovered,  all  from  Cabul.§ 

M.  Raoul-Rochette  has  tried  by  a  vast  display  of  learning 
to  establish  his  conjecture,  that  Agathokles  was  the  first  king 
of  Bactria,  he  having  been  the  Eparch  of  Persia  under  Antiochus 
the  second,  who  is  called  Pherekles  by  others,  and  whose 
pederasty  is  said  to  have  excited  the  Parthian  revolt.  ||  Not  to 
mention  other  objections,  this  conjecture  falls  to  nothing  owing 
to  the  Indian  letters,  which  Agathokles  cannot  have  used  for  his 
Bactrian  subjects.  But  previously  to  Euthydemos,  no  Bactrian 
king  made  conquests  southwards  from  the  Caucasus.  As 
copper  coins  are  less  likely  to  go  by  trade  into  other  countries 
than   gold  and   silver   (coins,)    the  place  of  discovery  of  the 

*  R.  R.  J.  des  Sav.  1834.  p.  332.  No.  2.  ii.  No.  I.  p.  12  A.  T.  iv.  pL 
XXV.  No.  3.  from  the  Punjaub.) 

t  (J.  des  S.  at  other  places,  p.  340.  ii.  p.  13.) 

I  (J.  des  S.  No.  I.  by  the  way  of  St.  Petersburg.) 

§  R.  R.  II  No.  I.  II.  p.  n.  A.  T.  V.  pi.  xxxv.  No.  9. 

il  (J.  d.  S.  p.  336.) 


650  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  103. 

Agathokles^  coins  points  out  an  empire  on  the  borders  of  the 
Cabul  river. 

The  worship  of  the  Persian  Artemis  must  not  appear  sur- 
prising on  the  coin  of  a  king_,  who,  though  not  reigning  in  Bac- 
tria^  yet  started  from  that  country.  The  Bacchanal  symbols 
certainly  allude  to  an  Indian  expedition ;  but  it  is  surprising, 
that  Agathokles  and  Pantaleon,  almost  coeval  with  him,  should 
alone  parade  these  symbols  of  Dionysos.  Going  a  step  further, 
we  dare  assert,  that  Agathokles  reigned  immediately  over 
those  districts,  where  the  traces  of  the  expedition  of  Dionysos 
were  fancied  to  be  extant ;  viz.  over  the  country  of  the  Nisaeans. 
But  it  is  not  India  Proper,  but  Cabul,  that  is  celebrated 
for  her  grapes ;  in  Cabul  too,  are  the  copper  coins  of  Aga- 
thokles discovered,  and  instead  of  the  nation  of  the  Nisaeans  (a 
somewhat  fabulous  race)  of  Alexander's  period,  we  observe  in 
the  late  report  of  Ptolemy,  the  well  defined  town  of  Nagara, 
surnamed  Dionysopolis,  which  denomination  can  have  been  only 
given  by  a  Greek  king,  probably  by  Agathokles.  His  use  of  In- 
dian, and  not  Cabulian  characters,  leads  to  the  conclusion,  that 
his  reign  succeeded  a  previous  use  of  Indian  characters ;  viz.  it 
argues  a  former  Indian  domination  in  these  districts.  I  therefore 
think  he  is  the  same,  who  first  brought  Grecian  arms  down  the 
Cabul  river.  According  to  Mr.  Mueller,*  he  reigned  about  the 
Upper  Ganges.  In  this  case  he  must  before  Menandros  have 
advanced  beyond  the  Hyphasis  to  the  Jumna,  and  even  further, 
which  is  at  variance  with  Strabo's  explicit  statement.  His  coins, 
exhibiting  a  much  better  style  in  art  than  those  of  Menandros, 
he  must  have  reigned  before  this  king.  Strabo  would  likewise 
mention  him  as  the  first,  who  crossed  the  Hyphasis. 

Pantaleon.  Square  copper  coins,  exactly  like  those  of  Aga- 
thokles, before  described  as  from  Cabul  and  the  Punjab. f 
Legend,  BASIAEQ2  nANTAAE0NT(02)  and  the  other 
legend  in  Indian  characters,  above  mentioned.  From  the 
small  number  of  coins  it  becomes  probable,  that  Pantaleon  did 
reign  but  for  a  short  time ;  the  dominion,  founded  by  Agatho- 
kles, must  on  the  whole  have  been  of  short  duration.  We  shall 
hereafter  recur  to  this  subject. 

*         *  p.  213.  t  As.  Trans,  in.  p.  168.  v.  p.  552. 


1840.J  from  Bactrian  and  Indo- Scythian  coins.  651 

IIL     Greek  and  Cabulian  characters. 
§   1. — Greek  Kings, 

Eukratides.  I  assign  to  this  place  the  coins  bearing  the  title 
^^  Great  King^^^  as  they  certainly  mark  an  epoch  in  the  life  of  the 
one  Eukratides^  even  if  they  should  not  belong  to  a  second  of 
the  same  name.  The  Cabulian  legend  never  occurs  unaccom- 
panied by  the  word  MEFAAOY  in  the  Greek  legend;  hence  it 
follows^  that  the  title,  ^'  Great  King^^  was  first  adopted  in  the 
south  of  the  Caucasus. 

Helmeted  head  of  the  king.  Reverse,  the  Dioscuri  on  horseback, 
with  spears  couched,  holding  branches  of  palms  above  the  should- 
ers. Legend:  BA2IAE02  MEFAAOY  EYKPATIAOY.* 

The  same  with  Greek  legend  on  the  obverse ;  on  the  reverse, 
Mahdrdjo  Eikatido.f 

The  same  reverse  with  BAEIAEQ2  EYKPATIAOY,  and  on 
the  reverse  with  the  helmeted  J  or  diademed  §  head  of  the  king ; 
no  Cabulian  legend. 

Diademed  head  of  the  king;  legend,  BAEIAEQ2  MEFAAOY 
EYKPATIAOY.  Reverse,  caps  of  the  Dioscuri  with  palms,  of 
the  native  legend  only  Maharajd.\\ 

According  to  Mr.  Prinsep's  statement,^  the  complete  legend  is 
'P^-^l^3  O'^a^in^Pa^lu  mahdrdjo  raja  rdjo  Eikatidd.  This  le- 
gend however  appears  only  to  occur  upon  one  coin,  on  which  the 
helmeted  head  of  the  king  on  the  reverse  has  a  female  figure, 
seated,  with  the  turret-like  crown  of  the  Cybele.lFIT  The  word 
is  raja  rdj6 ;  it  can  hardly  have  occurred  upon  the  other  coins. 
As  it  cannot  be,  however,  adopted  by  mere  chance,  we  must  as- 
cribe the  complete  title  to  that  as  yet  single  coin  alone.  It  is 
the  only  instance  in  which  a  Greek  king  of  Bactria  styles 
himself  king  of  kings^  and  this  only  in  Cabulian  language,  as 
it  were,  not  venturing  to  obtrude  this  ostentatious  title  on  his 
Greek   subjects.      Likewise  Eukratides  alone  calls  himself  in 

*  J.  des  Sav.  No.  5.  As.  Trans.  IV.  pi.  xxv.  No.  5. 

t  As.  Trans.  IV.  pi.  xxv.  No.  8.  9.  10.  R.  R.  I.  No.  7. 

X  As.  Trans.  IV.  pi.  xxv.  No.  7. 

§  As.  Trans.  IV.  pi.  xxv.  No.  6.  R.  R.  I  No.  6.  ii.  No.  3. 

il  As.  Trans.  V.  pi.  xlvi.  No.  11. 

^  As.  Trans.  IV.  p.  338. 

1ft  According  to  the  description.     As.  T.  III.  p.  164. 

4o 


652  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  103. 

Greek  letters  great  king,  while  the  others  adopt  the  simple 
fiacnXevg  as  equivalent  to  MahdrdjS.  It  therefore  almost  ap- 
pears^ as  if  Eukratides  first  used  Cabulian  legends,  without  pro- 
perly attending  to  the  comparative  value  of  the  different  terms  ; 
since  the  same  etymological  value  of  two  words  in  different 
languages  is  in  many  cases  not  the  same  in  the  real  acceptation 
of  the  words. 

Mithridates  VI .  of  Parthia,  had  adopted  the  title  king  of  kings ; 
and  Eukratides  seems  to  have  imitated  his  contemporary  in  as- 
suming this   title.*      Coins  of  Eukratides  are  frequently  met 

with  in  Cabul.t 

On  account  of  the  dispute  of  immismaticians,  we  shall 
postpone  the  decision,  whether  we  must  adopt  two  or  only  one 
Eukratides,  to  the  examination  of  the  historic  authorities. 

Antimachos.  Head  of  the  king  with  the  Macedonian  hat, 
{kausia),  and  Neptune  with  a  palm  on  the  reverse.  Epithet 
of  the  king,  Ofoc.  A  coin,  published  by  Kohler,  obtained 
through  Russia,  which  refers  to  a  victory  at  sea.  J  Victory 
dressed  and  winged,  in  the  right  hand  a  palm.  Legend, 
ANTIMAXOY  BASIAEQ2  NIKHa)OPOY.  Reverse,  the 
king  on  horseback  gallopping.  Cabulian  legend,  'P'l^AiJ.  T^i'Tlo 
TP^u'+lO,  Mahdrdjo  gajavato  AtimakhS.^  From  Cabul.  M.  R. 
R.  has  proved,  that  these  coins  are  an  imitation  of  those 
of  the  Seleucidian  Antiochos  IV.,  who  likewise  styled  himself 
Ococ-  Antiochos  reigned  176— -164.  b.  c,  and  Antima- 
chos therefore  about  the  same  time.  The  correspondence 
of  these  coins  with  the  tetradrachmas  of  Heliocles  will  also 
give  evidence,  that  Antimachos  was  his  contemporary.  On  this 
supposition,  it  becomes  difficult  to  place  both  of  them  be- 
fore Eukratides.  The  Cabulian  legend  points  to  an  empire  to 
the  south  of  the  Caucasus,  but  perhaps  not  in  Cabul  itself,  as 
the  Antimachos'  coins  are  scanty  in  Beghram.  I  beg  to  direct 
the  attention  to  two  points :  the  equestrian  coins  form  a  separa- 

*  Visconti.  Jconogr.  Grecque.  in.  76. 
t  As.  Trans,  in.  164.  v.  547. 
t  R.  R.  J.  des  Sav.  p.  329.  ii.  p.  18. 

§  R.  R.  II.  No.  4,  p.  17.  A.  T.  IV.  pi.  xxi.  No.  3.  at  the  same  place  No.  4 
has  3  for  *-\,  therefore  perhaps  a^,  or  k  for  kh. 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Indo-Scythian  coins.  653 

ted  class^  and  Antimachos  has  strengthened  his  dominion  by  a 
victory  at  sea. 

Philoxenos.  Bust  of  the  king ;  the  bow  of  the  diadem  pro- 
jecting from  under  the  helmet.  Legend^  BA2IAEQ2  ANI- 
KHTOY  <1)IA0SEN0Y.  Reverse,  king  on  horseback  gallop- 
ping.  CabuUan  legend :  Mahdrdjo  apalihato  pilashino  (ov  pi- 
lushinoj.^ 

Demeter  Karpoforos;  in  the  right  hand  a  crown;  in  the  left 
a  cornucopia;  the  foregoing  Greek  legend;  reverse,  the  bull 
with  the  hump.     The  same  Cabulian  legend. f 

The  same  obverse,  with  the  reverse  of  a  victory  with  crown 
and  palm  (only  described). 

M.  Raoul-Rochette  takes  him  for  a  king,  who  reigned  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  the  Scythians,  and  valiantly  fought  against 
them  on  horseback.  The  Cabuhan  legend  prevents  us  from 
acceding  to  this.  Philoxenos  wears  a  kausia,  as  Eukratides 
and  Antimachos  do,  and  as  a  horseman,  moreover,  is  analagous 
with  them.  The  bull  with  the  hump  is  correctly  interpreted  as 
referring  to  a  particular  country,  but  to  what  country,  will  be  evi- 
dent from  the  coins  of  Azes.  In  Beghram  no  coins  of  Philoxe- 
nos have  been  discovered  by  Mr.  Masson. 

Archelios,  Diademed  head  of  the  king.  Legend,  BA2I- 
AEQ2  (AIKA)IOY  NIKH^OPOY  APXEAIOY.  Reverse, 
Jupiter,  seated  on  a  throne,  the  sceptre  in  the  left  hand,  the 
thunderbolt  in  the  right,  and  the  legend,  TAr+lsO  ^n^A^  T"hvue 
"Pit^llu,  maharajo,  dhamiko,  gajavato  Achilijo.    From  Beghram. 

I  have  given  him  this  place,  because  the  epithet  ^^  victorious^^ 
puts  him  into  comparison  with  Antimachos  ;  Antialkides,  how- 
ever, bears  the  same  epithet,  and  has  besides,  the  Jupiter. 

Antialkides.  Uncovered  head  of  the  king,  with  the  branch  of 
a  palm,  crossing  the  field.  Legend,  BASI AEQS  NIKHa)OPOY 
ANTIAAKIAOY.  Reverse,  the  Dioscuri  caps  with  palms,  as 
upon  the  coins  of  Eukratides.  Legend,  maharajo  gajavatS 
Atialikado.X 

*  R.  R.  II.  No.  V.  A.  T.  No.  IV.  pi.  xxi.  No.  1. 

t  R.  R.  II.  No  VI.  As.  T.  IV.  pi.  xxi.  No.  2. 

:  R.  R.  II.  No.  7. 1.  No.  15.  A.  T.  IV.  pi.  xxvi.  No.  9.  10.  11. 


654  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  103. 

M.  Raoul- Rochet te  assigns  to  him  with  certainty  a  place 
immediately  following  Eukratides,  in  a  neighbouring  country, 
which  we  cannot,  however,  look  for  with  him  to  the  North  of 
the  Caucasus.*  On  account  of  the  title  Nikephoros,  he  has  some 
analogy  with  Antimachos. 

There  exists  another  coin  of  this  monarch  with  the  head  of 
the  king,  with  the  kausia  and  the  same  legend ;  the  reverse 
represents  Jupiter,  seated  on  a  throne,  with  a  sceptre  and 
a  winged  victory  in  his  right  hand.  The  same  native  legend. f 
All  these  coins  are  from  Cabul  or  the  neighbouring  districts. { 

Lysias,  Uncovered  head  of  the  king,  the  palm  crossing 
the  field  as  with  Antialkides,  the  bust  partly  given.  Legend, 
BA2IAEQ2  ANIKHTOY  AY2I0Y.  Reverse,  elephant.§  Le- 
gend, Mahdrdjo  apalihatd  lisijo  (lisajo.) 

M.  R.  R.  pronounces  him  with  full  confidence  successor 
of  Antialkides  ;||  here  likewise  follow  the  titles  Aniketos  and 
NikephoroSy  one  after  the  other,  as  above  mentioned,  with 
Philoxenos  and  Antimachos.  Coins  of  Lysias  and  of  Antial- 
kides are  found  in  Cabul;  ^  the  elephant  alludes  to  an  Indian 
expedition.  The  dynasty  to  which  Antialkides  and  Lysias 
belonged,  seems  therefore  in  fact  to  have  had  their  site  in  Ca- 
bul, and  their  empire  was  probably  established  upon  the  ruins 
of  one  more  extensive. 

I  here  insert  a  coin,  for  which  I  cannot  discover  a  proper 
place. 

Amyntas,  Bust  of  the  king  with  indistinct  head-dress ;  le- 
gend, BA2IAEQE  NIKAT0P02  AMYNTOY.  Reverse, 
helmeted  Minerva,  with  shield  and  lance,  extending  her  right 
hand.    Legend,  Maharajo,  gajavato  amito.  From  the  Punjab. 1[^ 

We  now  come  to  a  longer  series,  bearing  the  title  ^^deliverer.^^ 

Menandros.  Helmeted  head  of  the  king  with  the  upper  part 
of  the  bust,  and  the  chlamys;  legend,  BASIAEQS  2QTHP02 
MENANAPOY.  Reverse,  Minerva  Trpo^axoc.  R.  R.  L  No.  8. 
Legend,  Maharajo  tdddro  Minadho. 

*  II.  p.  23.  t  As.  Trans.  V.  pi.  xxxv.  No.  2.  J  R.  R.  II.  p.  22. 

§  R.  R.  II.  No.  18.  As.  Trans.  IV.  pi.  xxvi.  No.  12.       ||  II.  p.  24. 
H  R.  R.  II.  p.  24.  1f1[  A.  T.  V.  pi.  xLvi.  No.  1. 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Indo- Scythian  coins.  655 

Helmeted  head  of  the  king,  with  the  same  Greek  legend. 
Reverse,  a  clothed  victory,  with  wings,  palm,  and  crown.  The 
same  Cabulian  legend.* 

Head  of  an  elephant,  with  the  same  Greek  legend.  Reverse, 
a  club,  with  the  Cabulian  legend. f 

Uncovered  head  of  the  king,  with  the  upper  part  of  the  bust 
dressed  in  the  chlamys;  the  right  hand  raised  to  throw  a 
lance.  The  same  Greek  legend.  Reverse,  Thessalian  Minerva, 
protecting  herself  with  the  shield ;  in  the  right  hand  the  thun- 
derbolt raised.     The  same  Cabulian  legend.  J 

Head  of  the  king  in  a  helmet,  and  the  Greek  legend.  Reverse, 
JEgis,  and  Cabulian  legend. § 

The  same  obverse ;  upon  the  reverse  an  owl,  and  the  Cabulian 
legend.  II 

Obverse,  wheel  with  eight  spokes,  and  the  Greek  legend. 
Reverse,  branch  of  a  palm,  and  the  Cabulian  legend. 

Uncovered  head  of  the  king,  with  the  Greek  legend ;  reverse 
head  of  an  animal,  which  Mr.  Prinsep,  with  probable  correctness 
describes  as  an  elephant,  though  Mr.  Masson  has  drawn  a  dol- 
phin. The  same  Cabulian  legend.^  Lastly,  head  of  a  boar,  with 
the  Greek  legend.  Reverse,  branch  of  a  pahii  surrounded  by 
the  native  legend.** 

Coins  of  Menandros  have  been  frequently  discovered  in 
Beghram  by  Mr.  Masson,  so  many  even  as  one  hundred  and 
fifty- three  specimens  up  to  the  year  1835 ;  they  are  likewise  met 
with  in  Agra,  on  the  borders  of  the  Jumna,  and  near  Mathura.  ff 
These  were  probably  the  extreme  points  of  his  empire.  We  have 
shown,  that  his  reign  extended  to  the  Jumna,  and  the  elephant 
on  his  coins  corroborates  this  extent  of  his  dominion.  Whether 
he  also  ruled  in  Bactria,  we  shall  hereafter  inquire  into ;  the 
native  legends  rather  disprove  than  confirm  this  opinion. 

*  R.  R.  I.  No.  9.  10.  As.  Trans.  IV.  pi.  xxvi.  No.  3. 
t  R.  R.  I.  No.  II.  p.  17.  As.  Trans.  IV.  pi.  xxvi.  No.  2. 
X  R.  R.  II.  No.  12.  As.  Trans.  IV.  pi.  xxvi.  No.  1. 
§  As.  Trans.  V.  pi.  xlvi.  No.  5.  ||  At  the  same  place,  No.  6. 

U  At  the  same  place,  No.  8,  as  the  preceding  copper  coin;  according  to 
M.  R.  R.  II.  34.  a  club.  **  At  the  same  place,  No.  9. 

ft  As.  Trans  v.  p.  547.  722.  Trans,  of  the  R.  A.  S.  I.  315. 


656  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  103. 

For  the  historical  arrangement  of  all  those  kings,  it  is  of 
vital  importance  to  ascertain  the  era  of  Menandros.  M.  Raoul- 
Rochette  has  most  plausibly  assigned  to  Menandros  a  later 
period  than  to  Eukratides.*  The  inference  he  further  draws 
from  this  position  of  Menandros,  that  he  first  took  possession 
of  the  Indian  empire  of  Demetrios,  and  afterwards  of  the 
Bactrian  dominion  of  Eukratides,  is  hardly  to  be  reconciled 
with  the  authorities  of  written  history ;  we  do  not  understand, 
in  fact,  how  Menandros  could  dethrone  Demetrios,  since  Eu- 
kratides  had  done  it ;  we  shall  therefore  hereafter  lay  hold  of  the 
only  fact  which  is  proved  with  probability  by  numismatic  inqui- 
ry, viz.  that  Menandros  seems  to  have  reigned  subsequently  to 
Eukratides. 

Apollodotos,  Apollo  standing,  leaning  his  left  hand  on  the 
bow,  holding  a  lance  with  his  right.  Legend,  BASIAEQ2 
2QTHP02  AIIOAAOAOTOY.  Reverse,  a  tripod:  legend, 
Maharajo  Apaladatd  tadaro.  f 

Uncovered  head  of  the  king,  with  diadem  and  upper  part 
of  the  bust,  and  the  chlamys.  Legend,  BA^IAEQS  2QTH- 
P02KAI  4>L40nAT0P02  AHOAAOAOTOY.  Reverse, 
Thessalian  Minerva,  as  upon  the  coins  of  Menandros,  covering 
herself  with  the  ^Egis  instead  of  the  shield.  The  same  native 
legend,  without  (juXoTrarwp^  tdddro  alone  preceding  the  name.j: 
Elephant  in  motion.  Legend  as  before  mentioned :  reverse,  the 
humped  bull,  and  the  same  native  legend.  § 

The  coins  are  discovered  at  the  same  places  with  those  of  Me- 
nandros, and  M.  Raoul-Rochette  deserves  the  merit  of  having 
proved,  with  the  utmost  probability,  that  ApoUodotus  was  the 
son  of  Menandros. 

Diomedes.  The  Dioscuri,  standing,  and  with  lances.  Legend, 
BA2IAEQ2  2QTHP02  AIOMHAOY.  Reverse,  the  humped 
bull,   and  the  native  legend,  which  he  probably  thus  restored  : 


*  II.  p.  32.  33. 

t  R.  R.  I.  No.  12.  As.  Trans.  IV.  pi.  xxvi.  No.  6.  No.  7.  No.  8. 

:  R.  R.  II.  No.  13.  As.  Trans.  IV.  pi.  xxvi.  No.  4. 

§  R.  R.  II.  No.  14.  As.  Trans.  IV.  pi.  xxvi.  No.  5.  See.  R.  R.  II.  p.  18. 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Indo- Scythian  coins.  657 

^"ivuA  ■*\1»nm  (T^)*^l  (u)  Maharajo  tdddro  Dijamido.^  Only 
one  specimen  from  Beghram.  The  humped  bull^  and  the  epi- 
thet^ prove  the  right  of  position  as  here  given . 

Agathokleia.  Helmeted  head,  which  must  be  the  head  of  a 
woman,  with  the  upper  part  of  the  bust,  and  of  the  dress.  Le- 
gend, BA2IAI22A2  eEOnPOnO(Y)  AFAOOKAEIAS. 
Reverse,  Hercules  seated,  in  the  right  hand  the  club,  placed 
on  his  knee,  with  the  left  supporting  himself,  as  on  the  coins 
of  Euthydemos.     Legend,  Maharajd  tdddro  Mikonido.f 

Howsoever  we  may  read  the  name,  it  is  certain,  that  we  have 
here  a  new  king,  whose  epithet  assign^  him  a  place  among  the 
successors  of  Menandros.  The  place  of  discovery  is  not  men- 
tioned; the  coin  is,  however,  found  in  India.  If  any  relation 
is  to  be  admitted  between  Euthydemos  and  Agathokles,  we 
may  perhaps  recognise  another  analogy  in  the  fact,  that  Aga- 
thokleia exhibits  a  type  of  the  Euthydemos^  coins.  She  is  cer- 
tainly, however,  the  wife  of  the  new  king,  mentioned  only  in 
this  place ;  perhaps  a  heroine  of  masculine  character,  like  Eury- 
dike  (the  niece  of  Alexander,  and  grand-daughter  of  Philip), 
whom  her  husband  honored  by  associating  her  with  himself  up- 
on his  coins.  May  not  the  unusual  epithet  perhaps  allude  to 
this  fact  ?  X 

Hermaios,  Uncovered  diademed  head  of  the  king.  Legend, 
BADIAEQS  2QTHP0S  EPMAIOY.  Reverse,  Olympian  Ju- 
piter, seated  on  his  throne.  Legend,  mahdrdjd  tdddro ,  hirmaj6.§ 

Uncovered  head  of  the  king,  with  diadem,  the  upper  part  of 
the  bust,  and  of  the  chlamys.  Reverse,  Olympian  Jupiter  seat- 
ed, and  extending  his  right  hand.  Legend  as  above  described. || 

Head  of  the  king,  probably  with  diadem,  the  same  Greek 
legend ;  the  reverse  has  a  horse ;  and  the  native  legend  as 
above  described.^f 

*  As.  Trans.  V.  pi.  xxv.  No.  3.  f  As.  Trans.  V.  pi.  xlvi.  No.  2. 

X  I  find  OeoTpoTTog  to  be  authorized  by  one  passage  alone  in  Heliodor. 
Carm.  v.  250,  as  an  epithet  to  S^Xoc.  Only  one  Greek  king  of  these  pro- 
vinces, Antimachos,  has  styled  himself  God. 

§  R.  R.  I.  No.  13  (where  the  initial  letter  in  tadaro  is  misdrawn).  As. 
Trans.  IV.  pi.  xxiv.  No.  1. 

II  R.  R.  I.  No.  14.  p.  21.  As.  Trans.  IV.  pi.  xxiv.  No.  2.  No.  3.  No.  4. 

t  Ab.  Trans.  V.  pi.  xxxv.  No.  11. 


658  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  103. 

In  Beghram  so  great  a  number  of  the  coins  of  Hermaios 
have  been  discovered,  that  no  doubt  can  be  entertained  of 
the  seat  of  his  empire.  Mr.  Masson  thought  he  might  adopt, 
according  to  the  difference  of  the  types,  three  different  kings 
of  this  name,  an  opinion,  rejected  by  M.  Raoul-Rochette.* 
There  is  no  doubt  the  coins,  above  described,  with  the  bust, 
and  the  name  of  Hermaios  on  the  obverse,  and  vrith  Her- 
cules, standing  and  leaning  on  the  club  and  the  curious  native 
legends  on  the  reverse,  f  do  not  belong  to  the  Greek  Her- 
maios himself,  as  in  the  Greek  legend  the  name  of  Kadaphes 
is  substituted  for  that  of  Hermaios,  without  any  alteration 
of  the  type.  Those  only  upon  which  ZA90Y  occurs,  have 
perhaps  a  title  in  another  type ;  all  the  coins,  however,  that 
are  published,  are  very  indistinct.  J 

As  these  coins  prove  that  a  Kadaphes  took  possession  of 
the  empire  of  Hermaios,  so  other  facts  concur  in  giving 
evidence,  that  Hermaios  concluded  the  series  of  the  Soter 
dynasty.  His  coins  represent  a  rapid  decline  of  art,  and  are 
partly  excelled  by  those  of  the  more  ancient  Indo- Scythians. 
M.  R.  R.  has  also  here  the  merit  of  having  proved,  that  the 
type  of  the  Olympian  Jupiter  is  an  imitation  of  the  coins  of 
Alexander  H.  of  Syria,§  and  that  Hermaios  must  have  accord- 
ingly reigned  after  the  years  129 — ^23.  b.  c. 

With  Kadaphes,  above  mentioned,  Kadphises  is  connected  by 
name ;  but  as  previously  to  him,  other  Indo- Scythians  must  have 
ruled  in  the  country  on  the  borders  of  the  Cabul,  we  shall  first 
insert  them  here. 

Barbarian  Kings. 

Azes,  King  on  horseback,  in  his  right  hand  a  lance.  Legend, 
BA2IAEQE  B ASIAEQN  MEFAAOY  AZOY.  Reverse,  Mi- 
nerva, with  the  iEgis  on  her  arm,  in  the  left  hand  the  lance,  the 
right  raised.  Legend,  mahdrdjo  rajdrdjo  mahato  Aj6.\\  Or 
reverse,  Minerva  clothed,  holding  shield  and  spear  in  a  moving 

*  As.  Trans,  in.  p.  162.  v.  p.  547.  R.  R.  II.  p.  37. 
t  R.  R.  II.  p.  36. 

X  As.  Trans.  V.  pi.  xxxv.  No.  13.  new  coins  of  this  class  have  been  lately 
discovered,  VI.  987. 

§  I.  p.  19.  II  R.  R.  II.  No.  15.  As.  Trans.  IV.  pi.  xxiii.  No.  18. 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Indo-Scythian  coins.  659 

position.*  Or,  reverse  with  a  male  figure  in  a  tight  tunic  3  tiara 
with  ribbands  hanging  down,  and  bearing  on  the  right  hand  a 
winged  Victory.  On  both  of  them  the  same  native  legend,  which 
is  but  seldom  completely  preserved.f 

Or,  the  same  obverse ;  reverse,  a  male  figure,  standing,  with 
the  tiara,  and  long  stole,  holding  in  the  right  hand  an  idol.J 
As  far  as  traceable,  the  same  native  legend.  Or,  reverse  with 
an  Abundantia,§  standing  and  holding  a  cornucopia.  Native 
legend,  maharajo^  mahato,  dhamiko  rajddirajS  Ajo.  This  com- 
plete legend  is  on  the  reverse  not  discernible. ||  Obverse,  Ceres, 
seated  on  a  throne,  in  the  left  hand  a  cornucopia,  the  right 
raised ;  reverse,  Hercules  standing,  and  leaning  on  his  club.T[ 
As  far  as  legible,  the  simple  native  legend. 

The  following  coins  are  of  importance,  as  they  mark  the 
provinces,  which  were  under  Azes'  dominion. 

Obverse,  the  king  on  horseback.  Reverse,  the  humped  bull; 
on  others,  a  Bactrian  camel.**  Obverse,  elephant;  reverse, 
the  humped  bulLff 

Obverse,  humped  bull;  reverse,  lion  without  mane, t J  or 
Bactrian  camel. §§  The  Greek  legend  alwaj^s  the  same,  and 
the  simple  native  legend  ("  without  dhamiko' ')  on  some,  raja- 
rajo ;  on  others,  rdjddirdjo. 

Obverse,  Neptune  clad  in  the  pallium,  standing,  with  the 
left  hand  leaning  on  the  trident,  the  right  foot  placed  on  the 
figure  of  a  man,  as  if  swimming.  Reverse,  a  female  figure  in  a 
long  robe.llll    M.  R,  R.  has  proved,  that  these  symbols  allude  to 

*  R.  R.  II.  p.  40.  As.  Trans,  iii.  pi.  xi.  45.  No.  pi.  xxiii.  No.  15. 
f  R.  R.  II.  No.  19.  As.  Trans,  at  the  same  place  xxiii.  No.  17,  No.  19. 
X  R.  R.  II.  No.  16,  As.  Trans,  iv.  pi.  xxiii.  No,  24.  perhaps  also  No. 
20.  No.  21. 
§  So  in  original.  Goddess  of  Plenty. 

II  R.  R.  II.  p.  43.  As.  Trans.  IV.  pi.  xxiii.  ^o.  22.   The  legend  v.  p.  549. 
t  R.  R.  II.  p.  45.  As.  Trans,  iv.  pi.  xxii.  No.  10,  No.  11. 
**  R.  R.  II.  p.  43.  As.  Trans.  IV.  pi.  XXII.  No.  9. 
ft  R,  R.  II.  p.  44.  As.  Trans.  IV.  pi.  XXII,  No.  4,  5. 
Jt  At  tlie  same  place  No.  1,  2,  3. 
§§  No.  6,  7,  8. 
1111  R.  R.  II.  No.  17,  As.  Trans.  TV.  pi.  XXIII.  No.  14. 

4  P 


660  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  103. 

the  Indus  river,  and  to  India  conquered.     Legends,  as  above 
described. 

As  now  by  these  coins  Azes  lays  claim  to  having  conquered  the 
Indus,  so  the  four  animals  evidently  point  out  the  extent  of  his 
dominion.  The  Bactrian  camel  requires  no  interpretation,  nor 
the  maneless  Hon,  which  undoubtedly  alludes  to  an  Indian 
district,  and  though  in  our  time  the  lion  is  only  met  with  in 
Guzerat,*  they  must  in  Azes'  time  not  have  been  confined  to  that 
province.  I  would  rather  presume,  that  by  the  adoption  of  the 
lion,  the  Sinha,  the  subduing  of  the  lions  among  Indian  men, 
viz.  the  Narasinha,  Rajaputra  was  to  be  represented,  therefore 
the  subjugation  of  the  warlike  tribes  in  the  modern  Rajpootana, 
which  moreover  lies  beyondf  Guzerat.  The  Indus  subjected, 
refers  certainly  to  the  districts  towards  its  mouth,  to  Pattalene, 
which  on  the  west  is  bounded  by  Guzerat.  As  now,  the  ele- 
phant likewise  points  to  Indian  provinces,  a  question  arises  as  to 
what  particular  province  this  refers.  It  must  of  course  allude 
to  that  part  of  India,  which  must  have  been  likewise  under 
Azes'  dominion,  viz.  to  the  country  to  the  north  of  Rajpootana, 
the  Punjab  ;  yet  I  confess,  I  know  not  why  the  elephant,  which 
might  obviously  be  used  as  an  emblem  for  the  whole  of  India, 
should  be  made  to  refer  to  this  part  of  India  alone.  A  glance 

*  Mr.  Lassen  is  not  aware,  of  how  valuable  an  argument  lie  has  de- 
prived himself  in  not  having  ascertained  the  existence  of  the  lion  in 
our  days  in  Hurriana,  where  they  were  a  few  years  ago  plentiful;  they 
are  now  more  rare,  being  driven  into  the  desert  by  sportsmen,  and  the 
gradual  settlement  of  the  country.  Lions  have  been  shot  within  the 
last  fifteen  years  on  the  banks  of  the  Chumbul,  not  more  than  fifty  miles 
from  Dholepore.  np. 

t  I  have  already  observed,  that  the  lion  even  in  our  days  is  known 
to  exist  at  no  great  distance  from  the  Indus.  It  is  perhaps  worthy  of 
remark  in  this  place,  that  ample  evidence  is  extant  as  to  the  great  changes 
which  must  have  taken  place  in  the  localities  of  wild  animals  in  India,  on 
the  testimony  of  Baber,  who  mentions  killing  the  rhinoceros  on  the  banks 
of  the  Sind  and  Behreh.  "  There  are  numbers  in  the  jungles  of  Pershawur 
and  Hashhagar,"  according  to  Baber,  (a.  d.  1526),  whereas  in  our  own 
days  that  animal  is  not  found  to  frequent  any  part  of  upper  India  above 
the  Pillibheet  forest^ in  Rohilkhund ;  under  these  circumstances,  it  is  hard 
to  fix  a  location  for  the  Uon  in  the  days  of  Azes.  rjj 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  IndO' Scythian  coins.  661 

at  the  map  must  give  evidence^  that  Azes  could  not  allude  to 
any  other  country.* 

It  will  be  proved  hereafter,,  that  the  Greek  kings  also,  who 
have  chosen  the  emblem  of  the  elephant  for  their  coins^,  must 
have  especially  referred  to  the  Punjab. 

If  then  the  elephant  and  the  lion  allude  to  India,  and  if  Azes 
also  possessed  Bactria,  he  cannot  have  typified  by  the  humped 
bull  any  other  country  than  that  on  the  Cabul.  This  interpre- 
tation is  also  very  well  adapted  to  the  other  instances  in  which 
this  symbol  occurs ;  moreover,  the  Chinese  mention  the  very 
same  humped  bull  as  an  animal  they  for  the  first  time  met 
with  in  Kipin  ;t  the  names  of  Cabura  [gopura,  town  of  cows,) 
Kophen,  and  Koas,  are  perhaps  allied  to  the  name  of  the  animal ; 
on  this  point,  however,  the  native  orthography  of  these  names 
alone  can  decide. 

Azes,  moreover,  proclaims  himself  the  possessor  of  so  many 
provinces,  upon  those  coins,  where,  besides  the  ordinary  reverse 
of  the  king  on  horseback,  the  reverse  exhibits  a  Victory,  J  having 
in  the  left  hand  a  palm,  in  the  right  an  indistinct  effigy, 
probably  bearing  a  trident.  The  native  legend  is  mahdrdjd 
rdjardjo  mahatd  Ajiliso.     Of  this  hereafter. 

We  first  mention  the  coins  on  which  he  is  seen  seated  cross- 
legged,  a  sword  across  the  knee,  while  the  reverse  has  a  four- 
armed  male  figure. §  I  think,  it  certainly  represents  the  Indian 
god  Shiva.  He  had  therefore  adopted  the  Indian  worship,  as 
did  after  him  Kadphises,  and  in  some  degree  the  Kanerkis. 
Azes  was  either  also  called  Azilises,  or  this  was  the  name  of 
his  son  and  successor.  This  fact  is  proved  not  only  by  the 
coins,  already  mentioned,  but  also  by  the  following  : 

King  on  horseback,  with  lance  depressed,  and  the  Greek 
legend,    BA2IAEQ2  BA2IAEQN  MEFAAOY  AZIAI20Y. 

*  We  have  an  excellent  dissertation  by  Mr.  Ritter,  on  the  extreme 
boundary  within  which  the  Hon  is  found  in  India,  Erdkunde  VI.  p.  709, 
to  which  I  wiUingly  refer. 

t  Ritter,  Erdkunde,  VII.  684. 

X  R.  R.  I.  No.  16. 

§  As.  Trans.  IV.  pi.  XXII.  No.  12,  13.  R.  R.  II.  p.  46, 


662  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  103. 

Reverse^  Victory  with  a  palm  in  her  left  hand  ',  in  the  right  a 
trident ;  native  legend,  Mahdrdjo  rdjdrdjo  mahato,  Ajiliso.^ 

The  same  obverse,  with  the  reverse  of  the  humped  bull,  and 
with  the  same  legends. f 

Azilises  therefore  claims  Cabul  and  the  country  on  the 
Indus  to  the  sea,  and  if  he  were  another  king  than  Azes,  as 
I  think  he  was,  he  must  have  been  his  successor,  on  account  of 
the  exact  correspondence  in  their  coins. 

It  is,  however,  of  far  greater  importance,  to  determine  the 
period  of  those  kings. 

The  coins  of  Azes  are  so  closely  connected  with  Greek 
types,  that  he  must  undoubtedly  be  a  proximate  successor  of 
the  Greek  kings  and  their  dominion. J  Kadphises  and  the 
Kanerkis  are  at  a  greater  distance.  Kadaphes  alone  pretends 
to  have  conquered  the  empire  of  Hermaios ;  and  yet,  this  Kada- 
phes must  have  lived,  according  to  the  coins,  at  a  later  period 
than  Azes.  But  if  then  Hermaios  reigned  about  the  year  120 
B.  c,  Kadaphes  must  be  of  almost  the  same  period ;  Azes 
would  be,  on  this  supposition,  an  earlier  successor  to  the  other 
Grecian  thrones ;  he  preceded  Kadaphes  therefore,  and  must  be 
considered  as  a  cotemporary  of  Hermaios.  We  shall  hereafter 
state,  to  what  conclusion  the  examination  of  the  historic  ac- 
counts must  lead  us.  As  to  the  matter  in  hand,  M.  Raoul- 
Rochette  maintains,  that  the  Minerva  type  of  Azes  was 
imitated  after  that  of  Vonones ;  for  as  the  titles  and  the  mona- 
grams  on  the  coins  of  both  kings  correspond  with  each  other, 
Azes  must  be  taken  for  the  successor  of  Vonones. § 

If  I  be  allowed  to  object  to  the  opinion  of  so  solid  as  cholar, 
I  venture  the  following  remarks  : — 

First,  the  connexion  between  both  of  them  being  ascertained, 
why  does  it  follow,  that  Vonones  preceded  Azes  ?  Certainly 
neither  from  the  execution  of  the  coins,  nor  from  the  historic 
accounts,  would  he  do  so.     The  Indo-Scythians  decidedly  reigned 

*  R.  R.  II.  No.  20.  As.  Trans.  IV.  pi.  XXIII.  No.  27. 
t  At  the  same  place.  No.  28. 
t  R.  R.  II.  p.  47,  p.  41. 
§  R.  R.  II.  p.  30,  41. 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Indo- Scythian  coins.  663 

on  the  Indus,  previously  to  Vonones,  even  if  he  were  the  first 
of  this  name.  Secondly,  how  can  M.  Raoul-Rochette  re- 
concile the  facts,  that  Azes  was  the  immediate  successor  of  the 
Greeks,  and  was  still  preceded  by  Vonones,  obviously  of  Parthian 
origin.  The  monograms  decide  nothing  as  to  the  succession. 
Parthian  kings,  even  Arsakes  YI,  had,  a  long  time  previously 
to  Vonones,  the  title  of  ^^  great  king  of  kings  .^^  The  epithet 
^^  just,^^  assumed  alike  by  Azes  and  Vonones  (this  escaped  the 
notice  of  M.  R.  R.)  also  occurs  much  earlier  in  Parthian  history, 
even  in  the  time  of  Arsakes  VII.*  Why  must  Azes  have  borrow- 
ed these  titles  from  Vonones  ?  As  Archelios  among  Greek  kings 
already  styled  himself  ^^  just,^^  why  cannot  Azes  have  adopted 
this  title  from  him  ?  Lastly,  the  Minerva  type,  upon  which  the 
whole  argument  is  based,  already  occurs  with  Amyntas^  why 
should  it  not  have  descended  thence  to  Azes  ? 

The  Vonones  under  consideration,  can  hardly  be  the  first  of 
this  name,  and  if  M,  Raoul-Rochette  be  right,  we  must  assign 
Azes  to  a  still  later  period.  I  think,  however,  I  have  proved, 
that  we  shall  proceed  with  more  certainty  in  determining  Azes' 
place  by  historical  accounts,  independent  of  any  connexion 
whatever  with  Vonones. 

It  is  probable,  that  such  an  extensive  empire  as  that  of  Azes, 
was  not  at  once  overthrown  ;  thus  we  observe,  besides  those  of 
Azilises,  coins,  apparently  belonging  to  successors  (of  his 
dynasty) ;  the  emblems  of  the  various  provinces,  however,  viz. 
camel,  humped  bull,  lion,  and  elephant,  do  not  recur ;  hence  we 
may  conclude,  that  the  successors  were  not  powerful  enough  to 
maintain  the  whole  empire. 

Some  of  the  coins  above  (see  As.  T.  1840,  p.  645.)  mentioned^ 
perhaps,  belong  to  this  class ;  we  would  still  add  the  following  i 

An  equestrian  coin  with  BA2IAEQ2  MEPAAOY ;  re- 
verse, king  holding  a  spear,  with  a  Kaftan,t  and  mahdrdjo,  Azes 
never  has  this  dress  himself;  a  name  is  not  traceable. 

Another  coin  of  a  horseman,  with  illegible  Greek  legend,  and 
the   monogram   of  the  Kadphises'  coins.     Reverse,  two  male 

*  Visconti.  Iconcgr.  III.  76,  80. 
t  As.  Trans.  IV.  pi.  XXIII.  No.  25. 


664  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  103. 

figures  crown  the  king,  who  stands  between  them,  and  leans  on 
a  club.     On  the  native  legend  are  only  the  initial  letters  of 

Mahdrdjo  discernible,  and  of  the  name,    T> rtlA;  the  three 

middle  letters  should  be,  according  to  Mr.  Prinsep  n'll;  ac- 
cording to  the  coin,  however,  this  is  hardly  clear.* 

There  is  a  third  equestrian  coin,  on  which  a  figure  of  indis- 
tinct shape  delivers  to  the  horseman  a  diadem.  Greek  legend 
effaced.  On  the  reverse,  according  to  Mr.  Prinsep,  a  Caduceus ; 
the  name  indistinguishable ;  we  can  only  read  Mahdrdjo. ^ 

Of  the  following  king,  we  know  but  the  name  of  his  brother  ; 
and  even  with  this  clue,  his  era  has  not  been  ascertained.  It  is 
Spaliryos,  likewise  represented  as  a  horseman.  The  reverse 
seems  to  have  been  much  disfigured;  the  well  known  type  of 
Hercules  seated.     The  legends  are  above  described.! 

On  account  of  the  similarity  of  the  name,  we  place  after  him 
Spalirisos,  with  Tartarian  Kaftan,  and  a  palm  over  his  left 
shoulder.  The  reverse  is  apparently  a  disfigured  form  of  Jupi- 
ter,§  seated,  as  occurring  on  the  coins  of  Hermaios.  This 
king  appears  to  have  reigned  in  Laghman,  and  perhaps  also  in 
some  neighbouring  districts. 

As  these  last  mentioned  sovereigns  still  preserve  the  relics  of 
Grecian  art,  so  also  Vonones,  who  belongs  to  this  class  as  being 
a  horseman. 

The  king  on  horseback,  with  depressed  lance.  Legend, 
BA2IAEQ2  BA2IAEQN  MEFAAOY  ONQNOY.  Reverse, 
Jupiter,  clad  in  the  pallium,  leaning  on  the  sceptre,  in  the  right 
hand  the  thunderbolt.  ||  On  the  reverse,  a  Victory  without  wings, 
in  the  left  hand  a  palm,  in  the  right  something  indistinguish- 

♦  As.  Trans.  V.  pi.  XXXV.  No.  5.  from  the  Punjab.  The  position 
of  the  horseman  is  quite  the  same  with  the  Parthian  Artaban  III. 

t  As.  Trans.  V.  pi.  XXXV.  No.  15.  pi.  XLVI.  No.  14.  V.  XXXV. 
perhaps  belongs  too,  to  this  king. 

X  See  As.  Trans.  IV.  pi.  XXI.  No.  9.  V.  pi.  XXXV.  No.  6.  R.  R.  II. 
No.  9.  From  the  Punjab  and  Beghram.  R.  R.  II.  p.  26.  As.  Trans.  V. 
p.  551. 

§  R.  R.  I.  No.  21.  As.  Trans.  V.  pi.  XXXV.  No.  7.  IV.  pi.  XXI.  No.  7, 
six  specimens  from  Manderor  in  Laghman.     As.  Trans.  V.  p.  551. 

11  R,  R.  II.  No.  10. 


1840.]  from  Badrian  and  Indo- Scythian  coins,  665 

able.*     The    same    Greek   legend;    the  native  one  has   been 
already  mentioned. 

Lastly,  Hercules,  the  lion^s  skin  in  the  left  hand,  the  club 
on  his  arm,  crowning  himself  with  the  right ;  reverse,  Minerva, 
viKr}(j>6pog,  with  a  helmet ;  on  her  left  hand  the  shield,  and  holding 
on  her  right  hand  a  winged  Victory.f  According  to  the  native 
legend,  the  word  AlKAIOY  must  have  occurred  here  instead  of 
MEFAAOY 

I  think  I  have  already  proved,  that  the  name  Vonones  cannot 
have  occurred  in  native  characters  on  the  reverse  of  these  coins, 
but  probably  the  name  Volagases ;  and  further,  that  this  Vono- 
nes need  not  have  been,  according  to  the  coins,  a  predecessor 
of  Azes.  On  comparison  with  other  Parthian  coins,  it  is 
likewise  evident,  that  Vonones,  in  striking  coins  for  his  Cabulian 
subjects,  followed  the  coinage  of  Cabul,  and  not  of  the  Parthians. 
To  trace  the  period  of  Vonones  from  coins,  purely  Parthian, 
would  therefore  be  fallacious. 

Another  fact  to  determine  the  era  of  Vonones  offers  itself  in 
the  following.  The  initial  letter  of  the  Parthian  coin,  above 
described,  is  M.  The  Roman  Victory  on  this  coin,  renders  it 
necessary  to  assign  to  this  king  a  later  period  than  to  Vonones  I. 
who  first  of  the  Arsacides  adopted  this  type. J  This  also  leads 
to  Meherdates,  who  was  educated  in  Rome,  and  the  initials  of 
the  name  are  more  like  ME  than  MO ;  but  this  does  not  decide 
the  question,  whether  it  were  Vonones  the  First  or  the  Second. 

As  we  have  now  to  admit  among  the  sovereigns  of  Cabul,  not 
Greeks,  but  Parthians  also,  who  probably  reigned  after  Azes,  (on 
this  hereafter),  so  a  dynasty  succeeded  the  great  Indo-Scythian, 
which  assumed  the  Soter- title  of  the  Greeks.  As  Azes  does  not 
bear  this  title,  they  are  probably  not  his  descendants. 

First,  a  nameless  king,  a  horseman  like  Azes,  with  the  legend 
[BASIAEYS]  BA2IAEYQN  (sic)  CQTH[P]  the  name  is 
effaced.  The  reverse  presents  a  male  figure  walking,  with  the 
left  hand  extended ;  in  the  right  an  elevated  spear,  with  a  pecu- 

*  R.  R.  II.  No.  14.  of  the  coin.  As.  Trans.  IV.  pi.  XXI.  No.  15.  I  do  not 
venture  to  trace  the  reverse. 

t  R.  R.  II.  p.  30.  I.  No.  20.  A8.  Trans.  IV.  pi.  XXI.  No.  10.. 
I  Visconti  Iconogr.  III.  146. 


666  Lassen  07i  the  History  traced  [No.  103. 

liar  head-dress,  the  left  shoulder  naked,  otherwise  clad  in  a 
robe  after  the  fashion  of  the  Gods  on  the  Kanerki-coins.  Legend, 
*P:inTu  T^en  "Pllu,  mahato  tadharo  maharajo  ;  the  name  is 
also  here*  effaced.* 

The  monogram  on  this  coin  is  now  the  very  same  with  that 
of  the  nameless  Soter-megas,  and  we  must  recognise  here,  if 
not  himself,  yet  a  near  successor  of  his.  The  Greek  characters 
do  not  allow  us  to  connect  this  king,  or  the  nameless  Soter, 
with  the  Greeks. 

This  Scythian  Soter  dynasty,  however,  prove  themselves  as  of 
the  same  period,  or  as  directly  succeeding,  the  Arsacides  above- 
mentioned,  by  the  following  coins,  namely  by  those  of  Yndo- 
pherres.  Having  the  same  title,  the  same  Greek  characters, 
and,  besides,  the  Victory  of  the  Arsacides,  he  is  allied  to  them. 
He  is  a  complete  barbarian  in  comparison  with  Azes,  and  if 
Yndopherres  indeed  succeeded  the  Parthians,  Azes  may  claim 
an  earlier  era.  Yndopherres,  however,  endeavours  to  keep  the 
Greek  style  of  the  stamp,  while  the  Kadphises,  about  to  be 
mentioned,  has  removed  every  trace  of  Grecian  art,  save  the 
characters,  on  which  he  also  obtrudes  words  of  his  language. 

Kadphises.  The  king  on  a  low  seat,  bearded,  in  a  high  Tartar 
cap  in  the  form  of  a  cylinder,  from  which  flowing  ribbands 
descend,  in  a  Kaftan  and  Tartar  boots,  holding  a  branch  in  his 
hand.  In  the  space  below,  a  club.  Reverse,  Siva  in  alight  dress, 
the  left  hand  on  the  bull  Nandi,  in  the  right  the  trident.  There 
occurs  the  complete  native  legend  above  described ;  the  Greek 
is  the  short  one.f 

The  king  standing  in  the  same  dress,  the  left  hand  on  his 
hip,  holding  the  right  over  a  small  altar,  above  which,  a  trident ; 
in  the  left  space  a  club  (or  a  sceptre)  the  long  Greek  legend ; 
the  reverse  as  above  described.} 

Bust  of  the  king,  in  the  right  hand  sceptre  or  club ;  above 
the  cap,  the  moon-formed  sickle  (of  Siva) ;  in  the  left  a  small 

*  As.  Trans.  IV.  pi.  XXIII.  No.  23. 

t  R.  R.  Journal  des  Sav.  No.  VIII. 

X  Trans,  of  tlie  R.  A.  S.  I.  No.  10.  R.  R.  I.  No.  23.  p.  30.  As.  Trans.  III. 
pi.  XXVI.  No.  4.  No.  5.  V.  p.  547.  From  Balkh,  from  Beghram  and  Many- 
kvMa. 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Indo- Scythian  coins,  667 

hammer,  short  Greek  legend.  Reverse,  Ardhanari,  holding 
in  his  right  hand  a  long  trident,  in  the  left  the  discus  and 
pasa  of  Siva ;  the  complete  native  legend.*  The  same  reverse ; 
the  bust  facing  the  right. f 

Lastly,  the  king  on  a  carriage  with  two  horses ;  over  the 
shoulder  the  club,  in  no  proportion  with  the  charioteer  ;  the  short 
Greek  legend.     Reverse,  Ardhanari  with  the  native  legend. J 

As  copper  coins  of  Kadphises  are  dug  out  even  near  Benares, § 
he  must  have  reigned  from  Beghram  to  a  great  distance  in 
India  Proper.  The  execution  of  these  coins  is  indeed  still 
Greek,  but  whenever  the  worship  of  Siva  is  represented,  the 
types  have  become  purely  Indian.  This  worship  first  appears, 
though  not  frequently,  with  Azes,  is  exclusive  with  Kadphises, 
and  is  joined  by  the  Kanerkis  with  Bactrian  gods,  who  have 
the  same  monogram  with  Kadphises,  and  are  found  together 
with  his  coins. II  There  is  scarcely  any  doubt,  that  Kadphises 
was  a  near  predecessor  of  the  Kanerkis.  His  relation  to  Kada- 
phes  is  more  obscure.  It  is  clear,  that  Kadphises  has  some 
reference  to  him,  save  that  the  former  is  more  ancient,  because 
he  is  immediately  connected  with  Hermaios.  This  king  (or 
the  last  of  his  name)  was  limited  to  Beghram,  and  this  must 
have  been  the  principal  seat  of  Kadaphes,  though  his  domi- 
nions were  of  further  extent.  Now  it  is  a  singular  fact,  that 
according  to  the  Chinese  accounts,  the  ancient  (Scythian) 
empire  of  Gandhara  was  situated  in  Kiapiche  (Capissa),  and 
therefore  just  beyond  Beghram,  while  the  native  legend  ex- 
presses the  name  Kadphises  by  Kapisa;  this  is  accordingly 
the  name  of  the  country  in  the  form  of  pronunciation 
delivered  to  the  Greeks  and  Chinese,  which  name,  however, 
appears  to  be  an  absorption  from  Kadphisa.  If  the  name 
however  be  a  geographical  determination,  a  new  enigma 
is  given,   and   Uhavima    must    be    understood    in    this    case 

•  R.  R.  I.  No.  22.  From  Cabul  in  a  tope.  R.  R.  I.  28.  II.  4.  56.  J,  des 
Sav.  p.  390. 

t  As.  Trans.  IV.  pi.  XXXVIII.  4,  No.  2,  3. 
X  The  same  No.  1. 
§  As.  Trans,  p.  631. 
il  As.  Trans.  IV.  631. 

4u 


668  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  103. 

as  a  proper  name.  But  it  is  at  variance  with  this  supposition, 
that  Kadaphes  should  bear  the  same  name.  Or  is  this 
perhaps  a  title,  and  the  same  case  with  the  nameless  Soter- 
meg  as. 

It  would  be  also  desirable  to  ascertain  in  an  approximative 
degree  the  relation  of  Kadphises  to  the  Scythian  Soter  family. 
Yndopherres,  like  Kadphises,  appears  to  have  reigned  in  Begh- 
ram  ;*  but  the  former  is  allied  to  the  Parthians,  the  latter  to 
the  first  Azes  ;  the  first  has  ruder  coins,  though  a  classic  style  ; 
the  second,  types  of  a  better,  although  of  entirely  Indian  exe- 
cution, with  an  assimilation  to  Azes  by  the  Siva-worship,  while 
his  relation  to  Kadaphes  places  him  nearer  Hermaios ;  he 
appears  therefore  more  ancient  than  Yndopherres.  The  only 
objection  would  be,  that  the  latter  in  this  case  is  thrown 
between  Kadphises  and  Kanerki.  If  the  equestrian  coins 
allude,  as  I  presume,  to  a  more  westerly  country  than  Gand- 
hara,  the  solution  is  perhaps  given  by  the  conjecture,  that 
Yndopherres  and  the  Soters,  closely  allied  to  him,  reigned  as 
horsemen  in  a  more  westerly  direction  than  Kadphises  and 
Kanerki ;  they  might  therefore  rather  be  placed  near  either 
of  them,  than  between  them  5  but  I  vrillingly  abandon  this 
uncertain  base  of  argument. 

It  will  be  proper  to  look  out  for  firmer  grounds  upon  which 
we  may  classify  the  many  dynasties,  above  enumerated. 

§15. 
GrecO'Bactrian  Kings. 
Let  us  turn  now  to  the  examination  of  the  written  accounts 
of  the  history  of  the  Greeks  in  Bactria.  Bactria  continued 
under  the  dominion  of  the  Seleucides  to  the  period  of  Antiochus 
II.  (262 — 247.  B.  c.)  when  Theodotus  took  advantage  of  the 
weak  government,  and  probably  of  the  wars  of  that  monarch 
with  Ptolemy  II.  to  render  himself  independent.  This  separa- 
tion of  Bactria  from  the  monarchy  of  Antiochus  happened  a  short 
time  before  the  declaration  of  independence  by  the  Parthians,  or 
previously  to  256  b.  c.  as  appears  from  the  fact,  that  Arsaces, 

*  According  to  the  number  of  coins,  there  discovered.     As.  Trans.  V. 
p.  547. 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Indo- Scythian  coins.  669 

the  founder  of  the  Parthian  empire,  had  fled  from  the  increas- 
ing power  of  Theodotus.* 

We  do  not  know  how  far  the  power  of  Theodotus  extended. 
Sogdiana  was  perhaps  subjected  to  him,  but  it  is  hardly  credible 
that  the  thousand  towns  which  Justin  attributes  to  him,  to  show 
his  power,  really  existed  in  his  dominions.  Bayer  plausibly 
conjectures,  that  these  thousand  towns  were  erroneously  trans- 
ferred by  Justin  from  a  notice  on  Eukratides,  to  the  founder  of 
the  Bactrian  empire. f  The  passages  show  only  that  Theodotus 
contrived  the  conquest  of  Parthia,  while  the  aggrandisement  of 
the  Bactrian  power  is  ascribed  to  Euthydemos. 

In  opposition  to  the  explicit  authority  of  these  authors,  M. 
Raoul-Rochette  has  endeavoured  to  establish  Agathokles  as  the 
founder  of  the  Bactrian  empire.  J  It  is  true,  the  eparch  of  Persia 
under  Antiochus  II.  is  called  sometimes  Agathokles,  and  some- 
times Pherekles ;  but  our  Agathokles  reigned  in  a  province  of 
India,  and  previously  to  Euthydemos  the  Bactrian  dominion  did 
not  extend  so  far  southward. 

*  Prolog.  Trog.  Pomp.  XLI.  "  In  Bactrianis  autem  rebus,  ut  a  Diudoto 
rege  constitutum  imperium  est."  Just.  xli.  4.  On  Arsaces  :  "  Non  magno 
deinde  post  tempore  Hyrcanorum  quoque  regnum  occupavit,  atque  ita 
duarum  civitatum  imperio  prseditus,  grandem  exercitum  parat,  metu 
Seleuci  et  Theodoti,  Bactrianorum  regis.  Sed  cito  morte  Theodoti 
metu  liberatus,  cum  filio  ejus  et  ipso  Theodoto  foedus  ac  pacem  fecit. 
Strabo  xi.  c.  2.  p.  515  *'  NswrejOKT^tvrwi/  ^£  tCov  £$w  tov  Tavpov 
cia  TO  TTpog  aWr}\ovg  uvai  rovg  Trjg  ^vpiag  Kal  rrjg  Mjj^/ac 
pacTiXiag,  rovg  ey^ovTag  Kai  ravra,  TTpwTOV  fxlv  rriv  l^aKTpiaprjv 
a7rs<JTr)(7av  ol  Tr^iriarwp.ivoi,  Kai  tyjv  eyyvg  avTr\g  iraaav  oi  irspi 
^vBvSrjjuov"  §  3,  p.  515.  on  Arsaces,  ''  ol  ^e  l^aKrpiavov  Xiyovaiv 
avTov.  (j)evyovTa  ^l  Trjv  av^rt<Jiv  tCov  irepL  Aio^orov,  airoGTriaaL 
ry)v  TlapOvaiav, 

But  there  was  no  long  interval  between  both  insurrections.  Justin,  xii. 
4,  fixes  the  defection  of  the  Parthians  as  under  the  consulate  of  L.  Manlius 
Vulso,  and  M.  Atilius  Regulus ;  "  eodum  tempore  etiam  Theodotus,  mills 
urbium  Bactrianarum  prsefectus,  defecit,  regemque  se  appellari  jussit. 
Quod  exemplum  sequuti,  to  tins  orientis  populi  a  Macedonibus  defecere." 
But  who  were  they,  unless  the  Parthians  ? 

t  p.  47.  X  J.  dea  Sav.  1834.  p.  334. 


670  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  103. 

There  have  not  yet  been  discovered  coins  of  Theodotus  and 
his  son  of  the  same  name,  and  they  can  only  come  from  Bactria. 

Whether  another  king  reigned  between  Theodotus  II.  and 
Euthydemos,  is  unknown,  but  not  improbable ;  the  one  fact  is 
certain,  that  the  latter  sovereign  dethroned  the  family  of  Theo- 
dotus, for  he  alleged  this  very  act  in  order  to  obtain  the  favour 
of  Antiochus  111.=* 

Upon  Strabo's  authority,  above  mentioned,  Euthydemos  took 
possession  of  the  districts  adjacent  to  Bactria  ;  Parthia  cannot  be 
understood  by  this,  he  must  have  meant  Aria  and  Margiana ;  he 
had  at  least  collected  against  Antiochus  an  army  of  horsemen 
on  the  borders  of  the  Arius,t  and  had  already  fought  against  the 
northern  nomades,  he  must  have,  therefore,  certainly  possessed 
Sogdiana,  and  to  him  probably  refers  the  notice,  that  the  Greek 
kings  of  Bactria  divided  their  empire  into  Satrapies.  J 

We  owe  to  the  expedition  of  Antiochus  against  upper  Asia,  a 
clearer  insight  into  the  circumstances  of  those  countries  at 
that  period.  This  war,  and  the  negotiations  between  the  Syrian 
and  the  Bactrian  kings  belong  to  the  years  208-5.  B.C.  From 
Polybios'  account,  which  is  extant,  it  follows,  that  the  Parthian 

*  Polyb.  Fragm.  xi,  c.  34.  Schw.  III.  p.  379.  y^yovkvai  yap  ovK 
avTog  aTroffTaTrjg  tov  jJatJiXewgy  aW  iT£p(s)v  airotJTavroJV,  £7ra- 
vfXo^tvoc  roue  ^Kdvtjv  eKyovovg,  ovtu)  Kparriaai  rrJc  Bafcrpiavaiv 
ap-^TiQ 

t  Polyb.  X.  49. 

I  Strabo,  xi.  II,  2.  oi  ^£  Karaffyovrsg  ai»Tr)v ''EXXrjvfc?  'fat  ^tC 
aarpairuaq  ciypriKaffiv'  iov  ry]v  tc  'Ao-Trtwvou  Kai  rrivTovpiovav 
a(j>ripYjvTo  ^FiVKparLSav  ol  TlapOvaioi.  ''Ec^ov  ^e  Kai  ttjv 
^oyciavrfv  k.  t.  A.  The  two  satrapies  mentioned,  evidently  He  toward 
the  northerly  Scythian  country,  the  frontier  of  Sogdiana.  The^  Aawaaia^ 
/cat  (Strabo,  xi.  Scyth.  8.)  to  whom  Arsaces  fled,  belonged  to  the  Choras- 
mians  and  Attasians,  who  have  likewise  the  name  Avyacnoi^  perhaps  we 
ought  to  read  'AffTradtoi.  Polyb.  (x.  48.)  calls  all  Nomades  about  the 
Oxus  Aspasiaces,  which  is  therefore  a  general  term  for  the  nations  of 
horsemen  (Azpa,  horse).  Mr.  Burnouf  undoubtedly  explains  with 
propriety  Turiana  by  the  word  of  the  Zend  Tiiirja ;  it  is  the  Turan  of 
Firdusis ;  the  Turanian  satrapy  of  Bactria,  according  to  Strabo. 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Indo- Scythian  coins.  671 

empire,,  at  that  period,  was  still  limited  to  Hyrcania  and 
Parthia,  and  the  Scythian  nomades  to  their  northerly  heaths, 
though  even  menacing  invasion.  Among  the  conditions  of 
peace  occurred  likevrise  the  following  stipulation, — that  Euthy- 
demos  was  to  surrender  his  elephants  ;  hence  we  may  presume, 
that  although  he  had  made  no  expedition  on  the  south  beyond 
the  Caucasus,  yet,  he  must  have  entered  upon  connexions 
mth  India.  At  that  time  he  had  not  yet  a  firm  footing 
southward  of  the  mountains,  as  we  find  there  the  king  Sopha- 
gasenos,  who  concluded  an  alliance  with  Antiochus,  delivered 
over  to  him  some  elephants,  and  agreed  to  pay  him  a  certain 
sum  of  money.  The  Indian  king  apparently  engaged  in  this 
league  as  a  protection  from  Euthydemos,  whose  power  had  al- 
ready manifested  itself  in  the  south  of  the  Caucasus.  As  it  is 
called  a  renewed  treaty,  this  Indian  king  must  have  belonged  to 
the  dynasty  of  the  Palibothrian  princes,  who  had  always  been 
in  friendly  relations  to  the  Seleucides.  We  can  indeed  prove 
hereafter,  that  from  the  time  of  Seleukos  Nikator,  those  Indian 
kings  possessed  the  country  west  of  the  Indus  to  the  Caucasus,* 
and  hence  it  arises,  that  the  Bactrian  kings,  down  to  the  time  of 
this  peace,  had  no  possessions  in  the  south  of  the  Caucasus, 
and  only  when  Antiochus  entangled  himself  in  disputes  with 
Egypt,  and  thereby  with  Rome,  were  they  at  liberty  to  engage  in 
plans  for  an  invasion  of  India ;  that  is  therefore  about  the  year 
203  B.  c. 

Antiochus  effected  his  retreat  through  Arachosia  and  Drangi- 
ana,  and  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt,  that  both  countries 
were  still  under  the  dominion  of  the  Seleucides. f 

Demetrios,  the  son  of  Euthydemos,  then  a  youth  of  remark- 
able beauty,  had  a  principal  share  in  concluding  the  peace  with 
Antiochus,  whose  daughter  was  given  him  in  marriage. 

This  Demetrios  however  is  afterwards  not  mentioned  as 
king   of   Bactria,  but   of  India  {''  Demetrii  regis  Indorum^'J) 

*  De  Pentap.  Ind.  p.  42—45. 
t  By  the  notice,  that  Seleukos  had  also  yielded  Arachosia  to  Kandragup- 
ta,  we  have  certainly  to  understand  but  the  district  eastward  of  the  sour- 
ces of  the  Helmund  and  the  Lora.  X  Justin,  xli.  6. 


672  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  103. 

fighting  with  Eukratides  for  the  dominion  of  Bactria^  and 
eventually  conquered  and  deprived  of  India  by  this  king. 
We  do  not  know^  whether  he  originally  succeeded  his  father 
in  Bactria,  and  was  expelled  from  thence,  and  limited  to  his 
Indian  possessions,  being  eventually  deprived  of  them  also,  or 
whether  some  one  embraced  the  opportunity  of  his  absence 
from  Bactria,  while  he  was  perhaps  engaged  in  an  expedition 
against  India,  after  the  deatli  of  his  father,  to  take  possession  of 
the  Bactrian  throne.*  Nor  do  we  know,  whetlier  Eukratides 
or  a  predecessor  of  his,  expelled  the  family  of  Euthydemos  from 
Bactria. 

The  opinion  which  most  naturally  suggests  itself  is,  that 
Eukratides  expelled  them ;  up  to  this  time,  however,  Menandros 
has  been  ordinarily  considered  as  king  of  Bactria  before 
Eukratides,  though  some  say,  ApoUodotos,  probably  the  son  of 
Menandros,  or,  lastly,  Heliokles,  whom  we  know  only  from 
the  coins.  The  opinions  maintained  as  explanatory  of  these  dif- 
ferent successions  to  the  throne  of  Bactria,  must  exceedingly 
differ  one  from  another,  on  account  of  our  defective  information ; 
and  were  we  to  examine  these  opinions,  it  would  be  evident, 
that  all  of  them  are  more  or  less  artificial  and  forced,  and  even 
dogmatical.  But  instead  of  subjecting  them  to  a  critical  review, 
it  will  suffice  our  purpose  to  refer  (Bayer,  p.  85 — 89.  R.  R.  I.  34. 
II.  33,)  to  them,  and  to  attempt  arranging  the  facts  in  the  way 
in  which,  from  our  own  comparison  of  the  respective  passages, 
and  the  new  results  derived  from  the  coins,  we  think  we  must 
needs  consider  them. 

First ;  the  conjecture  of  adopting  three  kings  in  Bactria  be- 
tween Euthydemos  and  Eukratides,  appears  somewhat  improba- 
ble. Menandros  is  among  them,  whose  reign  cannot  have  been 
a  short  one,  since  we  know  that  he  had  made  great  conquests 
in  India,  and  gained  by  his  justice  the  general  attachment  of  his 


*  M.  R.  R.  infers  fi-om  the  coins,  that  Demetrios,  although  for  a  short 
time,  did  also  reign  in  Bactria.  This  conjecture  is  not  improbable,  though 
the  conclusion  of  R.  R.  does  not  appear  to  me  to  be  founded  on  a  firm 
basis. 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Indo- Scythian  coins.  673 

subjects.     On  this  fact  we  have  the  authority  of  Plutarch  and 
Strabo.* 

Secondly ;  the  respective  passages,  more  carefully  considered, 
do  not  render  it  necessary  to  consider  Menandros  as  a  king  of 
Bactria,  but  they  are  rather  at  variance  with  this  view. 

Plutarch  makes  no  mention  of  Menandros  but  accidentally;  and 
the  great  conqueror  is  so  little  known  to  him,  that  he  calls  him, 
^^  one  Menandros.'^  As  now  even  Strabo,  though  he  had  before 
him  the  book  of  ApoUodoros  of  Artemita,  the  very  best  authority 
for  this  history,  does  not  distinguish  in  a  remarkable  manner  the 
separated  dominions  of  the  Greeks  in  India,  a  fact  fully  estab- 
lished by  the  evidence  of  the  coins ;  we  cannot  be  surprised,  that 
Plutarch  in  later  days,  confounded  the  separate  Indian  empire 
with  the  Bactrian  one.  The  expression  he  uses,  does  not  there- 
fore obUge  us  to  consider  Menandros  as  king  of  Bactria. 

Strabo,  when  summing  up  in  his  passage  the  greatest  extent 
of  power  on  the  whole,  any  where  attained  by  those  Greeks 
who  rendered  Bactria  independent,  mentions  Menandros  as  the 
sovereign  who  advanced  farthest  towards  India;  but  he  is  not 
named  there  as  king  of  Bactria,  nor  does  this  follow  from  a 
passage  conceived  in  such  general  terms  as  this  is.  If  we  do  not 
explain  this  passage  as  intended  to  give  a  general  view,  but  ra- 
ther limit  the  facts  mentioned  to  Menandros  and  Demetrios, 
they  would  be  considered  by  Strabo  as  those  that  stirred  up 
Bactria  against  the  Seleucides,  and  who  had  also  possessions  in 
the  country  of  the  Scythian  nomades  ;  now  the  first  statement 
would  be  false,  and  the  second  improbable. 

Lastly  ;  the  following  passage,  (Prolo.  Trog.  Pomp,  xli) 
^^  Indices  quoque  res  additae,  gestae  per  ApoUodotum  et  Me- 
nandrum,  reges  eorum.  Bactria  was,  it  is  true,  already  mentioned, 
but  why  should  this  prevent  a  suspicion,  that  in  such  an  ex- 
tract the  expression  was  too  concisely  given,  and  that  instead  of 
explaining  '^  eorum  ''  by  ^^  BactrianoruMy^  we  should  not  ra- 
ther supply  ^^  Indorunv'^  from  "  Indicee  ?  ^^ 

*  Plutarcli  de  Kep.  Ger.  p.  821. 
MtvavSjOov  ^k  Tivog  tv  ^uKTpoig  iirieiKioQ  j3a(JiXtv(TavTog,  ura 
aTToOavovTog  ctti  (JTpaToire^ov  k.  r.  X. 

Strabo.  xi.  p.  516.    We  shall  hereafter  examine  this  passage. 


674  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  103. 

I  infer  from  this  discussion^  that  none  of  the  passages  cited 
necessitate  our  considering  Menandros  as  a  Bactrian  king,  and 
still  less  ApoUodotos.  It  is  only  certain,  that  Menandros  made 
great  conquests  in  India ;  we  must  therefore  h^ve  recourse  to 
the  coins. 

Thirdly  ;  these  coins  always  exhibit  Cabulian  letters  as  their 
symbols,  and  their  places  of  discovery,  moreover,  refer  to  an 
Indian  empire,  and  we  may  justly  assign  Menandros  and  Apol- 
lodotos  to  the  history  of  the  Indo-Grecian  kingdoms.* 

Now  as  to  Heliokles  : — 

This  king,  mentioned  by  no  author,  must  have  his  place  as- 
signed him  on  numismatological  grounds  alone;  but  different 
conclusions  have  been  drawn  from  them  by  different  writers. 
Visconti,  and  M.  Raoul-Rochette  think  him  earlier  than  Eukra- 
tides  ;  in  this  case  he  might  be  the  very  same  who  removed  the 
Euthydemides  from  the  throne,  and  the  epithet,  "  the  just,*' 
might  allude  to  his  retributive  justice  towards  the  family  of  the 
usurper  Euthydemos.  M.  Mionnet  takes  him  for  the  successor, 
and  even  for  the  murderer,  of  his  father  Eukratides.  In  this 
case  he  was  perhaps  the  last  Greco-Bactrian  king.  The  numis- 
maticians  may  settle  this  dispute  among  them.  There  is  ample 
room  for  him,  as  well  before  as  after  Eukratides,  if  even  two 
Eukratides  be  adopted,  f 


*  See  Mr.  Mueller,  p.  208. 

t  Visconti.  Icon.  TIT.  p.  253.  R.  R.  II.  p.  20.  p.  26.  Mionnet  VIII.  p.  470. 
M.  R.  R.  concedes  (p.  20)  that  Heliokles  was  coeval  with  his  Eukratides 
II. ;  but  supposing  now,  that  there  were  two  Eukratides,  or  say  even,  there 
were  only  one,  how  can  Heliokles,  who  has  no  claim  whatever  to  having 
possessed  any  empire  save  Bactria,  have  been  coeval  with  Eukratides,  un- 
less he  were  his  immediate  predecessor  or  successor  ?  The  numismatologi- 
cal reason  for  assigning  to  Heliokles  an  earlier  era,  seems  not  to  be  very 
evident,  as  M.  R.  R.  does  not  mention  any  certain  fact.  Visconti's  inference, 
drawn  from  the  epithet,  is  wholly  inconclusive.  But  how  can  we  reconcile, 
that  in  vol.  II.  p.  20,  M.  R.  R.  should  make  Heliokles  a  contemporary  of 
Eukratides,  while  in  vol.  I.  p.  33,  he  is  considered  the  successor  of  Deme- 
trius, predecessor  of  Antimachos,  and  pre-predecessor  of  Eukratides  I  ?  M. 
Mionnet  explained  the  epithet  of  Heliokles,  by  the  passage  of  Justin, 
in  which  he  prides  himself  on  the  murder  of  his  father  as  of  a  good  deed.  If 
he  were  indeed  the  son  and  successor  of  Eukratides,  this  interpretation  of 


1840.]        from  Bactr'ian  and  Indo- Scythian  coins.  6/5 

However  Demetrius  may  have  been  deprived  of  the  Bactrian 
throne,  it  is  estabUshed^  that  he  founded  an  Indian  empire ; 
thence  attacking  Eukratides  in  Bactria,  he  was  conquered  by 
this  king,  who  then  took  possession  of  India  also.* 

Let  us  first  settle  where  we  have  to  look  for  the  empire  of 
Demetrius.  Strabo,  in  the  passage  where  he  takes  a  general 
view  of  the  conquests  of  the  Greek  kings,  mentions  two  of  them, 
Demetrios  and  Menandros,  as  the  greatest  conquerors.  These 
conquests  included  partly  Ariana,  by  which  Strabo  means  the 
country  of  the  Paropamisades,  Arachosia,  and  Gedrosia  ;  and 
partly  countries  to  the  north  of  Sogdiana.  The  mention  of  the 
Serians  does  not  lead  us  to  China,  as  has  been  objected 
to  that  reading,  but  to  the  Issedon  Serica  of  Ptolemy,  on  the 
borders  of  the  Achardus,  whether  it  be  Yarkiang  or  Kaschgar, 
and  where  indeed  is  the  improbability  of  this  supposition  ?  This 
is  the  construction  of  the  geographer,  Dionysios  (p.  752,) 
Kal  To-^apoif  ^povyoi  re,  /cat  iOvea  fiapf^apa  2?7/owv." 
These  conquests  lastly  included  districts  towards  India,  and  this  in 
two  directions,  in  India  Proper,  beyond  the  last  river  reached  by 
Alexander,  beyond  the  Hyphasis  to  the  Jumna,  and  down  the 
Indus  to  the  sea,  comprising  the  Delta  of  Pattalene,  and  further 
to  the  east  Surastra  or  Guzerate,  extending  along  the  shore. f 

the  epithet  would  be  most  acceptable,  were  it  not  wholly  preposterous ; 
for  M.  R.  R.  says,  (II.  p.  20.),  "  Cette  id4e  est  si  extraordinaire,  qu'elle  ne 
comporte  pas  une  discussion  serieuse.  Jamais  en  aucun  temps  et  dana 
aucun  pays  du  monde  on  n'a  brave  I'opinion  pubUque,  ni  outragfe  la 
raison  et  Thumanitfe  au  point  de  pretendre  couvrir  un  parricide  par  le  titre 
Juste."  I  however  will  not  venture  "  tantas  componere  Utes."  It  affords  me 
extreme  pleasure  to  learn,  that  the  science  of  Numismatics  is  the  only 
one  which  does  not  submit  to  force,  and  pay  homage  to  crime,  that  it  has 
even  necessitated  such  an  abominable  monster  as  the  son  and  murderer  of 
Eukratides  to  preserve  upon  his  coins,  that  respect  for  public  opinion, 
which  he  elsewhere  so  boldly  violated ! 
*  Justin.  XL  I,  6.    Strabo  xi.  1,  p.  516. 

j*  Toorovrov   §£  'iffyyaav    ol   a7rocrr»j<Tavr£c    '^EXXrjvec    avrriv 

(Bactria)  Sea  tt)v  aptrriv  rrjc    yCjpaqy    w<jtb    rri^  'Apiavr}g  €7r£fcpa- 

rouv,  Kai  tCov  IvScuv,  log  <jnfi<nv  o  'AttoXXoSw/ooc  o  'Ajora^ir^voc, 

Kal  TrXetw    sOvri  KaTi<JTpe\pavTO  rj  AXe^av^poQ,  Kal  jutaXiffra    Mt- 


674  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  103. 

I  infer  from  this  discussion^  that  none  of  the  passages  cited 
necessitate  our  considering  Menandros  as  a  Bactrian  king,  and 
still  less  ApoUodotos.  It  is  only  certain,  that  Menandros  made 
great  conquests  in  India ;  we  must  therefore  h^ve  recourse  to 
the  coins. 

Thirdly  ;  these  coins  always  exhibit  Cabulian  letters  as  their 
symbols,  and  their  places  of  discovery,  moreover,  refer  to  an 
Indian  empire,  and  we  may  justly  assign  Menandros  and  Apol- 
lodotos  to  the  history  of  the  Indo- Grecian  kingdoms.* 

Now  as  to  Heliokles  : — 

This  king,  mentioned  by  no  author,  must  have  his  place  as- 
signed him  on  numismatological  grounds  alone;  but  different 
conclusions  have  been  drawn  from  them  by  different  writers. 
Visconti,  and  M.  Raoul-Rochette  think  him  earlier  than  Eukra- 
tides  ;  in  this  case  he  might  be  the  very  same  who  removed  the 
Euthydemides  from  the  throne,  and  the  epithet,  ^^  the  just,'' 
might  allude  to  his  retributive  justice  towards  the  family  of  the 
usurper  Euthydemos.  M.  Mionnet  takes  him  for  the  successor, 
and  even  for  the  murderer,  of  his  father  Eukratides.  In  this 
case  he  was  perhaps  the  last  Greco- Bactrian  king.  The  numis- 
raaticians  may  settle  this  dispute  among  them.  There  is  ample 
room  for  him,  as  well  before  as  after  Eukratides,  if  even  two 
Eukratides  be  adopted,  f 


•  See  Mr.  Mueller,  p.  208. 

t  Visconti.  Icon.  TIT.  p.  253.  R.  R.  II.  p.  20.  p.  26.  Mionnet  VIII.  p.  470. 
M.  R.  R.  concedes  (p.  20)  that  Heliokles  was  coeval  with  his  Eukratides 
II. ;  but  supposing  now,  that  there  were  two  Eukratides,  or  say  even,  there 
were  only  one,  how  can  Heliokles,  who  has  no  claim  whatever  to  having 
possessed  any  empire  save  Bactria,  have  been  coeval  w  ith  Eukratides,  un- 
less he  were  his  immediate  predecessor  or  successor  ?  The  numismatologi- 
cal reason  for  assigning  to  Heliokles  an  earlier  era,  seems  not  to  be  very 
evident,  as  M.  R.  R.  does  not  mention  anj^  certain  fact.  Visconti's  inference, 
drawn  from  the  epithet,  is  w  holly  inconclusive.  But  how  can  we  reconcile, 
that  in  vol.  II.  p.  20,  M.  R.  R.  should  make  Heliokles  a  contemporary  of 
Eukratides,  while  in  vol.  I.  p.  33,  he  is  considered  the  successor  of  Deme- 
trius, predecessor  of  Antimachos,  and  pre-predecessor  of  Eukratides  I  ?  M. 
Mionnet  explained  the  epithet  of  Heliokles,  by  the  passage  of  Justin, 
in  which  he  prides  himself  on  the  murder  of  his  father  as  of  a  good  deed.  If 
he  were  indeed  the  son  and  successor  of  Eukratides,  this  interpretation  of 


1840.]        from  BacMan  and  Lido- Scythian  coins.  6/5 

However  Demetrius  may  have  been  deprived  of  the  Bactrian 
throne,  it  is  estabUshed^  that  he  founded  an  Indian  empire ; 
thence  attacking  Eukratides  in  Bactria,  he  was  conquered  by 
this  king,  who  then  took  possession  of  India  also.* 

Let  us  first  settle  where  we  have  to  look  for  the  empire  of 
Demetrius.  Strabo,  in  the  passage  where  he  takes  a  general 
view  of  the  conquests  of  the  Greek  kings,  mentions  two  of  them, 
Demetrios  and  Menandros,  as  the  greatest  conquerors.  These 
conquests  included  partly  Ariana,  by  which  Strabo  means  the 
country  of  the  Paropamisades,  Arachosia,  and  Gedrosia  ;  and 
partly  countries  to  the  north  of  Sogdiana.  The  mention  of  the 
Serians  does  not  lead  us  to  China,  as  has  been  objected 
to  that  reading,  but  to  the  Issedon  Serica  of  Ptolemy,  on  the 
borders  of  the  iVchardus,  whether  it  be  Yarkiang  or  Kaschgar, 
and  where  indeed  is  the  improbability  of  this  supposition  ?  This 
is  the  construction  of  the  geographer,  Dionysios  (p.  752,) 
Kdt  To-^apoif  ^povyoi  re,  /cat  iOvea  (5ap^apa  Srj^owv/* 
These  conquests  lastly  included  districts  towards  India,  and  this  in 
two  directions,  in  India  Proper,  beyond  the  last  river  reached  by 
Alexander,  beyond  the  Hyphasis  to  the  Jumna,  and  down  the 
Indus  to  the  sea,  comprising  the  Delta  of  Pattalene,  and  further 
to  the  east  Surastra  or  Guzerate,  extending  along  the  shore. t 

the  epithet  would  be  most  acceptable,  were  it  not  wholly  preposterous ; 
for  M.  R.  R.  says,  (II.  p.  20.),  "  Cette  id§e  est  si  extraordinaire,  qu'elle  ne 
comporte  pas  une  discussion  serieuse.  Jamais  en  aucun  temps  et  dana 
aucun  pays  du  monde  on  n'a  brave  I'opinion  publique,  ni  outrag6  la 
raison  et  I'humanitfe  au  point  de  pretendre  couvrir  un  parricide  par  le  titre 
Juste.''  I  however  will  not  venture  '*  tantas  componere  lites."  It  affords  me 
extreme  pleasure  to  learn,  that  the  science  of  Numismatics  is  the  only 
one  which  does  not  submit  to  force,  and  pay  homage  to  crime,  that  it  has 
even  necessitated  such  an  abominable  monster  as  the  son  and  murderer  of 
Eukratides  to  preserve  upon  his  coins,  that  respect  for  public  opinion, 
which  he  elsewhere  so  boldly  violated ! 
*  Justin.  XL  I,  6.    Strabo  xi.  1,  p.  516. 

f   ToCTourov    Se   'iayyaav    ot   airocfTriaavTiq    '^EXX>?V£C    avrriv 

(Bactria)  Sia  rrjv  aptrriv  rrj^    yj^pag,    loffre   Trig    Apiavinq  c^re/cpa- 

rouv,  Kai  tCov  IvSwv,  log  ^riaiv  o  'AttoXXoSw/ooc  o  'A/orajUir^vo^, 

Kal  TrXftw    eOvYi  KarecTrpe^pavTO  tJ  AXc£av^/ooc,  Kai  juaXicrra    Mc- 


676  Lasseii^s  Bactrian  and  Indo-Scythian  coins.     [No.  103. 

It  has  not  been  noticed,  what  direction  the  conquests  of  De- 
metrius followed ;  those  of  Menandros,  it  is  said,  were  directed 
against  India  Proper.  But  who  then  conquered  Ariana  ?  Who 
Pattalene  ?  Who  the  country  of  the  Serians  ?  6trabo  makes  no 
distinctions  there,  and  the  last  country  at  least,  could  have  been 
hardly  conquered  by  Demetrius  or  Menandros,  though  we  must 
probably  ascribe  the  conquest  of  Pattalene  to  either  of  both 
kings.     But  to  which  ? 

vav^pog,  c't-yg  Kai  TOV^Yiracnv  (edd. — viv)  ^u^rj  npog  kw,  Kai  fjikyjpi 
rov  \op.avov  (edd.  *laafiov)  TTjOorjAOc,  tcl  fxlv  yap  avrog,  to.  §£ 
^r)fX7]rpiOQ  o  EuOu^^ijUOu  vloq  rov  ^aKTpiwv  (^aariXewg,  ov  ^o- 
vov  Se  TTJv  UaTTaXrivrjv  Karea^ov,  aWa  Kal  rrjc  aXXfiq  TrapaXiag 
Tr)v  T£  2a/oio<rrou  (o^  ^apaoarov)  KaXovfxkvnv,  ^ai  Tqv  ^lykp- 
Ti^og  jSafftXe/av.  Ka^'  oXov  ^e  (jirjcTiv  eKHVog  rriQ  (rvjutiratrtig 
^Apiavrig  irpoa'^ixa  cii^at  r»)v  BaACTjOiavrjr,  Kat  orj  Kai  fik'^pt 
^ripLjv  Kai  ^pvvMV  e^ereivav  Trjv  ap^v.  The  alterations  '  Yirafftv 
and  'lojuavov,  "are  perhaps  necessary."  re  2a^io(Trou  occurs  together 
with  Tetra/otoffrov  in  the  manuscripts.  Mr.  Prinsep  (As.  Trans.  VI.  p. 
390)  first  noticed,  that  by  this  Sur§,shtra  was  to  be  understood.  ApoUodoros 
has  perhaps  mentioned  a  king,  who  was  named  after  his  country,  as 
Taxiles  was  already  before  named  in  the  same  manner.  Ptolemy  has 
^vpaarprivri ;  according  to  him,  it  is  the  country  between  Cutchandthe 
river  Mahi,  therefore  Guzerate,  Sigertis  (in  Sanscrit  perhaps  Srigarta) 
must  be  the  coast  round  Barygaza;  Ptolemy  has,  on  the  south  of  the 
Nerbudda,  the  town  Siripala  (Sripala)  which  perhaps  denotes  the  same 
name.  In  Sanscrit  this  coast  has  the  name  of  Lata  (pronounced  Lara) 
whence  the  Larice  of  the  ancient  'authors. 

"It  is  also  called  Surashtra,  and  its  inhabitants  Surashtras,  the  royal 
and  excellent  royal  offspring.  Another  name  for  it  is  Gurjjara-rashtra, 
or  kingdom  of  the  Gurjjaras  or  Gurjjas  in  conversation.  Hence  it  is  called 
the  country  of  Gourz  or  Giourx  by  one  of  Renaudot's  Musalman  travellers 
in  the  ninth  century.  From  Surashtra  and  Gujjara-rashtra  they  have  made, 
in  the  spoken  dialects,  Surat,  and  Gurjjarat,  and  even  Gujjerat."  Essay 
on  the  ancient  Geography  of  India,  M.S.S.  No.  277.  Library  As. 
Soc.  of  Bengal. 

(To  be  continued,) 


677 

Abstract  Report  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Committee  appointed  to 
superintend  the  Boring  Operations  in  Fort  William,  from  their 
commencement  in  December,  1835,  to  their  close  in  April,  1840. 
Several  attempts  have  at  different  times  been  made  to  supply  the 
deficiency  of  good  water  in  Fort  William,  by  boring  through  the 
strata  on  which  it  stands,  in  search  of  subterranean  springs.  The  pre- 
sent operations,  which  form  the  most  recent  of  the  series,  were  origi- 
nally commenced  in  December,  1835,  but  the  site  then  selected  was 
shortly  afterwards  abandoned  in  consequence  of  the  operations  having 
been  impeded  by  a  dislocation  of  the  joints  of  the  metallic  tubes 
lining  the  bore.  As  all  attempts  made  to  rejoint  the  dislocated 
tubes  proved  unsuccessful,  the  Committee  selected  a  new  locality 
closely  adjoining,  however,  to  that  of  the  original  bore,  no  advantage 
being  anticipated  from  any  change  of  site  within  the  limits  of  the 
Fort,  the  succession  of  strata,  and  the  circumstances  of  their  disposi- 
tion, being  alike  within  so  small  a  space. 

On  the  2nd  of  April,  1836,  the  operations  of  the  Committee  were 
resumed,  by  commencing  the  excavation  of  a  shaft,  ten  feet  in 
diameter,  ten  feet  in  depth,  interiorly  rivetted  with  good  masonry, 
and  having  its  bottom  strongly  planked,  with  masonry  continued 
over  the  planking.  A  boarded  floor  with  a  central  trap  door  moving 
on  hinges  so  as  to  admit  of  access  to  the  shaft,  as  occasion  might  re- 
quire, covered  the  top.  A  large  gin  (Sketch  No.  1)  filled  with  the 
necessary  tackling  for  working  the  rods  and  tools,  and  having  a 
wooden  platform  supported  by  massive  timber  uprights,  on  which 
a  heavy  weight  of  guns  was  placed  to  give  the  requisite  stability,  was 
erected  over  the  shaft.  The  rods,  &c.  were  originally  worked  with 
ropes,  but  the  expenditure  of  these  became  so  serious  as  to  lead  to 
their  being  replaced  by  strong  chain  cables,  which  were  found  in 
every  respect  superior.  Two  chains  attached  to  the  ring  of  a  brace- 
head  passed  subsequently  through  a  triple  block  fixed  to  the  apex  of 
the  gin,  and  were  then  led  to  two  powerful  crabs,  firmly  bolted  to 
large  fixed  sleepers,  at  about  fifteen  or  eighteen  feet  from  the  gin.  A 
chain  was  attached  to  each  crab,  and  on  the  screw  of  the  upper  rod 
being  entered  into  the  brace-head,  the  crabs  were  worked  simultane- 
ously, and  the  power  of  both  thus  brought  to  bear  in  raising  the  mass 

of  the  rods,  or  in  any  other  necessary  manner. 

4r 


678 


Boring  Operations  in  Fort  William,         [No.  103. 


On  the  28th  of  April  the  actual  excavation  of  the  bore  was  com- 
menced with  a  six  inch  auger,  being  that  adapted  to  the  tubing 
it  was  intended  to  employ.  On  the  depth  of  120  feet  being  attained, 
the  quicksand,  which  had  rendered  the  first  attempt  abortive,  was 
again  met  with.  The  experience  of  its  previous  effects  had  render- 
ed apparent  the  necessity  of  securing  firmly  the  joints  of  the  tubes, 
which  was  acco'rdingly  done  by  means  of  four  short,  but  strong 
screws,  in  the  manner  represented  in  sketch  No.  II.  To  this  precau- 
tion the  success  of  the  work  so  far  was  undoubtedly  to  be  attributed, 
as  the  difficulties  were  found  most  serious  from  the  loose,  even  semi- 
fluid, consistence  of  the  sand,  which  on  the  removal  of  a  portion  of 
the  water,  then  standing  in  the  tubes  within  15  feet  of  the  surface, 
immediately  rose  to  seventeen  feet,  and  though  the  work  was  conti- 
nued night  and  day,  actually  rose  faster  than  its  removal  could  be 
effected,  so  that  at  the  end  of  eleven  days  and  nights  of  incessant  toil, 
it  had  risen  from  124  to  103  feet. 

Hence  it  became  evident,  that  the  only  mode  of  overcoming  the 
obstacles  presented  by  the  sand,  was  to  force  the  tubes  down  till 
coming  in  contact  with  some  firm  stratum,  the  sand  should  be  exclud- 
ed ;  by  unrelaxing  perseverance  and  much  labour,  frequently  with  an 
advance  of  not  more  than  a  few  inches  in  the  day,  the  tubes  at  length 
attained  a  depth  of  157  feet.  The  sand  was  then  perceptibly  gained 
upon,  and  at  159  feet  a  stiff  clay  was  reached,  and  the  borer  which 
during  the  prevalence  of  the  sand  was  always  behind  the  tubing, 
now  passed  it,  and  in  twenty-four  hours  attained  a  depth  of  175  feet. 

The  open  auger  it  was  found  could  not  be  used  with  effect  ex- 
cept in  working  through  clay  ;  a  valved  instrument,  therefore,  called 
the  "Mudshell,"  had  hitherto  been  employed  for  raising  the  sand. 
This  tool  however  here  became  useless,  from  some  defect  in  the  action 
of  the  valve,  which  failed  either  to  admit  or  retain  the  sand,  now 
coarse  and  gravelly,  and  in  consequence  it  was  found  impracticable 
to  penetrate  with  it  beyond  175  feet.  One  of  the  augers  however 
being  fitted  with  a  valve,  and  otherwise  altered  so  as  to  retain  the 
sand,  was  employed  with  partial  success,  but  not  to  an  extent  suffi- 
cient to  prevent  the  sand  rising  in  the  tubes,  since  after  working 
twenty-one  days,  and  the  tubing  having  been  forced  down  to  a  depth 
of  177  feet  2  inches,   it   was   found  impossible  to  work  the  auger 


1840.]  Boring  Operations  in  Fort  William.  679 

lower  than  167  feet  10  inches  ;  occasionally  a  partial  advance  was 
made,  but  it  was  neither  permanent  nor  certain,  from  the  constant 
variation  of  the  height  of  the  sand  in  the  tubes. 

On  entering  the  stratum  of  stiff  clay,  above  alluded  to,  the  night- 
work  had  ceased,  but  it  was  again  found  necessary  to  resume  it, 
as  the  only  means  of  overcoming  the  existing  difficulties.  The  effect 
of  this  was  to  carry  the  bore  successfully  ■  to  a  depth  of  182  feet  8 
inches  by  the  27th  of  July,  when  a  temporary  suspension  of  the 
operations  took  place,  from  the  supply  of  rods  having  become  ex- 
hausted. It  may  be  mentioned,  that  for  some  days  prior  to  this  date 
considerable  inconvenience  had  been  experienced  by  the  stoppage 
of  the  borer,  both  in  its  ascent  and  descent,  by  some  obstacle,  the 
nature  of  which  could  not  be  ascertained.  Had  it  been  constant  in 
its  position,  it  might  have  been  anticipated  that  the  tubing  had  again 
been  dislocated  or  forced  from  the  perpendicular,  but  so  far  from  this 
being  the  case,  the  borer  occasionally  descended  and  was  brought  up 
without  the  least  difficulty  ;  this  temporary  intermission  was  followed 
by  the  re-appearance  of  the  impediment ;  again  it  intermitted,  and 
latterly  disappeared  altogether. 

A  further  supply  of  the  rods  having  been  obtained  from  Delhi, 
the  boring  was  resumed  on  the  13th  October,  1836.*  During  this 
interval   of  suspension,    however,   it  was  found  that  the  tubes   had 

*  The  following  singular  circumstances  connected  with  these  Delhi  rods,  may  here 
be  placed  upon  record,  though  it  has  been  found  impossible  to  obtain  any  satisfactory 
explanation  of  their  origin  or  cause. 

1000  feet  of  rods,  in  lengths  of  20  feet  each,  were  received  from  the  Court  of 
Directors  at  one  time ;  500  feet  of  these  were  taken  indiscriminately  for  the  Fort  Ope- 
rations, and  the  remaining  500  feet  were  forwarded  to  the  Magazine  at  Delhi.  On  the 
occasion  of  the  supply  in  the  Fort  becoming  exhausted,  a  portion  of  those  sent  to 
Delhi  were  called  for,  and  200  feet  were  in  the  first  instance  received,  subsequently 
followed  by  the  remaining  300.  On  working  the  two  sets  together  a  remarkable  dif- 
ference was  observed  between  them.  Under  equal  strains  the  rods  obtained  from 
Delhi  twisted  and  bent  with  the  utmost  facility,  while  those  employed  in  the  Fort 
operations  continued  rigid  and  straight,  so  that  ultimately  the  latter  alone  could  be 
used  in  the  daily  work,  the  others  being  laid  up  in  store  as  useless.  Had  this  flexibi- 
lity been  confined  to  a  portion  of  the  Delhi  rods,  it  might  have  been  explicable  on 
the  supposition  that  some  flexible  rods  had  been  intermixed  with  the  rigid  ones,  but 
it  was  equally  observable  in  the  whole  500  feet  of  them,  so  that  this  explanation  can 
scarcely  be  admitted,  especially  when  it  is  remembered  that  in  the  first  instance  no 
sort  of  selection  was  employed.  The  strength  of  the  Delhi  was  however  considerably 
greater  than  that  of  the  Fort  rods,  the  former  bearing  a  strain  of  19.6  tons  on  the 
square  inch,  without  breaking ;  while  the  latter  yielded  to  a  strain  of  16.2  tyns  per 
square  inch. 


680  Boring  Operations  in  Fort  William.  [No.  103. 

sunk  by  their  own  weight  from  183  to  187  feet,  and  the  bore  could 
now  be  worked  to  the  depth  of  189  feet.  By  the  10th  November 
following,  a  depth  of  238  feet  5  inches  had  been  attained,  the  chief 
difficulty  in  prosecuting  the  work  arising  from  the  imperfect  action 
of  the  instrument  employed  in  raising  the  sand,  in  consequence  of 
which  the  whole  contents  of  the  shell  were  frequently  removed  during 
its  passage  to  the  surface.  To  the  construction  of  the  valves  of  such 
instruments,  much  attention  ought  therefore  to  be  paid,  as  on  the  effec- 
tive action  of  these,  the  progress  of  the  operations  is  most  essentially 
dependant. 

On  the  15th  November,  an  attempt  was  made  to  bring  up  some 
water  from  the  bottom  of  the  bore  by  lowering  a  bottle  with  a  large 
brass  plummet  attached  to  it,  to  cause  it  to  sink ;  but  unfortunately 
before  it  could  be  raised,  the  connecting  string  broke,  and  the  plum- 
met was  left  below.  Considerable  anxiety  was  excited  by  this,  from 
the  anticipation  (subsequently  realized)  of  the  auger  coming  in  con- 
tact with  the  plummet,  and  being  jammed  within  the  tubing.  On 
arriving  at  the  depth  of  271  feet,  the  lower  part  of  the.mudshell,  in- 
cluding the  valve,  from  some  unknown  cause  broke  off,  and  remained 
at  the  bottom  of  the  bore.  This  accident  caused  much  trouble,  but 
after  various  attempts  to  extricate  the  fractured  shell,  the  perforation 
of  an  aperture  in  it,  by  the  use  of  a  jumper,  admitted  of  a  strong 
conical  worm  auger  being  screwed  into  it,  and  by  the  hold  thus 
obtained,  it  was  successfully  raised  to  the  surface. 

At  the  depth  of  324  feet  the  borer  came  in  contact  with  the 
long  lost  plummet,  and  became  so  firmly  jammed  between  it  and  the 
tubing  as  to  foil  every  effort  made  for  its  extrication,  though  the 
force  applied  at  one  time  was  so  great  as  to  raise  the  whole  body 
of  the  tubing  about  4  inches,  the  weight  of  this  being  certainly  not 
less  than  7i  tons,  exclusive  of  friction.  To  guard  against  the  in- 
convenience of  an  accidental  fracture  of  the  rods  at  any  considerable 
distance  beneath  the  surface,  while  they  were  subject  to  such  strains, 
Captain  Thomson  of  the  Engineers  suggested  that  the  uppermost  rod 
should  be  made  thinner  and  weaker  than  those  within  the  bore  (so 
as  to  give  way  first)  but  yet  capable  of  bearing  a  strain  of  25  tons. 
The  force  subsequently  applied  caused  the  rods  however  to  break  at 
their  connection  with  the  mudshell,  and  though  they  were  all  brought 


1840.]  Boring  Operations  in  Fort  William.  681 

up,  the  tool  remained  below.  A  new  operation  therefore  became 
necessary  for  extracting  the  shell,  and  first  the  upper  portion  of  it  was 
considerably  widened  by  the  use  of  a  jumper.  A  drill  was  then 
introduced,  and  after  several  day's  labour  a  hole,  sufficiently  large  to 
admit  of  the  conical  worm  auger  being  screwed  into  the  shell,  was 
drilled.  The  entire  shell  was  immediately  brought  up,  bearing  ample 
indications  of  having  been  in^contact  with  the  plummet,  but  leaving 
it  still  at  the  bottom  of  the  bore. 

On  the  first  of  October,  1837,  the  depth  attained  by  the  tubing 
was  431  feet,  while  the  depth  of  the  bore  varied  from  418  to  426 
feet,  according  to  the  height  of  the  sand.  The  water  stood  from  ten  to 
twelve  feet  from  the  surface,  according  to  the  seasons.  By  the  30th 
of  April,  1838,  the  bore  was  460  feet  deep,  and  by  the  18th  Septem- 
ber following,  a  total  depth  of  481  feet  was  reached.  Just  prior  how- 
ever to  that  depth  being  attained,  the  progress  of  the  tubing  was 
arrested  by  large  stones  requiring  the  use  of  the  jumper.  By  its  aid 
the  tubing  was  again  set  free,  but  at  481  feet  again  arrested,  and  a 
repetition  of  the  employment  of  the  jumper  became  necessary.  As 
the  tool  originally  employed  proved  insufficient  to  fracture  the  stones 
then  met  with,  a  larger  and  heavier  one  was  attached  to  the  rods, 
and  after  a  few  blows,  seemed  to  have  effected  its  purpose ;  but  on 
attempting  to  raise  it  again  it  was  found  to  be  so  firmly  jammed 
that  every  attempt  at  dislodging  it  proved  fruitless.  A  great  power 
was  simultaneously  applied  to  raising  the  rods,  and  forcing  down  the 
tubes,  but  with  no  other  effect  than  the  perceptible  elongation  of 
the  former.  About  150  blows  of  a  ram,  weighing  2|  cwt.,  with  a 
fall  of  fifteen  feet,  were  then  given  to  the  head  of  the  rods,  in  the 
hope  that  the  vibration  thus  communicated  to  them  would  tend  to 
loosen  the  jumper  from  its  hold.  The  large  accumulation  of  sand 
over  the  tool  and  round  the  rods  rendered  it  however  problematical 
if  the  vibrations  ever  reached  the  jumper;  and  if  they  did,  there  can 
be  little  doubt  that  the  above  cause  tended  most  materially  to  dimi- 
nish their  intensity,  as  no  useful  result  followed  the  trial  of  this  expe- 
riment. Again,  and  as  a  final  effort,  the  tubing  was  securely  held 
down,  and  four  powerful  jack-screws  were  applied  to  raise  the  rods, 
which  after  stretching  two  feet  six  inches,  and  thereby  affording  a  gleam 
of  hope  that^the  difficulty  was  vanquished,  unfortunately  broke  off  at 


682  Boring  Operations  in  Fort  William^  [No.  103. 

one  of  the  connecting  joints,  160  feet  from  the  surface,  the  remaining 
320  feet  attached  to  the  jumper,  being  left  within  the  bore. 

Under  these  circumstances  the  only  hope  of  being  able  to  con- 
tinue the  operations  lay  in  the  practicability  of  unscrewing  and 
raising  the  rods,  and  this  after  much  difficulty  was  at  length  so  far 
satisfactorily  effected  by  the  use  of  an  ingenious  instrument  designed 
by  Captain  John  Thomson,  that  29(^  of  the  320  feet  of  the  rods 
were  successfully  extracted.  This  instrument  consisted  of  three 
steel  arms  rivetted  to  an  iron  bell,  in  the  manner  shewn  in  sketch 
No.  Ill,  and  subsequently  welded  to  the  end  of  the  undermost 
boring  rod.  The  interior  surfaces  of  the  steel  arms  were  cut  in 
grooves  so  inclined,  that  on  the  head  of  the  rod  to  be  extracted 
being  grasped  within  them,  and  a  rotatory  motion  communicated  to 
the  instrument  from  above,  the  teeth  cut  into  the  soft  iron,  and  by 
the  hold  thus  obtained,  the  unscrewing  and  raising  were  effected. 
The  bell  acted  as  a  guide,  and  was  made  of  diameter  just  sufficient  to 
admit  of  the  instrument  being  readily  worked  within  the  tubing.  It 
became  necessary  to  pass  iron  pins  through  all  the  connecting  joints 
of  the  rods,  otherwise  the  rotatory  motion  would  have  unscrewed 
them. 

On  the  16th  of  February,  1839,  the  instrument  above  described 
was  again  successfully  employed  in  unscrewing  twenty  feet  more  of 
the  fractured  rods.  After  this  a  single  rod,  only  ten  feet  in  length, 
remained  attached  to  the  jumper,  and  repeated  attempts  were  made  to 
effect  its  extrication,  till  at  length  during  one  of  these,  its  joint 
unfortunately  broke  off,  leaving  the  difficulty  greater  than  ever.  The 
only  remedy  which  presented  itself,  was  to  construct  a  second  instru- 
ment of  which  the  steel  arms  would  be  long  enough  to  lay  hold  of  the 
shoulder  strap  in  the  centre  of  the  rod.  This  instrupient,  after 
several  unsuccessful  attempts  had  been  made  with  it  to  unscrew  the 
broken  rod,  also  gave  way,  the  upper  part  appearing  with  one  arm 
attached  to  it,  while  the  other  two  arms  attached  to  the  bell  remained 
below.  By  the  use  of  the  conical  worm  auger  the  broken  instrument 
was  occasionally  raised  as  high  as  thirty  feet,  but  the  hold  of  it  could 
never  be  retained  to  any  greater  height,  some  obstacle  to  its  further 
progress  upwards  invariably  meeting  it  there,  and  effectually  prevent- 
ing its  removal. 


1840.]  Boring  operations  in  Fort  William.  G83 

From  the  10th  to  the  15th  February,  1840,  the  work  was  pro- 
secuted night  and  day  without  intermission,  as  a  final  effort  to  remove 
the  sand  which  had  accumulated  over  the  broken  instrument,  rod, 
&c.  and  thus  to  admit  of  another  tool  (designed  by  Sergeant  Long, 
hurst.  Sappers  and  Miners)  to  be  used  with  greater  facility.  This 
tool  shewn  in  sketch  No.  IV.  consisted  of  an  iron  rod  with  four 
strong  palls  attached  to  it,  and  so  constructed,  that  while  the  tube 
was  passing  down  the  tubing,  or  within  the  bell  of  the  broken  in- 
strument, they  lay  close  to  the  rod,  but  on  its  passing  completely 
through,  they  moved  on  their  axes  and  caught  underneath  the  tubing 
or  bell,  so  as  to  give  fulcra  for  the  force  from  above  to  act  upon. 
In  this  instance,  however,  as  before,  the  attempt  terminated  in  dis- 
appointment, for  though  the  broken  instrument  was  occasionally 
raised  a  few  feet,  every  exertion  failed  in  raising  it  to  the  surface. 

A  long  continuance  of  unceasing  exertion  on  the  part  of  those 
employed  having  thus  proved  insufficient  for  the  removal  of  these 
obstacles,  the  Committee  considered  it  their  duty  to  discontinue,  and 
were  on  the  eve  of  communicating  to  Government  their  unanimous 
opinion  that  a  further  prosecution  of  the  boring  operations  would  only 
be  incurring  expense,  for  which  there  was  no  prospect  of  any  adequate 
return,  when  it  was  suggested  to  them  that  some  good  effect  might  re- 
sult from  the  explosion  of  a  charge  of  powder,  contained  in  a  water- 
tight case,  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  broken  tool  and  jumper. 
The  Committee  deeming  it  possible  that  the  concussion  thereby  caused 
might  loosen  the  hold  of  the  jumper,  or  fracture  the  broken  tool,  so  as 
to  admit  of  its  fragments  being  raised  to  the  surface,  and  willing  to 
adopt  any  expedient  which  promised  them  the  power  of  continuing 
their  labours,  determined  to  make  the  proposed  experiment.  There 
was  reason  to  believe  that  the  steel  arms  of  the  lifting  tool  were  con- 
siderably expanded  and  in  contact  on  each  side  with  the  tubing, 
it  was  therefore  desirable  that  the  powder  should  be  lodged  within  the 
arms,  so  that  they  at  least  might  be  broken  in  pieces  by  the  first  ex- 
plosion. With  this  view  a  strong  tin  case,  carefully  soldered  and 
terminating  in  a  pointed  extremity,  was  prepared  for  the  reception  of 
about  15  tbs  of  powder,  but  preparatory  to  charging  it  for  explosion  it 
was  filled  with  dry  sand,  firmly  plugged  up,  covered  with  water-proof 
composition,  and  lowered  to  the  bottom  of  the  bore.     On  raising  it 


684  Boring  Operations  in  Fort  William.  [No.  103. 

again,  the  original  cylindrical  case  was  found  to  have  been  compressed 
by  the  water,  into  the  shape  of  an  octagon,  acute  ridges,  about  \  of  an 
inch  in  height,  alternating  with  the  flattened  sides  (sketch  No.  V.) 
The  pressure  had  ruptured  the  tin  at  the  edge  of  the  top  of  the  case, 
and  the  sand  was  saturated  with  the  water.  A  double  case  was  then 
constructed,  having  interior  cross  pieces  to  strengthen  it,  but  a  similar 
result  to  the  preceding  followed  the  lowering  of  this,  and  for  it  also  the 
pressure  (upwards  of  5,000  lbs.)  was  found  too  great.  A  cylinder  of 
wrought  iron  was  then  prepared,  and  on  sending  it  down  the  bore  it 
was  found  so  far  capable  of  resisting  the  pressure  of  the  water  as  to 
retain  its  shape,  but  the  sand  was  still  damped.  Since  however  the 
water  had  only  partially  wetted  the  sand,  it  seemed  probable  that  ad- 
ditional care  in  soldering  and  in  applying  the  water-proof  covering 
might  exclude  it  altogether,  and  accordingly  it  was  determined  to  make 
the  first  attempt  with  this  wrought  iron  case. 

The  depth  of  water  being  about  465  feet,  the  galvanic  battery 
was  of  course  the  only  igniting  agent  which  could  be  employed ; 
and  the  following  are  the  details  of  the  arrangements  adopted.  A 
wooden  plug  was  turned  somewhat  larger  at  one  extremity  than 
the  collar  of  the  cylinder  into  which  it  was  subsequently  to  be  driven. 
On  opposite  sides  of  this  plug,  grooves  were  prepared  for  the  re- 
ception of  the  interior  conducting  wires.  Considerable  difficulty  was 
experienced  in  making  the  grooves  perfectly  impervious  to  water 
under  great  pressure,  in  consequence  of  the  wires  being  twisted,  but 
ultimately  the  following  means  were  employed  with  entire  success. 
The  grooves  were  first  filled  with  fine  Europe  sealing  wax,  and  the 
wires  being  previously  made  very  hot,  were  forced  into  and  completely 
imbedded  themselves  in  it.  Subsequently  a  red-hot  iron  was  held 
near  the  wax  of  each  groove,  till  it  boiled  freely,  and  a  strip  of  wood 
was  then  forced  in  over  the  wire  so  as  effectually  to  close  every 
aperture.  The  interior  extremities  of  the  wires  were  as  usual 
connected  by  a  short  piece  of  thin  platinum,  in  contact  with  which 
a  cartridge  of  dry  fine  powder  was  placed.  The  main  conducting 
wires  were  one-sixth  of  an  inch  in  diameter,  and  their  entire  length  was 
nearly  1003  feet.  As  the  bore  was  lined  to  the  bottom  with  iron 
tubing,  it  appeared  essential  to  insulate  the  conductors  as  perfectly 
as   possible,   and    each   wire  was   accordingly  first  cased  in  hempen 


N?.  Ill 

-  arm^  anxl  Teethed  Rod  J,hftt,n^ 
Tool  ^<5y  %ai«iM  ThOT^z^on.) 


N?IV 


N?V 


X 


1840.]  Boring  Operations  in  Fort  William.  685 

strands,  over  which  a  thick  coating  of  pitch  and  grease  was  applied, 
and  then  the  two  wires  were  lashed  together  by  similar  strands, 
and  again  covered  with  pitch  and  tallow.  A  single  rope,  about 
an  inch  in  diameter,  was  thus  formed,  and  on  immersing  the  whole 
in  water,  its  action  was  tested,  and  a  battery  of  twelve  indifferent 
plates  sufficed  to  effect  the  ignition  of  powder. 

On  the  charge  being  placed  in  the  cylinder,  and  the  platinum 
wire  protected  by  means  of  a  small  tin  priming  tube,  the  plug  was 
driven  into  the  collar.  Over  it,  and  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  the 
water  forcing  its  way  through  the  wood,  a  tin  cap,  having  two  holes 
for  the  conducting  wires  to  pass  through,  was  carefully  driven  down 
and  soldered.  In  order  to  prevent  this  cap  establishing  a  metallic 
communication  between  the  wires,  and  thus  preventing  the  passage 
of  the  galvanic  fluid  to  the  platinum  wire,  the  diameter  of  the  aper- 
tures for  the  wires  was  made  considerably  larger  than  that  of  the 
wires  themselves,  and  the  top  of  the  plug  covered  with  sealing  wax. 
The  application  of  a  red  hot  iron  melted  the  sealing  wax,  and  on  the 
cap  being  driven  down  it  rose  through  the  apertures  and  formed  an 
insulating  collar  round  each  wire.  These  arrangements  being  com- 
plete, and  the  battery  of  24  cells,  14  inches  X  14  inches,  in  action,  the 
main  conductors  were  connected  to  those  of  the  cylinder,  and  the 
insulating  covering  continued  over  the  junction,  when  the  cylinder 
was  lowered  to  the  bottom  of  the  bore.  On  its  reaching  this,  the 
circuit  was  completed,  but  no  explosion  followed,  and  on  examination 
it  was  found  that  from  the  smallness  of  the  priming  tube  the  plati- 
num wire  had  come  in  contact  with  the  metal,  by  which  of  course 
its  ignition  was  prevented.  It  was  also  found  that  though  the 
priming  powder  was  dry,  the  water  had  reached  the  main  charge,  and 
completely  spoiled  it.  Further  precautions  being  taken,  several  at- 
tempts were  made,  but  all  with  the  same  result,  and  it  became  evident 
that  the  wrought  iron  case  could  not  be  rendered  water-tight.  Re- 
course was  then  had  to  casting  a  cylinder  of  iron  half  an  inch  thick 
throughout,  and  on  trial  this  was  found  to  be  perfectly  capable  of 
resisting  the  pressure  of  the  water,  and  preserving  the  charge  dry. 
The  first  attempt  with  this  failed  from  some  unascertained  cause,  and 
as  it  was  thought  possible  that  some  portion  of  the  conductor  might 
have  come  in  contact  with  the  iron  tubing,  an  additional  covering  of 
lashings,  witli  pitch  and  grease,  was  applied   for  a  second  attempt. 

4s 


686  Boring  Operations  in  Fort  William.         [No.  103. 

This  also  failed,  and  unfortunately  in  raising  the  cylinder,  to  endea- 
vour to  discover  the  cause  of  failure,  the  lifting  rope  gave  way,  and  it 
became  necessary  to  haul  on  the  conductor.  This  had  been  done 
once  or  twice  before,  without  any  bad  effects,  but  on  this  occasion  the 
junction  of  the  wires  at  the  collar  of  the  cylinder  was  not  sufficiently 
strong  to  bear  the  weight,  and  the  case  after  being  raised  for  some 
distance  dropped  back  to  the  bottom  of  the  bore.  All  hopes  of  benefit 
from  this  expedient  being  thus  summarily  disappointed,  it  only  re- 
mains to  be  stated,  that  the  operations  of  the  Committee  were  finally 
closed  on  the  20th  of  April,  1840. 

Throughout  the  course  of  the  preceding  narrative,  all  reference 
to  the  geological  information  the  labours  of  the  Committee  have  been 
instrumental  in  eliciting,  has  been  avoided,  from  a  desire  to  render  the 
mechanical  details  as  continuous  as  possible,  but  as  few  such  oppor- 
tunities as  the  present  have  ever  been  given  for  observing  the  struc- 
ture of  alluvial  Deltas,  a  condensed  summary  of  the  various  points 
of  interest  to  the  geologist  is  now  appended. 

After  penetrating  through  the  surface  soil  to  a  depth  of  about 
ten  feet,  a  stratum  of  stiff  blue  clay,  fifteen  feet  in  thickness,  was  met 
with.  Underlaying  this  was  a  light  coloured  sandy  clay,  which 
became  gradually  darker  in  colour  from  the  admixture  of  vegetable 
matter,  till  it  passed  into  a  bed  of  peat,  at  a  distance  of  about  eighty 
feet  from  the  surface.  Beds  of  clay  and  variegated  sand,  intermixed 
with  kunkur,  mica,  and  small  pebbles,  alternated  to  a  depth  of 
120  feet,  when  the  sand  became  loose,  and  almost  semifluid  in  its 
texture.  At  152  feet  the  quicksand  became  darker  in  colour  and 
coarser  in  grain,  intermixed  with  red  water- worn  nodules  of  hydra- 
ted  oxide  of  iron,  resembling  to  a  certain  extent  the  laterite  of  South 
India.  At  159  feet  a  stiff  clay  with  yellow  veins  occurred,  altering 
at  163  feet  remarkably  in  colour  and  substance,  and  becoming  dark, 
friable,  and  apparently  containing  much  vegetable  and  ferruginous 
matter.  A  fine  sand  succeeded  at  170  feet,  and  this  gradually  be- 
came coarser  and  mixed  with  fragments  of  quartz  and  felspar  to  a 
depth  of  180  feet.  At  196  feet,  clay  impregnated  with  iron  was  passed 
through,  and  at  221  feet,  sand  recurred,  containing  fragments  of  lime- 
stone with  nodules  of  kunkur  and  pieces  of  quartz  and  felspar ;  the 
same  stratum  continued  to  340  feet,  and  at  350  feet  a  fossil  bone, 
conjectured  to  be  the  humerus  of  a  dog,  was  extracted.    At  360  feet  a 


1840.]  Boring  Operations  in  Fort  William,  687 

piece  of  supposed  tortoise  shell  was  found,  and  subsequently  several 
pieces  of  the  same  substance  were  obtained.  At  372  feet  another 
fossil  bone  was  discovered,  but  it  could  not  be  identified,  from  its  be- 
ing torn  and  broken  by  the  borer.  At  392  feet  a  few  pieces  of  fine 
coal,  such  as  are  found  in  the  beds  of  mountain  streams,  with  some 
fragments  of  decayed  wood,  were  picked  out  of  the  sand,  and  at  400 
feet  a  piece  of  limestone  was  brought  up.  From  400  to  481  feet  fine 
sand,  like  that  of  a  sea-shore  intermixed  largely  with  shingle,  composed 
of  fragments,  of  primary  rocks,  quartz,  felspar,  mica,  slate,  limestone, 
prevailed,  and  in  this  stratum  the  bore  has  been  terminated. 

In  conclusion,  the  Committee  have  much  pleasure  in  acknowledg- 
ing the  valuable  aid  derived  by  them  on  many  occasions  of  diffi- 
culty from  the  advice  and  ingenuity  of  Captain  J.  Thomson  of  En- 
gineers] and  they  desire  also  to  express  their  entire  approval  of  the 
zeal  and  intelligence  uniformly  displayed  by  Sergeant  Thomas  Long- 
hurst  of  Sappers  and  Miners,  during  the  whole  time  he  was  in  charge 
of  the  details  of  the  boring  operations. 

D.  McLeod  Col.  and  Presdt. 
Fort  William,  A.  Irvine,  Major. 

Chief  Engineer's  Office,  F.  P.  Strong. 

May  I5th,  1840.  W.  R.  Fitzgerald. 

P.S. — Since  the  above  Report  has  been  signed  by  the  Members, 
I  have  recollected  a  most  unintentional  omission,  for  which  I  am 
entirely  responsible,  and  which  I  am  therefore  desirous  of  supplying. 

It  is  due  to  Lieutenant  Richard  Baird  Smith  of  Engineers,  to  state 
that  he  has  not  only  taken  a  great  interest  in  all  our  proceedings, 
but  has  rendered  great  assistance  in  carrying  them  on  during  the 
most  difficult  period  of  the  operations,  since  he  has  resided  in  Fort 
William  ;  moreover,  the  employment  of  the  Galvanic  Battery  to  blow 
up  the  lower  portion  of  the  tubing,  &c.  was  suggested  to  the  Committee 
by  him,  and  the  apparatus  applied  in  that  process,  as  above  described, 
was  entirely  on  his  design.  I  may  add,  that  his  intelligence  and 
knowledge  of  the  subject,  enabled  him  to  give  essential  aid  in  arrang- 
ing the  materials  for  the  above  Report, 

D.  McLeod,  Colonel, 

Chief  Engineer. 


688 


Report  on  a  line  of  Levels  taken  by  order  of  the  Right  Honorable  the 

Governor  General^  between  the  Jumna  and  Sutlij  rivers.  JBy  Lieut. 

W.  E.  Baker,  Superintendent  of  Canals  West  of  the  Jumna. 

The  subject  of  inquiry  proposed,  having  been  to  ascertain  the  practi- 
Preliminary  Observations,  cability  of  establishing  a  water  communication 
for  the  passage  of  boats  between  the  Jamna  and  the  Sutlij  ;  I  consi- 
dered that  the  best  preliminary  measure  would  be  to  take  a  cross  section, 
fixing  at  certain  points  the  relative  levels  of  those  rivers  and  of  the  in- 
termediate hill  torrents,  and  the  greatest  height  attained  by  the  inter- 
vening ridges. 

The  line  (viz.,  one  between  Kurnaul  and  Loodiana)  which  I  selected 
Selection  of  a  line,     for  this  section,  was  recommended  by  the  follow- 
ing considerations : — 

1st.  It  connects  the  highest  points  of  both  rivers  to  which  boats  of 
considerable  burthen  habitually  resort. 

2nd.  It  lies  in  a  South-east  and  North-west  direction,  parallel  to 
that  of  the  Sub- Himalayas,  and  consequently  perpendicular  to  the 
general  lines  of  drainage. 

3rd.  It  crosses  each  of  the  considerable  mountain  torrents  before 
its  junction  with  the  Cuggur;  and,  lastly,  its  length  was  well  suited  to 
the  time  (about  three  weeks)  to  which,  having  no  Assistant,  I  was 
obliged  to  limit  my  absence  from  the  canals  under  my  charge. 

Having  no  accurate  map  of  the  country,  I  had  merely  a  general  idea 
Irregularities  and  ine-  ^^  ^^^  direction  from  Kurnaul  in  which  I  should 
qualities  accounted  for.  g^^jj^g  Loodiana,  which  will  account  for  the  devia- 
tions from  a  straight  course  observable  in  the  accompanying  map.  My 
object  being  to  note  the  general  features  of  the  country,  I  took  no  pains 
to  avoid  merely  local  inequalities,  and  my  Section  therefore  exhibits 
much  greater  irregularities  of  surface  than  it  need  have  done,  had  I  had 
leisure  previously  to  examine  the  ground  ahead  of  my  levelling  instru- 
ment. The  hollow  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Puttiala,  for  instance,  might 
have  been  in  a  great  measure  avoided  by  a  more  northerly  course. 

The  information  thus  obtained  is  necessarily  incomplete,  and  though 
Nature  of  the  informa-    ^^  ^^^  ^^  "^y  opinion  proved  the  practicability  of 

tion  required.  ^^  contemplated  measure,  it  has  not  furnished 

data  for  u  detailed  project,  and  still  less  for  an  estimate  of  the  probable 


SKKl.ETONAJ APand  f'ROFILE  ofn  JAne levelled  between  the  JI.*>rXA  and  SUTLE  J  in Fetruarv  l.HJ'O. 


^u.-- 


i  III 


rwmiw 


Th^Sl^n,jrSlachU«,,Sh,utl,,  L,..,ls  cf  a,pc/..U.  .li[l.ui,t,.Ca,L.lf,rli^^.ig,,l.o,.    i'^'"'-"''^^'  ,^^a,b  c.do  ^f,  l,,„  „*..'».  «.    UaU,- /...,.  Ik,    DclUi  Canal  ^^Udrie.     yri^  r,.l.,.l  J„,M,  /..,„,  r,,..;...,Uli:i,    ^ 


If''^'  -^^ 


^Uii 


'■T| 


I  H  I  - p-riT 


-1. jwtiqtt^ 


t     '         -HI' 


n-o, :.■- 


1840.]  Levels  between  the  Jumna  and  Sutlij.  689 

cost  of  the  undertaking ;  such  as  it  is,  however,  I  have  judged  expedient 

Why  now  submitted,  to  communicate  it  at  once,  both  as  a  report  of 
progress,  and  to  enable  Government  to  decide  whether  or  not  it  be  ad- 
visable to  prosecute  the  inquiry  further. 

The  cost  of  the  present  survey  amounts,  as  per  contingent  bill. 
Cost  of  the  survey,  submitted  to  the  Military  Board,  to  Company's 
rupees  74  :  9  :  0. 

In  the  accompanying  Skeleton  map  and  section,  I  have  endeavoured 
Reference  to  the  Map  ^^  condense  most  of  the  information  obtained,  and 
an      ec  ion.  ^^  show  at  one  glance  the  result  of  my  inquiry. 

In  this  it  will  be  seen,  that  from  the  level  of  the  Jumna  to  the  town  of 
Pahul,  near  which  the  greatest  elevation  (67  feet,  1 1  inches,  25)  is  at- 
tained, there  is  a  general  rise,  partially  interrupted  by  the  beds  of  in- 
tervening rivers,  which  may  be  thus  particularized  : — 

The  Chittung  —  an  inconsiderable  nulla,  has  no  defined  valley.  Of 
The  Chittung  river,  its  surplus  waters,  spreading  out  during  the  rainy 
season,  right  and  left  over  the  country,  but  little  returns  into  its 
contracted  channel ;  and  of  late  years,  no  considerable  flood  has  reached 
even  as  far  as  Dhatrut,  in  the  Jheend  territory,  from  whence  to  Buhadera, 
in  the  Bikuneer  State,  the  ancient  bed  of  this  river  is  occupied  by  the 
Canal  of  Feroze  Shah. 

From  the  ridge  dividing  the  Chittung  and  the  Sursootee,  there  is  a 

considerable  descent  to  the  bed  of  the  latter  river, 

The  Valley   of   the        ,  .   ,  ,  ,  .  .         ,  i        i      •    .       , 

Sursootee,  the  Markun-    which  may  almost  be  said  to  have  already  joined 

da,^and  the  Cuggur  ri.    ^^^    Markunda   and    the    Cuggur   at    the   point 

where  I  crossed  them.     From  near  Thanesur  to 

Konaheree,  the  whole  tract  of  country  (with  the  exception  of  village 

sites)  is  liable  to  inundation  from  the  Sub- Himalayan  torrents,  diffused 

Their  peculiar  charac    ^ver  its  surface  by  means  of  a  net-work  of  natural 

*®^-  and  artificial  water-courses,  of  which  some  are 

supplied  from  more  than  one  of  the  rivers  above  named ;  others,  again, 

flow  from  one  river  into  another,  and  during  great  floods  (as  I  was 

given  to  understand)  all  three  are  frequently  united.     The  inhabitants 

avail  themselves  largely  of  the  inundation  for  rice  cultivation,  though 

Their  use  for  irriga-    ^^^ring  the  present  season  at  least,  little  advantage 

tio"-  appeared   to   have   been   taken   of  the   facilities 

afforded  for  irrigating  Rubbee  crops,  which,  where  they  existed,  were 


690  Levels  between  the  Jumna  and  SutliJ.        [No.  103. 

generally  watered  from  Wells.  I  had  not  leisure  to  ascertain,  by  personal 
examination,  whether  the  first  diffusion  of  these  rivers  (which  I  have 

Their  diffusion  ac-  J^jself  seen  nearer  the  hills  in  single  and  separate 
counted  for.  streams)  were  caused  by  natural  or  artificial  means, 

but  it  is  probably  attributable  to  both.  The  slope  and  evenness  of  the 
country,  are  calculated  to  favor  even  the  rudest  attempts  to  divert  the 
streams  from  their  original  beds,  and  the  same  circumstances  would  also 
render  it  easy,  were  it  desirable,  to  confine  them  again  to  one  or  two 
principal  channels.  What  I  have  designated  as  the  '^main  branches"  of 
the  Markunda  and  Cuggur,  are  distinguished  from  the  others,  not  so 
much  by  their  superior  size,  as  by  the  presence  of  a  small  thread  of 
running  water. 

The  valley  of  the  Sursootee,  Markunda,  and  Cuggur,  such  as  I  have  de- 
Their  importance  as  scribed  it,  though  extending  to  a  width  of  twenty- 
an  obstacle  to  the  Canal,  ^^^q  miles,  would  present  no  insurmountable  ob- 
stacle to  the  formation  of  a  navigable  Canal  across  it,  though  the  ex- 
pense attendant  on  the  provision  of  the  necessary  embankments  and 
aqueducts,  would  be  considerable.  And  on  this  account,  as  well  as  for 
other  reasons,  to  be  noted  hereafter,  a  more  advantageous  line  for  the 
Canal  would  probably  be  found  further  to  the  south-west,  below  the 
town  of  Sumana. 

The  river  which  flows  past  Puttiala,  has  a  different  character  from 
The  Puttiala  or  Kosil-  ^^^  preceding.  Its  channel  at  the  point  where  I 
la  river.  crossed  it,  is  so  deep,  that  I  could  not  have  sup- 

posed its  waters  would  ever  be  capable  of  spreading  out  over  the 
country,  had  not  the  construction  of  an  embankment  between  the  stream 
and  the  city  (said  to  be  for  the  protection  of  the  walls),  proved  that  it  is 
sometimes  liable  to  overtop  its  banks.  At  this  point,  in  consequence  of 
its  deep  narrow  section,  it  would  be  easily  crossed  by  a  short  aqueduct. 

Immediately  beyond  the  city  of  Puttiala,  I  encountered  several  ridges 

of  sand,  which  would  most  likely  be  avoidable  on  another  line,  but  if 

Sand  ridges.  not,  it  would  merely  be  necessary  to  puddle  the 

Canal  bed  throughout  their  extent,  to  prevent  heavy  loss  of  water  by 

absorption. 

The  Sirhind  Nulla,  which   I   crossed  about   sixteen   miles  beyond 

Puttiala,  flows  in  one  or  more  channels  through 
TheSiihind  Nulla.  „       ^^^        ^,^^^         ,     .        .  ,  ,     .       .       , 

a  valley  500  or  600  yards  in  width,  having  but  a 


1840.]  Levels  between  the  Jumna  and  Sutlif,  691 

Its  character  and  uses  for  s^ig^*  depression  below  the  adjoining  country.  Its 
irrigation.  flood  waters  could,  with  very  little  labour  and 

skill,  be  let  out  by  side  cuts  to  inundate  the  lands  lying  on  its  east  bank, 
and  I  therefore  conclude  that  such  a  practice  is  adopted,  as  the  natives 
of  this  province  are  fully  aware  of  the  value  of  that  peculiar  system  of 
irrigation,  which  consists  in  flooding  the  land  once  a  year. 

From  the  West  bank  of  the  Sirhind  Nulla  to  a  few  miles  beyond 

Sand  ridges.        Pahul,  the  land  is  generally  level,  but  intersected 

by  a  few  sand  hills,  one  of  which,  between  the  villages  of  Bishnpoor 

and  Kuddoo,  may  be  considered  the  crest  of  the  ridge,   dividing  the 

Jumna  from  the  Sutlij. 

From  Doorai-ki- Serai  westward,  the  descent  is  rapid,  and  the  fall 
Descent  to  the  Sutlij.  appears  to  be  broken  in  a  remarkable  manner  into 
steps,  ending  in  an  abrupt  cliff  of  30  feet,  on  the  western  continuation 
of  which  stands  the  fort  and  town  of  Loodiana.  At  some  former  period 
this  cliff*  was  evidently  the  eastern  boundary  of  the  Sutlij,  and  even  yet, 
as  I  am  given  to  understand,  the  waters  of  that  river  when  swelled  by 
the  monsoon  floods,  frequently  reach  its  base. 

The  remaining  tract  of  seven  and  a  quarter  miles,  intersected  by 
Valley  of  the  Sutlij.  branches  of  the  Sutlij,  is  proved  by  its  loose  sandy 
soil,  as  well  as  by  its  topographical  position,  to  be  an  alluvial  deposit  of 
the  river;  and  were  the  canal  to  join  the  Sutlij  at  this  point,  it  would  be 
more  advisable  to  deepen  the  Nulla  which  flows  under  the  Fort,  than  to 
make  a  new  excavation  through  such  unfavorable  soil. 

As  my  commission  did  not  include  an  examination  of  the  Sutlij,  I 
Capabilities  for  navio-a-    ^^y  perhaps  not  be  expected  to  offer  an  opinion 

tion  near  Loodiana.  ^^  ^^^  navigable  Capabilities ;  but  I  may  be  permit- 
ted to  remark,  en  passant,  that  the  stream  near  Loodiana  appears  to  have 
two  characteristics  decidedly  unfavorable  to  navigation ;  viz.  a  sandy 
Shifting  sands.  bed,  and  a  considerable  fall ;  a  combination  of  cir- 

cumstances which  cannot  fail  to  produce  shifting  and  uncertain  shoals. 

With  a  view  of  ascertaining  the  level  of  springs  along  the  line  of  my 
Depth  of  wells  through-  section,  I  measured  the  depth  of  156  wells  be- 
out  the  line,  tween  Kurnaul  and  Loodiana,  and  the  average 
result  is  shewn  in  the  profile  by  blue  dotted  lines.  In  this  I  had  two 
objects ;  first  to  ascertain  whether,  as  some  suppose,  measurements  of  the 
level  of  springs  would  give  data  for  an  approximate  calculation  of  the 


692  Levels  between  the  Jumna  and  Sutlij.        [No.  103. 

profile  of  a  country  ;  and,  secondly,  to  obtain  one  element  for  calculating 
the  amount  of  absorption  in  a  standing  canal,  for  which  it  would  be 
No  sure  index  of  super-    necessary  to  provide  a  daily  compensation.     In 

ficial  inequalities.  ^^^  former  respect  my  present  observations,  as 

well  as  those  made  with  the  same  view  in  other  localities,  shew  that 
the  level  of  springs  is  too  much  affected  by  the  vicinity  of  streams,  the 
degree  of  permeability  of  soils,  and  other  local  circumstances,  to  admit 
of  any  accurate  conclusion  being  drawn  from  them,  regarding  the 
profile  of  the  surface.  But  with  reference  to  the  second  object  of 
Effect  on  the  amount  of  ™y  inquiry?  i*  is  satisfactory  to  find  that  the  wells 
absorption.  measured,  have  generally  so  little  depth,  as  the 

waste  by  absorption  in  the  contemplated  canal,  will  be  relatively  much 
less.  In  illustration  of  this  point  I  may  mention,  that  in  the  Paneeput 
district,  where  before  the  introduction  of  the  Delhi  canal  the  springs 
were  from  thirty  to  forty  feet  below  the  surface,  they  are  now  from 
fifteen  to  thirty  feet ;  whereas  in  Hurriana  the  springs  have  been  raised 
since  Feroze's  canal  was  opened,  in  some  instances,  as  much  as  sixty 
feet. 

On  the  accompanying  profile  I  have  sketched  out  what  I  consider  to 

Practicability  of  the    be  a  possible  section  of  a  still  water  canal,  from 
measure    illustrated  by      .       ,  .    ,  .        i       /.       ,  .   ,      ,  t»  i     i  i 

a  possible  Section.  the  highest  level  of   which,  between   rahul  and 

Doorai-ki- Serai,  the  westward  descent  of  sixty-three  feet  to  the  level  of 
the  Sutlij,  is  made  by  means  of  seven  locks  ;  while  to  the  eastward  a 
descent  of  thirty  and  a  half  feet  to  the  valley  of  the  Markunda  and  Sur- 
sootee,  is  effected  in  five  locks,  after  which  a  partial  rise  of  six  and  a 
half  feet  is  necessary  to  cross  the  ridge  separating  these  rivers  from  the 
Chittung,  followed  by  a  descent  of  thirty-eight  feet,  by  four  locks  to  the 
level  of  the  Jumna.  Water  sufficient  for  the  westward  lockage,  as  well 
as  to  compensate  for  waste  by  absorption  and  evaporation,  could  be 
Water  for  lockao^e  and  supplied  at  the  highest  level  by  a  cut  taken  from 
wastage,  how  obtained,  ^^e  Sutlij,  at  the  point  where  it  debouches  from 
the  lower  hills,  and  conducted  along  the  crest  of  the  ridge ;  and  on  the 
eastern  extremity  of  the  canal,  we  might  obtain  water  for  the  same  pur- 

The  possible  Section    poses  by  a  water-course  from  the  Delhi  canal  above 
not  recommended  as  an     ,.    ,  t        i     .   i  •  .    .1  •  •      .     t  i  1 

advisable  one.  Indree.    In  sketching  out  this  project,  I  would 

be  clearly  understood  not  to  recommend  it  as  an  advisable  one.     The 

number  of  masonry  aqueducts  required  here,  the  necessity  for  which 


1840.]  Levels  between  the  Jumna  and  Sutlij,  693 

Its  object,  would  be  obviated  by  a  more  southerly  course,  would 
alone  point  out  the  latter  as  preferable ;  but  if  it  can  be  shewn  that 
the  scheme  is  feasible  on  a  line  taken  at  random,  the  probable  exist- 
ence of  one  decidedly  favorable,  will  readily  be  admitted. 

Whether  the  construction  of  such  a  work  would  be  eventually  as 
Utility  of  the  measure  beneficial  to  the  country  as  it  appears  practicable 
en?e'toThl  futoe  "£!'£  ^s  an  engineering  operation,  the  Government  are 
ofthe  Upper  Provinces,  doubtless  in  possession  of  better  information  to 
guide  their  judgment,  than  any  which  I  could  afford  them.  At  the 
present  time  it  might  facilitate  the  transport  of  military  stores  required 
for  warlike  operations  westward  of  the  Sutlij,  but  this  inducement 
will  fail  whenever  Magazines  may  be  formed  on  the  banks  of  the  Indus, 
and  their  contents  transported  by  water  from  Bombay.  As  regards  the 
public  interest,  however,  the  case  is  different,  attention  being  now  so 
universally  attracted  towards  the  shorter  communications  with  Europe, 
whether  by  the  Mesopotamian  route  or  that  of  the  Red  Sea,  it  cannot 
be  supposed  that  the  use  of  these  means  will  long  be  restricted  to 
the  conveyance  of  mails  ;  the  more  valuable  description  of  merchandise 
will  soon  follow,  and  shipments  for  Europe  will  be  made  from  some 
port  to  be  established  near  the  mouths  of  the  Indus.  The  North- 
western provinces  of  India  will  abandon  the  present  circuitous  route 
by  Calcutta,  and  send  their  exports  by  the  more  direct  one  of  the  Indus, 
and  the  deserts  bordering  the  east  banks  of  that  river,  which  will  then 
be  the  only  obstruction,  may  be  turned  by  the  contemplated  canal. 

Though  fully  aware  of  the  more  than  apathy  which  exists  in  this 
Its  obvious  advantages,  country  towards  any  thing  involving  a  change  of 
established  usage,  and  but  little  acquainted  with  the  nature  and  amount 
of  produce  exchanged  between  the  several  provinces  of  India,  yet 
I  I  can  scarce  suppose  that  the  community  would  not  avail  themselves 
of  the  facilities  for  the  circulation  of  trade,  which  would  be  afforded  by 
a  communication  between  two  such  rivers  as  the  Ganges  and  the  Indus, 
embracing  such  an  extent  of  fertile  country,  and  entering  the  sea  at 
such  distant  points. 

If  it  be  urged  that  the  construction  of  a  canal  would  be  premature 

A  plausible  obi ec-         before  the  full  establishment  of  the  trade  which 

tion  answered.  js  ^^  gj^g  j^  employment,  I  would  reply,  that  the 

formation,  or  at  least  the  certain  prospect  of  a  canal,  would  be  one 

4  T 


694  Levels  between  the  Jumna  and  Sutlij.       [No.  103. 

great  inducement  to  the  establishment  of  trade.     No  merchant,  for 

instance,  would  bring  European  stores  to  Ferozepore  for  supplying  the 

stations  of  Kurnaul,  Meerut^  and  Dehli,  with  a  prospect  of  200  or  300 

miles  of  land  carriage,  rendered  peculiarly  difficult  by  the  nature  of  the 

country,  and  the  scarcity  of  all  means  of  transport. 

Should    Government  decide   on   the   further   prosecution    of    this 

A  new  line  recommend-    inquiry,  I  beg  to  recommend  for  examination  the 
ed  for  future  examina-     ,..,,,.,  ^     ^         i  i 

tion.  lines  tmted  blue  m  the  annexed  sketch  map ;  that 

marked  a.  b.  c.  is  calculated  to  cross  the  Cuggur  below  the  junction  of 

its  tributaries,  and  to  avoid  a  spur  of  high  land,  which  I  am  led  to 

believe,  crosses  the  direct  road  from   Kurnaul   to   Ferozepore.     The 

line  d.  b.  would  be  that  of  the  supply  channel  from  the  Sutlij. 

In  conclusion,  I  beg  to  state  that  the  field  book  and  original  protrac- 

Field  book  and  orgi-    tions  of  my  survey  and  levels,  on  a  scale  of  one 
nal    protractions    avail-  .,  it  i/.^-. 

able.  mile  to  an  inch,  are  at  the  disposal  of  Govern- 

ment for  any  purpose. 


Memoir  on  the  Hodesum  (improperly  called  Kolehan^.—By  Lieut. 

TiCKELL. 

Colonies  of  people  speaking  the  same,  or  nearly  the  same  dialect 
as  the  Hos,  or  Lurka-koles  of  Singbhoom,  but  of  whose  customs  and 
history  we  are  ignorant,  may  be  traced  from  the  jungles  of  Ramgurh 
(near  Hazareebaugh)  to  the  south  and  southward  along  Moherbunj, 
Keonjur,  Gangpoor,  down  to  the  confines  of  Buna  Nagpoor,  where 
they  are  distinguished  from  the  Gonds  (in  Gondwana)  by  the  name 
of  "  Kirkees.'*  Those  colonies  described  to  me  by  Gonds  are  insulated, 
semi-barbarous,  and  confined  to  the  wildest  parts  of  that  country. 
The  country  lying  north  and  north-east  of  Gondwana,  and  west  of 
Gangpoor,  and  south  of  Surgoojia,  are  in  all  probability  inhabited  by 
the  main  stock,  from  whence  these  small  settlements  have  wandered. 
These  regions  have  never  been  explored,  and  are  wrapped  in  the 
greatest  obscurity.  We  only  know  that  they  are  traversed  by  large 
streams.  The  Koil,  the  Hutsoo,  the  east  and  west  Shunk,  and  the 
Brahminee,  which  flow  into  the  sea,  north-east  of  Kuttuck,  or  join 


1840.]  The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  KolehanJ.  695 

the  Mohanuddee.  The  Shunk  is  said  to  be  navigable  above  Gangpoor 
for  tolerably  large  boats,  and  may  therefore  be  presumed  to  become 
a  considerable  river  in  its  passage  to  the  southward ;  watered  by  such 
fine  streams,  it  is  difficult  to  imagine  the  whole  of  those  regions,  to 
be  mere  wastes  of  jungle,  which  would  not  repay  the  trouble  of 
exploring  them.  But  they  must  ever  remain  unknown,  so  long  as 
the  inhabitants  retain  their  primitive  habits,  and  aversion  to  visiting 
other  countries,  and  until  more  enterprising  people  than  the  timid 
Hindoos,  settle  in  their  vicinity. 

These  remarks,  vague  as  they  are,  may  serve  to  define  the  limits 
of  this  wild  and  aboriginal  race ;  for  beyond  the  precincts  thus  roughly 
sketched,  I  am  unaware  of  their  language  extending.  It  must  be 
remembered  that  the  inhabitants  of  Chota  Nagpoor,  although  indis- 
criminately called  Koles,  are  a  totally  distinct  race,  having  different 
languages,  manners,  and  origin.  These  latter,  properly  named  "  Oradus," 
were  the  first  known  inhabitants  of  Roidas  (Rotas)  and  parts  of 
Reewa.  Their  sudden  transmigration  across  the  Soane,  and  which  is 
ascribed  by  them  to  inroads  of  Hindoos  from  the  vicinity  of  the 
Ganges,  may  be  attributed  to  the  expulsion  of  the  latter  by  their 
Moohomedan  conquerors,  but  at  what  precise  epoch,  it  is  difficult  to 
determine. 

It  is  these  Oradus  who  first  give  us  accounts  of  a  people  called 
Moondas,  whom  they  found  in  possession  of  Chootia*  Nagpoor  at  the 
time  of  their  flight  into  it.  They  state  them  to  have  been  a  wild 
people,  living  chiefly  by  hunting,  and  who  offered  no  opposition  to 
the  Oradus  settling  in  the  fine  open  tracts  to  the  northward  of  Sone- 
poor,  and  cultivating  lands  of  which  they  themselves  scarcely  knew 
the  value.  Being  a  peaceable,  industrious  race,  the  Oradus  gave  no 
umbrage  to  their  hosts,  and  very  shortly  after,  the  entire  residue 
of  the  immigrants,  who  had  for  a  time  taken  refuge  in  the  uninviting 
jungles  of  Palamoo  and  Burhwe,  passed  over  into  Chota  Nagpoor, 
where  they  remained  in  great  harmony  together,  until  the  Hindoos 
came  spreading  further  in,  and  attracted  by  the  beauty  and  fertility 
of  the  country,  by  degrees  made  themselves  masters  of  the  soil,  A 
Bramin     from   Benares,   imposed   upon   the   credulous    Oradus,   by 

*  Misnamed  "Chota." 


696  The  Hodesum  (improptrly  called  Kolehan).     [No.  103. 

trumping  up  a  story  about  a  child,  which  had  been  discovered  on  the 
banks  of  a   tank  at   the  town  of  Pittooreea,  guarded  and  shaded 
from  the  sun  by  a  Covra,  or  Nag,  and  which  he  presented  to  them 
as  their  king.     This  is  the  present  reputed  origin  of  the  ''  Nagbun- 
sees/'  who  to  this  day  are  the  Rajas  of  the  country ;  the  Raj  Gadee, 
or  Paietukht,  was  first  at  Chootia,  a  town  about  ten  milse  south  of 
Pittooreea,  from  whence  the  name  of  the  country,  "  Chootia  Nagpoor." 
What  it  was  called  by  the  Moondas  before  this  event,  is  not  known. 
As  the  Hindoos  spread  and  prevailed,  the  effect  of  their  tyranny  and 
extortions  was  to  reduce  the  Oradus  into  complete  slavery,  and  drive 
the  Moondas  into  open  revolt.     After  a  long  struggle,  the  latter  were 
compelled  to  confine  themselves  to  the  jungles  of  Sonepoor  to  the 
south,  and  the  wooded  slip  of  land  which  to  the  east  raises  Chota 
Nagpoor  Proper  above  the  rest  of  Central  India.  Wandering  south-east- 
ward, many  settled  themselves  in  the  wild  hilly  tracts,  now  known  as 
Koehang,  and  in  the  immense  jungles  and  mountains  to  the  south 
and  west  of  the  present  village  of  Porahaut.    Numbers  passed  over 
into  the  low  country,  east  of  Nagpoor,  now  comprised  in  the  zemin- 
darees  of  Rahe  Boondoo  and  Tamar,  subservient  to  Chota  Nagpoor, 
where  mixing  with  the  lowest  classes  of  Bhoornijes  and  Bhooians, 
(supposed  aborigines  of  Bengal)   they   merged  into  a  mongrel  race, 
known  as  ^'  Tamarias;"  and  a  great  proportion  traversing  the  hills  and 
forests  of  Koehang,  passed  out  eastward,  into  the  open  tract  now  call- 
ed Singbhoom  and  the  Kolehan. 

The  last  are  the  subjects  of  the  present  memoir. 
It  appears  that  the  Moondas,  or  as  they  now  call  themselves,  the 
Hos,  found  Singbhoom  on  their  arrival  to  be  peopled  by  Bhooians, 
an  inoffensive,  simple  race,  but  rich  in  cattle,  and  industrious  cul- 
tivators, who  first  allowed  them  to  form  settlements  in  the  neighbour- 
ing woods,  and  afterwards  permitted  them  to  reside  in  the  central 
open  tracts.  Here  they  remained  together  for  some  time,  when  the 
country  appears  to  have  passed  into  the  hands  of  "  Surawuks,'*  a  race 
of  Bengalee  Bramins,  now  almost  extinct,  but  then  numerous  and 
opulent,  whose  original  country  is  said  to  be  Sikrbhoom  and  Pachete. 
Their  arrival  produced  a  repetition  of  the  scenes  which  had  forced  the 
Moondas,  or  Hos,  from  Chota  Nagpoor.  But  in  the  latter  instance, 
the  oppressions  of  the  Surawuks  ended  in  their  total  expulsion  from  the 


1840.]        The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  Kolehan) ,  697 

Kolehan— in  what  direction  is  wholly  unknown,  though  it  may  be 
conjectured  they  retraced  their  steps,  for  the  name  of  Surawuk,  is  now 
unJknown  except  in  Tamar  and  Pachete,  and  then  only  used  by  the 
jungle  people  occasionally  in  speaking  of  Bengalees. 

The  Kolehan  continued  after  this  much  in  its  pristine  state,  and 
only  known  to  others  by  its  lying  in  the  route  of  hosts  of  pilgrims 
from  Patna  and  Benares,  &c.  to  Juggernath.  The  lands,  broad  and 
fair,  excited  the  cupidity  of  many  of  these  travellers,  but  their  dread 
of  the  Hos  deterred  all  thoughts  of  settling,  until  a  party  bolder  than 
the  rest,  journeying  from  Marwar,  took  up  their  residence  as  guests  at 
the  house  of  a  Bhooian  Mahapattor,  or  Zemindar,  where  they  re- 
mained on  various  pretexts,  astonished  the  Bhooians  with  a  display 
of  their  riches,  superior  knowledge,  and  by  descriptions  of  their 
country ;  and  ended  by  reproving  them  for  living  on  terms  of  equality 
with  a  people  who  were  Mlechis,  or  unbelievers,  and  as  fugitives  from 
another  country,  should  be  considered  as  subservient  to  them.  The 
Bhooians  desirous  of  having  their  own  Raja,  and  emulating  their 
councillors,  entered  into  a  league  with  the  Marwarees,  who  procured 
a  number  of  their  countrymen  to  assist  in  establishing  the  supremacy 
of  the  Bhooians.  In  this  they  were  totally  unsuccessful,  and  the  result 
of  a  long  struggle,  the  details  of  which  are  handed  down  disguised 
with  much  fable  in  the  traditions  of  the  Ooria  Bramins  of  the  coun- 
try, ended  with  the  total  discomfiture  of  the  Bhooians,  and  the  coalition 
of  the  Marwarees  with  the  Hos.  The  former  established  themselves  in 
Porahaut  and  the  rich  open  plains  to  the  northward,  now  called 
Singbhoom ;  the  Hos  withdrawing  from  this  part  occupied  the  re- 
maining tract  of  open  land,  whose  limits,  described  hereafter,  constitute 
the  Hodesum,  or  Kolehan  of  the  Hindoos. 

Up  to  this  epoch  no  dates  can  be  obtained,  as  the  narrators  of  the 
above  events,  Oradus  and  Hos,  keep  no  account  whatever  of  time. 
But  from  the  introduction  of  the  Marwaree  Singbhunsees,  and  other 
Rajpoots  who  came  to  settle  with  them,  a  regular  chronological  history 
has  been  preserved  in  the  Madela,  or  records  of  the  Porahaut  family ; 
unfortunately  I  am  now  unable  to  apply  to  these  for  any  information 
on  these  points. 

It  appears  that  these  settlers  electing  a  chief,  whom  they  styled 
'  Raja,'  and  took  up  their  abode  for  five  or  six  generations  at  Porahaut, 


698  The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  Kolehan).     [No.  103. 

after  which  a  general, division  was  made  of  the  rest  of  the  country  the 
Bhooians  had  retired  to,  among  the  Hissadars  or  brethren  of  the  Raja; 
the  eldest  brother  took  Anundpoor  (or  Sumijgurh) ;  the  second, 
Seryekela ;  and  the  youngest,  Kera.  The  Raja  also  gave  as  pykallee,  or 
service  tenures  to  some  of  his  subordinates,  the  Talooks  of  Bundgaon, 
Khursawa,  Koryekela,  and  Chynpoor  j  of  these  Khursawa  has  become 
in  a  manner  hereditary  and  independent. 

In  process  of  time  the  brothers  managed  to  get  into  quarrels 
with  neighbouring  Zemindars ;  the  Gangpoor  walla  (of  Keonjur)  and 
the  Baboo  of  Anundpoor  recriminated  each  other,  about  mutual 
depredations  committed  (by  their  orders)  in  their  dominions,  by  the 
Koles;  the  Porahaut  Raja's  pykes  harried  Sonepoor;  the  Kera  Baboo 
plundered  Tamar  and  Chota  Nagpoor ;  and  the  Koonwr  of  Seryekela 
and  Raja  of  Mohurbunj  found  a  bone  of  contention  in  the  little  but 
fertile  tuppah  of  Koochoong,  before  alluded  to. 

In  these  contentions  the  services  of  the  Hos  were  brought  into 
requisition;  promises  of  booty  lured  them  into  becoming  stedfast  allies 
of  those  chiefs  who  had  won  them  over,  and  thus  incited,  they  com- 
menced a  series  of  depredations  on  the  surrounding  country,  which 
soon  brought  them  into  note.  In  return  for  the  plunder  which  they 
acquired,  they  were  induced  to  pay  rent  in  the  shape  of  occasional 
salamees,  in  different  taxes,  or  "  Russoomat,"  at  periods  of  Hindoo 
festivals,  &c.  and  the  Kolehan  was  divided  into  Peers  or  Pergunnahs, 
twenty-four  in  number;  of  these  the  Moherbunj  Raja  through  his 
Dewan  at  Baumenghattee  secured  four,  viz.  Aulapeer,  Burburriapeer, 
Toepeer,  and  Lalgurh,  placing  a  Zemindar  or  Mahapattor  in  the  latter. 
The  Singbhoom  Raja,  together  with  the  younger  branches  of  his  house, 
allied  themselves  with  the  remainder,  and  this  order  of  things  con- 
tinued until  1831-32,  when  the  Mahapattor  of  Lalgurh,  disgusted  with 
the  exactions  of  the  Moherbunj  Raja,  broke  out  into  open  rebellion, 
which  led  to  a  series  of  such  contentions  and  outrages  (especially 
as  the  Raja's  emissaries  artfully  induced  the  ignorant  Koles  of  the 
Mahapattor  to  plunder  our  territories  of  the  Jungle  Mehals,  and 
incommode  our  communications  to  the  westward,  by  cutting  of 
the  daks)  that  Government  was  at  length  obliged  to  interfere,  and 
in  1836-37  effectual  measures  were  taken  to  prevent  disturbances 
of  the  kind,  by  taking  the  Hos  under  our  immediate  control,  and 


1840.]         The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  KolehanJ.  699 

withdrawing  them  from  all  allegiance  to  the  Rajas  of  Moherbunj  and 
Singbhoom. 

Singbhoom,  including  the  Kolehan,  lies  between  21°  30'  and  23° 
north  latitude,  and  85°  and  86°  east  longitude ;  it  is  bounded  to  the 
north  by  Chota  Nagpoor  and  Patkoom ;  to  the  east  by  the  Jungle 
Mehals  and  Baumunghatte ;  to  the  south  by  petty  states,  or  tuppahs, 
subservient  to  Moherbunj,  and  by  Keonjur  ;  and  to  the  east  by 
Gangpoor  and  Chota  Nagpoor.  These  limits  comprise  a  fine  open 
tract  of  country,  in  most  parts  exceedingly  productive,  in  others  stony 
and  barren,  and  separated  from  the  circumjacent  countries,  above 
enumerated,  by  rocky  hills  and  jungles.  Singbhoom  Proper  consists 
of  an  extent  of  fine  open  arable  land,  to  the  north  of  the  Kolehan, 
above  45  miles  east  and  west,  and  about  18  in  breadth,  comprising 
the  talooks  of  Khursawa,  Kera,  and  Seryekela,  also  a  portion  of 
similar  land,  about  20  miles  square,  to  the  north-east,  called  Koo- 
choong,  attached  to  Seryekela,  and  along  the  west  of  the  Kolehan,  an 
imperfectly  defined  extent  of  mountains  and  jungles,  including  Pora- 
haut  and  Anundpoor. 

The  Kolehan  as  now  constituted,  comprehends  a  tract  of  open  un- 
dulating country,  averaging  from  sixty  miles  in  length  north  and 
south,  from  thirty-five  to  sixty  in  breadth.  It  is  divided  into  two 
departments  by  a  step  about  500  feet  high,  running  east  and  west 
across  it.  The  southern  part  is  rich  in  soil,  and  beautiful  in  appear- 
ance ;  but  an  absence  of  inhabitants,  and  proper  culture,  gives  it  an  air 
of  desolation.  This  happily  is  becoming  fast  remedied  by  the  return 
of  large  families  of  Bhooians,  former  inhabitants,  who  had  been  ex- 
pelled by  the  Hos.  The  lower  country  north  of  the  step  is  exceeding- 
ly populous,  but  in  many  parts  stoney  and  barren.  The  westerly 
Peers  are  situated  among  hills  and  vast  jungles,  containing  a  few 
fertile  vallies ;  and  Sarnda  in  the  far  south,  is  one  mass  of  mountains, 
clothed  in  forests,  where  the  miserable  inhabitants,  few  and  solitary, 
can  scarce  struggle  for  mastery  with  the  tiger. 

The  Peers  are  twenty-six  in  number,  Anjoodhia,  Assuntullia,  Aula, 
Burkela,  Burburria  or  Birwarpeer,  Burpeer  or  Jyntpeeree,  Cherye, 
Chynpoor,  Goomwa,  Govindpoor,  Gopinathpoor,  Jamda,  Kai'nawa, 
Kooilda,  Kotegurh,  Lota,  Natooa,  Lalgurh,  Purliong,  Rajabapa, 
Oonchdee,  Rengra,  Rela,  Sath  Buntria,  Toe,  and  Sarnda. 


700  The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  Kolehan) .     [No.  103. 

I  unfortunately  neglected  taking  any  census  of  the  people,  while 
assessing  them,  and  when  I  had  an  easy  opportunity  of  so  doing.  But 
the  uniformity  and  simplicity  of  their  mode  of  living,  enables  a 
rough  estimate  to  be  formed  of  their  numbers,  from  the  amount  of  the 
annual  rack  rent,  which  by  way  of  Malgoozaree,  has  been  levied  on 
them,  and  the  calculation  I  should  think  would  be  found  on  closer 
inquiry  to  be  pretty  near  the  truth. 

The  amount  of  Malgoozaree  for  1838-39  was  in  round  numbers 
Go's.  Rs.  6,500  at  0/8  per  plough,  =13,000  ploughs  or  men 

of  these  at  least  |ths  are  married,  =11,375  women. 

Average  of  3  children  to  each  family,     =33,825  children, 
Aged  people,  mendicants,  orphans,  &c.  -^th.  =2,166 

60,366 


G wallas,  Taunties,  Lobars,  &  other  castes, '^th=2,l  66 
Wives  of  these  f  ths,  1,624 

Children  3  to  each  family,  4,872 

8,662 

Ploughs  concealed  at  assessment  about  Jth,  1,625 

Total  population,  =70,653 
The  whole  of  this  country  is  traversed  by  numerous  streams  of 
great  beauty,  but  useless  as  water  carriage,  being  almost  dry  in  the 
hot  weather,  and  rapid  torrents  in  the  rains.  The  Surtjye  separating 
the  Kolehan  from  Singbhoom,  rises  to  the  north-west  of  Porahaut, 
and  enters  the  Kurkye,  near  the  junction  of  that  river  with  the 
Soobum-rekha ;  the  Roro,  twelve  miles  south  of  the  former,  a  narrow, 
but  deep  and  swift  stream,  and  the  Eeleegarra  and  Toorul  still  fur- 
ther south,  take  a  like  course  above  the  step  ;  the  Des  Nye  runs  west- 
ward, and  falls  into  the  Kolekaro,  near  its  confluence  with  the  Koil ; 
and  near  the  southern  limits  of  the  Kolehan,  the  different  streams 
take  a  south  and  west  direction,  falling  into  the  Bhundun  and 
By turnee,  which  last,  running  through  vast  and'lonely  forests,  separates 
the  Kolehan  from  Jushpoor  and  Rorwan,  in  Moherbunj,  and  Kalka- 
pershaud  in  Keonjur.  There  are  two  water- falls  on  the  borders  of 
the  Kolehan,  which  I  have  never  visited,  but  which,  by  the  descrip- 
tion of  the  natives,  must  be  well  worth  seeing.  The  Bunnye,  running 
between  Sonepoor  and  Singbhoom,  is  said  to  roll  its  waters  into  a 


1840.]         The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  KolehanJ .  701 

profound  cave,  from  which  spot  it  pursues  its  course  underground,  and 
is  supposed  to  join  the  Kole  Karo.  The  fall  is  called  Paraa-ghag, 
and  is  a  tirutli,  but  so  remote  from  habitation,  and  buried  in  such 
deep  woods,  as  to  be  seldom  visited,  except  by  the  Sonepoor  Koles,  and 
Bhooians  of  Porahaut  and  Bundgaon.  On  the  confines  of  Baumun- 
ghattee  also,  is  a  singular  cascade,  described  to  me  as  a  single  thread 
of  water  pouring  down  a  walllike  precipice  of  2  or  300  feet  in  height. 
It  is  called  by  the  Baumunghattee  Oorias,  Muchkandnee  Jhurna  ; 
and  by  the  Koles,  Hakoo-y^mdah,  meaning  in  either  language, 
"  The  fall  of  the  weeping  fish,"  from  some  whimsical  story  of  the 
fish  complaining  of  the  impossibility  of  scaling  the  cataract,  to  emerge 
from  the  dreary  abyss,  through  which  the  stream  winds  below.  The 
peculiar  distribution  of  the  hills  in  this  country,  running  in  parallel 
ranges,  precludes  the  formation  of  lakes,  which  are  unknown. 

These  ranges  are  not  of  very  great  height,  the  loftiest,  which  are 
in  Saruda,  not  appearing  above  1000  feet  above  the  plain.    They 
are  however  intersected  in  parts  by   profound  vallies,  which    give 
the  hills,  from  that  side,  an  appearance  of  great  magnitude.     They  are 
chiefly  quartz,  in  all  stages  of  decomposition,  permeated  by  limestone 
rocks ;  smaller  detached  ranges  issuing  at  right  angles  to  these,  are 
commonly  of  micacious  slate.  From  Chyebassa,  proceeding  easterly  into 
Koochoong,  are  low  ridges  perfectly  parallel,  about  half  a  mile  to  a  mile 
apart,  gradually  increasing  in  height  till  the  series  is  closed  by  the 
Choivria  hills  in   Koochoong.     They  are   composed  of  loose   rocks, 
resembling  (if  they  are  not)  clink  stone ;  but  the  larger  ridges  are  of 
coarse  granite.      The  northern  part  of  the  Kolehan  consists  in  a  great 
measure  of  sterile  plains,  scattered  with  quartz  boulders,  stones,  and 
pebbles,  some  crystalized.      The  beds  of  the  nullahs  are  a  shingle  com- 
posed of  jasper  (of  all  hues)  green  stone,  quartz  pebbles,  and  flint.  The 
bed   of  the  Byturnee  is  lined  with  flattened  pebbles  and   lumps  of 
jasper,  of  bright  yellow,  red,  purple,  and  black,  disposed  in  parallel 
streaks,  or  ribbands,  as  if  artificially  inlaid.     The  corundum  is  found 
in  great  quantities  at  Juggernathpoor  on  the  upper  step  of  the  Kolehan, 
and  several  nullahs  run  through  beds  of  argillaceous  earth,  from  the 
brightest  scarlet  to  pure  white,  which  are  highly  in  request  among 
the  natives.     The  whole  of  these  streams   wash  down  more  or  less 
!  gold,  but  the  Koles  know  not  how  to  collect  it.     In  Singbhoom  a 

4u' 


702  The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  KolehanJ,     [No.  103. 

tolerable  quantity  is  gathered  by  Hindoos,  but  of  a  third  or  fourth 
rate  quality,  also  excellent  iron  ;  of  coal  I  never  found  any  traces. 

The  open  parts  of  the  Kolehan  are  here  and  there  scattered  with  a 
scrub  jungle,  composed  chiefly  of  the  Polass  and  Assun,  on  which 
latter  the  tusser  silk  worms  are  bred.  The  southern  parts,  where  not 
cultivated,  are  covered  by  extensive  plains  of  grass,  interspersed  with 
bushes ;  entirely  along  the  west  boundary,  are  forests  of  saul  trees, 
small  and  meagre  on  the  hills,  but  reaching  in  the  low  rich  vallies  to 
a  size  perfectly  prodigious.  In  Anundpoor,  towards  Gangpoor,  are 
tracts  covered  entirely  with  the  wild  plantain,  and  many  of  the 
hills  are  clothed  densely  with  bamboos.  In  marshy  spots  a  strong 
serviceable  species  of  cane  or  ratan  is  found.  The  wild  mangoe  tree 
is  also  very  common  in  these  forests,  yielding  a  fruit  far  preferable  to 
the  common  kind  found  in  the  "  topes"  throughout  India ;  it  is  small, 
round,  and  full  of  juice,  as  sweet  as  honey.  The  date  and  palm  trees 
are  not  cultivated  by  the  Koles,  but  are  to  be  found  near  Hindoo 
villages  in  Singbhoom ;  cheretta,  wild  indigo,  and  arrowroot  are  very 
common  in  the  jungles.  But  to  enumerate  all  the  beautiful  flowers 
which  enrich  these  green  retreats — the  fruits  and  roots,  to  every 
one  of  which  the  natives  attach  some  specific  virtue  or  harm  ;  the 
inexhaustible  variety  of  plants,  shrubs  and  fungi,  ferns,  creepers,  &c. 
which  clothe  in  all  varieties  of  fantastic  imagery  the  shady  dells  ;  or 
the  cool  banks  of  foliage-canopied  streams, — would  be  a  task  far 
exceeding  my  powers,  or  the  limits  of  this  memoir. 

The  animals  found  in  the  Kolehan  are  the  same  as  in  other  parts 
of  central  India,  but  not  nearly  so  abundant  as  in  better  watered 
jungles,  besides  which  the  Koles  and  Oorias  are  inveterate  hunters, 
and  their  attacks  on  game  of  all  kinds  are  pursued  on  an  extermi- 
nating scale  (a  description  of  their  hunts  is  hereafter  given).  The 
elephant,  which  is  numerous  in  parts  of  the  Jungle  Mehals,  com- 
paratively close  to  Medneepoor,  is,  strange  to  say,  unknown  among 
the  remote  and  wild  regions  of  west  Singbhoom  ;  the  gower  is 
common  in  this  latter  region— two  species  are  described  by  the  natives, 
a  red  and  a  black  kind;  the  urna,  and  smaller  wild  buflalo  are 
very  numerous  about  Anundpoor ;  great  varieties  of  deer  haunt  the 
hills,  the  saumur  (C.  rusa),  neelgye  (Dalmalis  picta)  spotted  deer  (C. 
axis)  barking  deer,  or  Muntjac  (C.  muntjac),  chikerac  or  four  horned 


1840. J  The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  Kolehan) ,  703 

deer  (C.  chicquera),  all  these  species^  though  so  shy  when  sought  after 
as  to  be  seldom  met  with,  must  be  tolerably  numerous,  from  the 
depredations  they  commit  on  the  fields  of  gram,  boot,  moong,  oorid, 
&c.  which   are  planted  near  the  jungles.     The  memina,  a  species 
of  mouse  deer,  is  also  found  among  rocks,  and  underwood.     The 
antelope  is  confined  to  the  wide  open  plains  of  Chynpoor  in  Sing- 
bhoom,  and  very  limited   in  number.    Tigers  and  leopards   abound. 
Bears  infest  almost  every  clump  of  rocks  throughout  the  plain ;  they 
are  all  of  the  long-lipped  species  (Ursus  labiatus).    Hysenas  inhabit 
similar  localities,  but  are  rare.     There  are  no  wolves,  but  there  appear 
to  be  two  distinct  species  of  the  jackal  (C.  aureas),  one  of  which  is 
much  larger,  stouter,  and  ruddier  than  what  I  remember  of  the  jackal 
of  Bengal.     The  cry  also  is  different,  and  is  a  wailing  sound  not  much 
unlike,  though  infinitely  louder,  than  the  mewing  of  a  cat.  At  all  events 
the  Koles  distinguish  the  two  animals,  calling  the  large  kind  (from 
its  cry)  Tow  Koola,  and  the  common  jackal  "  Kurmcha."  The  little 
Bengal   fox   or  Corsac  (Cynalopex   insectivorus)  is   very  numerous, 
yapping  all  the  clear  nights  long,  during  the  cold  season.    The  Indian 
badger  or  Eatel  (Ratelus  melivorus)  is  found  in  the  woods,  but  rarely. 
Porcupines   (Hystrix)  are  numerous,  but  being  nocturnal,  are  seldom 
seen.     The  short-tailed  marus  (M:  crassicandata)  is  met  with  among 
rocks,  but  is  one  of  the  rarest  animals  known.     There  are  three  kinds 
of  squirrels,  the  common  palm  squirrel  (Sciurus  striatus),  the  great  red 
squirrel  (Sciurus  macronnus),  and  a  large  grey  flying  squirrel,  peculiar, 
I   believe,  to  the  Kolehan  and  the  Jungle  Mehals.      This  last  is 
exceedingly  rare,  as   it  lives  on  lofty  trees  in  profound  forests,  and 
only  moves  forth  at  night.     The  wild  dog  (Canis  primsevus),  Koohia 
and  Sona-kookoor  of  the  Oorias,  and  Tannee  of  the  Koles,  roams 
through   the  jungles  in  packs,  occasionally  visiting  the  flocks  and 
herds  on  the  plains.     Their  ferocity,  speed,  and  cunning,  have  gained 
them  a  superstitious    veneration  among   the   Koles,  and  dread  of 
their  retaliating  on  their  cattle,  deters  the  villagers  from  killing  them. 
Of  these  also  there  are  said  to  be  two  kinds,  a  large  dog,  in  shape  and 
colour  like  a  Scotch  greyhound  or  lurcher,  which  hunts  by  sight, 
and  a  smaller,  red,  bushy  tailed  dog,  which  follows  the  other  in  packs 
of  five  to  twenty,  is  less  speedy  and  hunts  by  scent.     The  hare  is 
larger  than  that  of  Bengal,  inhabits  gravelly  ravines  in  scrub  jungle. 


704  The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  KolehanJ ,     [No.  103. 

and  never  takes  to  grass.  Of  monkeys  there  are  only  the  two  common 
species,  the  Lungoor  and  Makor  or  Bunder  {Sara  and  Gye  of  the 
Koles) ;  the  former  live  among  rocks,  the  latter  in  dense  thickets. 
Wild  hogs  are  very  numerous  in  some  parts,  but  so  wary  as  to  be 
seldom  killed.     The  rhinoceros  is  not  known. 

Birds  of  all  kinds  are  scarce  and  wild,  especially  those  fit  for  food, 
on  account  of  the  keenness  with  which  the  Koles  pursue,  trap,  hawk, 
and  shoot  them.  The  double-spurred  partridge  is  found  among  rocks, 
but  is  one  of  the  most  difficult  birds  to  shoot,  as  it  seldom  takes  wing,  but 
creeps  into  caves  and  fissures.  The  deep  moist  woods  afford  immense 
varieties  to  the  ornithologist,  an  enumeration  of  which  would  be  useless. 

Being  a  dry  and  stony  country,  the  Kolehan  is  peculiarly  prolific 
in  snakes  of  all  varieties ;  the  covra  is  not  so  common  as  another 
species,  the  Siarbinjaoi  the  Oorias,  and  Pago  jar r as  of  the  Hos  (Cop- 
hias  Russelii),  which  is  supposed  to  be  equally  deadly,  and  far  more 
vindictive ;  it  is  a  subgenus  of  rattle-snake  (without  the  rattle).  A 
large  and  beautiful  snake,  coloured  with  black  and  yellow  rings,  the 
Sakom  bing  (Pseudoboa  fasciata)  is  met  with  in  ploughed  fields; 
a  long  thin  green  whip-snake,  infests  the  rank  grass  jungles  at  the 
bottoms  of  hills ;  the  hartoo,  a  slender,  agile  species,  coloured  like  a 
ribbon  with  yellow,  and  coppery  purple,  infests  trees.  All  these  are 
venomous.  The  Python  or  Ujgur,  {Toonil  bing)  is  found  in  every 
jungle;  it  attains  to  dimensions  which  I  have  heard  described,  but 
which  would  sound  too  marvellous  to  be  recorded  without  better 
proofs.  Throughout  Singbhoom,  Chota  Nagpoor,  and  the  surrounding 
countries,  a  belief  is  current  of  a  monstrous  species  of  snake,  the 
"  Garra  bing"  infesting  rivers  swollen  by  torrents,  which  destroys  both 
men  and  cattle,  should  they  venture  in.  I  mention  it,  as  the  opinion  is 
so  general,  but  it  is  probable  that  the  sudden  and  mysterious  deaths 
which  occur  in  these  mountain  torrents,  are  occasioned  by  what  sea- 
men call  the  "  under  tow"  and  ''  back  water,"  caused  by  the  violent 
passage  of  water  over  rocks  and  deep  holes.  The  body  of  a  person 
thus  carried  away  is  never  seen  again,  at  least  in  the  neighbourhood, 
and  this  total  disappearance  naturally  strengthens  the  idea  of  his 
having  been  swallowed  up  by  some  huge  animal. 

An  entomologist  would  find  an  exhaustless  field  of  research  and 
discovery  in  the  jungles  of  this  country.     The  decayed  saul  trees  are 


1840.]  The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  KolehanJ ,  705 

tenanted  by  magnificent  species  of  Prionus  and  Cerambyx;  the 
rocks  contain  endless  beautiful  varieties  of  Coleoptera;  the  deep 
woods,  every  where  during  the  rainy  season  brilliant  with  odorife- 
rous flowers,  are  enlivened  by  Lepidoptera  of  the  gaudiest  colors,  and 
numberless  varieties  of  grotesque  shapes  in  the  Mantides,  Phyllia,  and 
Grilli,  infest  every  thicket ;  while  tribes  of  ants,  bees,  and  wasps,  attract 
attention  by  the  beauty  and  ingenuity  of  their  habitations  and  nests 
in  the  forests.  Of  the  former,  one  of  the  commonest  species  is  remark- 
able for  traversing  the  jungles,  and  marching  along  the  paths  in  pro- 
cession two  or  three  abreast,  and  of  prodigious  extent.  Scorpions  and 
centipedes  are  fearfully  common;  of  the  former,  a  species  infests  caves 
and  fissures  in  rocks,  and  attains  such  an  enormous  size,  that  had  I 
not  heard  the  animal  described  by  several  people  (of  different  classes), 
and  had  reason  to  be  satisfied  of  the  general  truth  of  their  assertions, 
I  should  have  looked  upon  the  whole  as  a  chimsera.  In  dry,  konker- 
ous  soils,  the  white  ants  are  a  scourge.  They  appear,  in  woods,  to  be 
a  kind  of  vegetable  scavengerj  reducing  to  powder  the  logs  which  lie 
on  the  ground  in  a  short  space  of  time. 

Fish  are  abundant  in  every  largish  stream,  retiring  in  the  dry 
season  to  the  deep  pools,  which  are  left  when  the  main  channel  has 
run  dry ;  but  the  Koles,  by  poisoning  the  water,  destroy  inordinate 
quantities.  The  mahseer,  and  the  little  fly-taking  Cyprinus,  miscalled 
'  trout'  in  Upper  India,  are  not  found  in  these  lower  latitudes.  Doubt- 
less these  running  jungle  streams  produce  many  undiscovered  va- 
rieties of  fish,  but  unfortunately,  to  this  branch  of  natural  history  I 
turned  no  attention  during  my  stay  in  the  country. 

The  climate  of  the  Kolehan  has  been  found  to  be  on  the  whole 
healthy,  although  the  station  of  Chyebassa,  which  was  unfortunately 
selected  hurriedly,  and  without  suflicient  examination  and  comparison 
with  surrounding  spots,  is  not  a  favourable  sample,  situated  on  a 
barren,  gravelly  plain,  interspersed  with  brushwood,  and  near  piles 
of  bare  rocks.  The  heat  during  the  day  is  excessive,  but  the  nights  are 
invariably  cool,  and  the  air  invigorating  and  exhilerating,  in  spite  of 
the  temperature,  owing  probably  to  its  peculiar  dryness.  A  mile  only 
to  the  south-east,  at  the  village  of  Tambore,  the  country  rises  in 
undulating  meadows,  beautiful  in  appearance  as  an  English  park, 
and  infinitely  cooler  than  Chyebassa.  These  advantages  in  forming  the 


706  The  Hodesum  improperly  called  Kolehan) ,     [No   103. 

cantonment  were  either  overlooked^  or  thought  of  less  note  than  the 
nearer  vicinity  of  water,  Chyebassa  being  on  the  banks  of  the  Roro. 
The  Hos  are  more  free  from  disease  than  any  other  people,  in  con- 
sequence of  the  precautionary  measures  they  take — their  nutritive 
food  and  drink,  and  the  open  airy  positions  they  build  in.  As  a  guard 
against  infection  or  fire  their  villages  are  small  and  scattered,  and 
on  the  first  appearance  of  any  epidemic,  they  leave  their  houses  and 
flee  into  the  jungles,  living  apart  from  each  other.  Singbhoom,  on  the 
contrary,  from  the  obverse  manners  of  the  Oorias,  is  yearly  scourged 
by  cholera,  fevers,  and  smalUpox.  This  latter  disease,  propagated  by 
the  Bramin  inoculators,  has  within  the  last  year  spread  with  fearful 
havoc  into  the  Kolehan,  and  most  unfortunately  simultaneously  with 
the  introduction  of  vaccine,  to  which  the  evil  has  alone  been  attributed. 
The  rains  are  not  heavy  in  the  Kolehan,  but  the  moonsoon  is  accom- 
panied by  violent  storms  of  wind  from  the  north-west,  with  severe 
thunder  and  lightning,  causing  many  fatal  accidents.  None  of  that 
sultry  oppression  incident  to  Bengal  is  felt  at  that  time  of  year.  The  cold 
season  is  truly  luxurious — "a  nipping  and  an  eager  air"  without  fogs  or 
mists.  March,  April,  and  May  are  generally  the  only  unpleasantly  hot 
months  of  the  year ;  during  this  period  not  a  drop  of  water  falls  occa- 
sionally for  upwards  of  six  weeks ;  the  aspect  of  the  country  loses 
every  trace  of  verdure,  and  the  dried  stony  soil  reflects  with  unbear- 
able force  the  rays  of  the  sun.  Vegetation  is  vigorously  restored  on 
the  commencement  of  the  rains,  and  as  these  are  not  accompanied  by 
the  gloomy  sky  and  unceasing  torrents  which  fall  in  the  plains  of 
India,  the  landscape  is  pleasingly  checquered  by  passing  showers,  and 
the  tender  foliage  of  the  forests  glistens  alternately  with  golden  breaks 
of  sunshine,  or  mellowed  shades  of  green.  To  the  south  and  east  of 
Singbhoom,  and  in  the  most  dreary  and  deserted  parts  of  the  country, 
are  remains  indicative  of  the  former  presence  of  opulent  and  industri- 
ous people,  but  so  decayed  by  time,  and  engulphed  in  the  labyrinths 
of  untenanted  forests,  as  to  be  unmarked  by  any  record  or  history,  save 
that  they  must  have  been  of  prior  origin  to  the  first  known  Bhooians 
of  the  country.  In  Lalgurhpeer,  the  remains  of  a  square  brick  fort 
well  ditched  round  are  still  visible ;  it  is  said  by  the  Bramins  to  have 
been  the  seat  of  a  Raja  of  the  Raj  Dom  tribe,  who  with  all  his  people, 
houses,  and  riches,  were  destroyed  by  fire  from  heaven,  for  having  slain 


1840.]         The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  KolehanJ ,  707 

a  cow  and  wrapped  a  Bramin  in  the  hide,  which  tightening  as  it  dried, 
squeezed  him  to  death.  Only  one  man,  a  taunty,  escaped,  who  was 
warned  by  the  bullocks  he  was  ploughing  with,  of  the  fate  which  im- 
pended over  the  place  ;  it  is  called  Kesnagurh  to  this  day.  In  Anlah- 
peer,  to  the  far  south,  and  on  the  borders  of  Rorwan,  a  few  Koles  of 
the  poorest  kind,  have  built  a  wretched  straggling  hamlet  near  the 
banks  of  what  once  was  a  truly  magnificent,  tank.  It  is  called 
"  Benoo  Saugur,"  and  is  said  to  have  been  built  by  one  Raja  Benoo, 
who  fled  from  the  place  owing  to  the  incursions  of  the  Mahrattas. 
This  was  probably  during  the  days  of  the  celebrated  "  Morari  Rao," 
for  judging  by  the  trees  which  now  luxuriate  amidst  the  buildings, 
the  place  must  have  been  deserted  and  in  ruins  full  200  years  ago. 
The  tank  which  I  paced,  as  well  as  the  jungle  allowed  me,  is  about 
600  yards  square.  On  the  east  bank  are  the  remains  of  a  handsome 
stone  ghaut ;  the  west  side  may  be  similar,  but  was  inaccessible,  by 
reason  of  thickets;  on  the  summit  of  the  ample  bund  surrounding  the 
water,  lie  stones  richly  carved ;  it  is  probable  they  once  constituted 
small  temples  ranged  around.  In  the  centre  of  the  tank  is  an  island, 
crowned  by  a  temple,  now  almost  a  shapeless  mass.  On  the  south- 
east corner  of  the  tank  are  the  debris  of  a  gurhee  or  small  fort,  which 
appears  to  have  been  a  parallelogram  of  about  300  by  150  yards,  enclos- 
ed by  a  massy  wall,  with  towers  at  the  corners.  In  the  centre  are 
two  sunken  platforms,  with  stone  steps  descending  into  them,  in 
which  lie  idols  in  all  stages  of  decay ;  some  of  these  were  buried 
many  feet  under  a  loose  reddish  soil,  having  the  appearance  of  decay- 
ed bark.  Among  several  Gunneshes,  Parbuttees,  Mahadeos,  and  other 
gods  of  modern  Hindoo  mythology,  were  others  which  my  infor- 
mants, the  Mohurbunj  Raja's  Mookhtar^,  the  Burkoonwr  of  Rorwan, 
and  several  of  their  Bramin  attendants,  could  give  me  no  history  of. 
Three  of  the  best  preserved  of  these  I  took  away  with  the  help  of  some 
Nagpoor  Dhangars,  not  one  of  the  people  of  the  country  daring  to 
touch  them.  About  300  yards  to  the  south  of  the  gurhee  is  another 
mound  or  hillock  of  broken  bricks,  which  I  was  told  was  the  "  Kut- 
cherry"  of  the  Raja.  To  the  west  of  this,  and  all  along  the  bank  of  the 
Talab,  the  plain  now  covered  with  jungle  grass,  and  here  and  there 
cultivated  with  gora  dhan  by  the  Koles,  is  scattered  with  bricks, 
showing  that  a  substantial  town  or  bazar  mi^st  have  existed  here. 


708  The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  Kolehan) .     [No.  103. 

Still  further  southward,  about  eight  miles,  and  two  miles  beyond 
Rorwan,  these  remains  occur  in  greater  number,  and  better  preserva- 
tion, and  the  road  leading  to  them  is  replete  with  debris  of  the  most 
melancholy  and  dreary  nature,  rank  grass  waving  over  tanks,  some 
of  great  magnitude,  which  lie  on  every  side.  Thickets  and  briars 
matting  over  richly  carved  ghauts  and  temples ;  old  avenues  and  plan- 
tations whose  symmetry  can  now  scarcely  be  detected  amidst  over- 
whelming jungle,  offer  a  vivid  picture  of  what  these  deserted  tracts 
once  were  ;  and  the  mind  instinctively  pictures  to  itself  a  once  opulent 
and  prosperous  people,  whose  forgotten  dust  rests  perhaps  within  the 
funereal  shades  of  these  ancient  forests,  as  their  fates  and  fortunes,  alike 
unknown,  lie  buried  in  the  Elapsed  vastness  of  time  ! 

The  temples  at  Kiching  are  still  resorted  to  by  pilgrims  from 
the  south,  and  kept  in  tolerable  repair.  There  are  two  of  them, 
but  only  one  made  use  of  in  offering  sacrifices,  &c  ;  it  is  in  an 
unfinished  state,  the  materials  for  the  dome  lying  on  the  ground 
round  about,  as  if  they  had  been  hastily  abandoned.  A  narrow  path 
winds  up  to  the  temple  now  in  use,  through  dense  thickets  and 
forest  trees,  among  which  lie,  thickly  scattered,  portions  of  elabo- 
rate sculpture,  idols,  and  alto-relievo  figures  of  men  in  armour  on 
horseback,  nauchnees,  jugglers,  servants,  &c.  &c.  These  two  temples 
ere  part  of  a  circle  of  sixty  similar  ones  (according  to  the  Deoree, 
or  high  priest  of  the  place)  which  with  sixty  corresponding  tanks  are 
placed  two  miles  a  part,  in  a  circle  of  forty  miles  in  diameter.  Of 
these,  the  temples  at  Kiching  and  some  others  at  Odeypoor,  on  the 
banks  of  the  Byturnee,  are  alone  visited.  A  Superstitious  dread 
deters  access  to  the  others,  and  in  truth  they  are  buried  in  such  awful 
wilds,  as  naturally  to  excite  the  fears  of  such  a  credulous  race. 
The  tank  at  Kiching  lies  to  the  north  of  the  temple,  and  appeared 
to-be  about  300  yards  long,  and  sixty  or  seventy  in  breadth  ;  it  is  said 
to  be  of  masonry,  but  I  did  not  examine  it. 

In  the  vast  saul  forest  which  spreads  over  the  boundary  of  the 
Kolehan  and  Baumunghattee,  and  about  twelve  miles  from  the 
nearest  village,  are  two  extraordinary  pools  of  water,  evidently 
artificial,  called  the  '^  Soormee  and  Doormee."  The  former  is  about 
300,  the  latter  200  yards  long,  dug  in  a  perfectly  straight  line, 
and  separated  by  a  bund  or  causeway,  so  that   they  appear  to  have 


1840.]         The  Hodhum  (improperly  called  Kolehan),  709 

formed  a  long  water  chaussee,  or  avenue,  leading  to  the  Kurkye  river, 
which  is  not  above  half  a  mile  off.  No  traces  of  paths  or  buildings 
or  artificially  planted  trees  were  here  discernible.  Absurd  stories  are 
told  of  the  fatal  effects  of  the  water  on  man  and  beast,  by  the 
Bhoomijes,  who  are  the  exorcisers  of  unclean  spirits  in  the  jungles, 
and  the  spot  is  carefully  avoided  by  the  superstitious  Koles.  I  visited 
the  "  Soormee  Doormee'''  while  laying  down  the  boundary  in  1838- 
1839  ;  we  had  great  difficulty  in  forcing  our  way  through  the  dense 
jungle,  not  the  trace  of  a  path  existing,  and  I  verily  believe  we  were 
the  first  party,  for  many  generations,  who  had  intruded  on  this  abode 
of  utter  silence  and  seclusion.  There  were  fine  fish  swimming  in  the 
water,  and  the  traces  of  deer  in  numbers  round  the  bank,  as  they  come 
nightly  to  drink  there.  It  was  with  difficulty  however  I  could  prevail 
on  a  few  to  follow  my  example  in  taking  a  draught  from  the  pool. 

In  none  of  these  places  could  I  perceive  inscriptions  of  any  kind, 
and  I  cannot  here  avoid  expressing  a  regret,  that  my  ignorance 
of  Indian  antiquities  prevented  my  throwing  any  light  on  the  history 
of  these  truly  interesting,  relics  ; — Interesting,  as  being  situated 
in  such  unknown  wilds,  as  indices  of  the  entire  revolution  that  has 
taken  place  in  the  political  history  of  the  country,  and  as  proofs  of 
these  untrodden  jungles  having  once  been  the  seat  of  opulence,  indus- 
try, and  power,  so  utterly  decayed,  so  long  departed,  as  not  to  have 
left  a  record  behind. 

(  To  he  continued.) 


Note. — Although  it  is  very  improbable  that  any  of  our  readers  should 
be  enabled  to  visit  the  Hodesum,  with  sufficient  time  at  their  disposal 
to  examine  closely,  and  carefully,  the  ruins  at  Kiching,  and  Lalgurhpeer, 
I  cannot  help  requesting  particular  attention  to  Lieut.  Tickell's  notice  of 
these  interesting  remains,  with  a  view  to  our  procuring  at  some  future 
time  a  more  detailed  account  of  them.  The  best  thanks  of  all  interested 
in  the  study  of  Indian  History,  are  due  to  the  author  of  the  excellent 
paper  now -under  publication,  for  his  having  (I  believe  I  am  right  in 
saying)  discovered  in  the  wilds  of  the  trackless  forests  of  Chootia  Nagpore, 
these  singular  traces  of  a  people,  and  a  power,  whose  name  lives  hardly 
preserved  by  even  local  tradition.  His  ample,  and  able  statistical 
account  of  Hodesum  is  of  real  utility,  and  we  must  acknowledge  that  he 
has  done  well  in  foregoing  a  possibly  fruitless  search  for  antiquarian 
remains,  which  would  necessarily  have  diverted  his  attention  from  more 

4x 


710  Tke  Hodesum  (improperly  called  KolehanJ.     [No.  103. 

important  objects.  As  these  however  have  been  fully  accomplished  in 
the  paper  before  us,  I  trust  that,  should  opportunity  offer,  search  may 
be  made  in  the  vicinity  of  these  deserted  cities  for  any  traces  which 
may  enable  us  to  arrive  at  conclusions  regarding  their  history.  A  paper 
which  I  hope  soon  to  publish  (Journal  of  an  expedition  to  the  Naga 
HiUs,  by  Lieut.  Grange)  will  prove  the  value  of  similar  research  in  a 
historical  point  of  view,  by  the  result  of  that  officer's  observations  on 
Dhemapoor  Nuggur,  now  like  Lalgurhpeer  a  mass  of  ruins  in  a  wild 
forest,  but  formerly  the  residence  of  the  Cacharee  Rajas.  iTi 


Sketch  of  the  Physical  Geography  of  Seistan,hy  Captain  Edward 
CoNOLLY,  6th  Cavalry. 

The  southern  limit  of  the  lower  ranges  of  that  portion  of  the  great 
Caucasian  chain  of  mountains  which  lies  between  the  62nd  and  65th 
meridians  of  east  longitude,  is  well  defined  by  the  lower,  or  Dilaram 
road  from  Girishke  to   Furrah.      From  this  line  a  vast   desolate  tract 

p    .  .  extends,    part  of  that    great   desert,  named  rather  loosely 

by  Malcolm,  the  Salt  Desert.  Sloping  gradually  to  the 
south-west,  it  descends,  like  the  plains  of  Tartary,  in  steppes,  till  its  pro- 
gress is  arrested,  on  the  south,  by  a  high  sandy  desert,  and  on  the  west 
by  a  broad  and  lofty  chain  of  hills  (1)  which  stretches  in  a  south-west 
direction  from  probably  near  Ghorian  to  the  Surhud,  and  thus  perhaps 
connects  the  Parapomisan  mountains  with  the  Southern  Kohistan.  The 
south-west  corner  of  this  thus  interrupted  plain,  the  last  and  lowest 
steppes,  are  Seistan  (2). 

The  country  so  named,   of  which  the  length  may  in  round  numbers 

be  estimated  at  100  miles,  and  the  breadth  at  60,  is  entirely  composed 

of   flats,  with    the  exception  of  one  hill,    (3)  (the 

Koh-i-Zor)  and  in  its  whole  extent,  not  a  stone  is  to 

1.  This  range  is  known  by  different  names ;  in  the  latitude  of  Killah  Rah,  it  is  called,  from 
a  celebrated  hill,  Atishana  near  Bundau,  Koh-i-Bundau— and  opposite  Zirreh  Koh-i-Pulung, — the 
hill  of  leopards. 

2.  That  is  modern  Seistan.  In  ancient  times,  the  country  known  by  this  name  was  only 
bounded  on  the  north  by  Ghare  and  Zemindawer,  in  the  latter  of  which  a  learned  orientalist  has 
recognized  Zabul.  As  the  present  sketch  is  intended  solely  to  explain  the  map,  and  the  ancient 
history  and  geography  of  Seistan  and  the  countries  around  it  will  form  the  subject  of  a  separate 
memoir,  no  allusion  to  the  latter  will  be  found  here. 

3.  In  the  Univ:  Gazetteer,  1837,  you  read,  "The  country  is  generally  mountainous"?  There 
is  a  small  hill  called  Kohga,  on  the  north-west  of  the  Hamoon,  which  is  sometimes  surrounded 
by  the  water  of  the  lake  ;  at  present  it  belongs  to  the  chief  of  Laush. 


1840.]      Sketch  of  the  Physical  Geography  of  Seistan.  711 

be  met  with,  except  a  few  rounded  pebbles  in  the  beds  of  rivers.    The 

soil  is  either  the  light  and  soluble  earth  of  the  desert,  or  the  still  lighter 

alluvial  deposit,  and  there  is  hardly  one  tree,  and  not  one  of  any  size, 

in  the  whole  country.     From  the  north  and  north-east,  it  receives  the 

waters  of  numerous  rivers,  which  partaking  of  the  nature  of  mountain 

torrents,  at  one  time  of  the  year  rush  down  with  great  violence,  almost 

black  with  mud,  and  at  others  are  either  quite  dry,  or  flow  in  a  clear, 

languid  and  shallow  stream. 

It  requires  but  little  knowledge  of  Physical  Geography,  to  judge  of 

the  effect  of  a  large  body  of  water  discharged  in  this 
Effect  of  the  rivers.  .,,  .  ■,....  ,      .       .  ,, 

manner,  with  varying  velocity,  into  a  basm,  incapable, 

from  its  nature,  of  offering  the  slightest  resistance  to  its  progress.     The 

water  hurries  away  to  the  lowest  spots,  and  there,  when  its  turbulence 

has  subsided,  drops  its  loads  of  earth,  till  in  process  of  time  these  low 

spots  have  become  elevated,  and  the  water  is  driven  to  some  other  place. 

It  necessarily  results,  that  the  level  of  the  country  must  constantly  be 

altering,  and  that  as  the  whole  bed  of  the  lake  is  thus  gradually  filling 

up,  the  waters  spread  themselves  over  a  large  surface  every  year.     This 

extension  is  much  assisted  by  the  deposits  which  take  place  in  the  beds 

of  the  rivers  at  their  mouths,  which  deposits  are  of  course  ever  on  the 

increase  as  the  current  becomes  less  rapid,  when  layer  after  layer  of 

settling  earth  diminishes  the  slope.     In  consequence  of  this  filling  up  of 

their  beds,  nearly  all  these  rivers  overflow  their  banks  on  entering  Seistan. 

Of  the  correctness  of  these  views,  the  whole  country  exhibits  many  proofs, 

even  to  the  passing  traveller ;  and  a  scientific  resident 
Ancient  appearance         .  ,  ,  i    1 1      i        ,  ,      ,       ,       ,  ,        «    ,      . 

of  the  country.  might  probably  be  able  to  develop  much  of  the  in- 
teresting history  of  the  progressive  changes.  For  a 
long  period  of  years,  however,  Seistan  would  seem  to  have  presented  much 
the  same  general  appearance  as  is  attempted  to  be  delineated  in  the  annexed 
sketch. 

The  violent  action  of  the  swollen  streams  was  in  a  great  measure 
moderated  by  large  bodies  of  water  being  drawn  off  in  canals,  which 
were  conducted,  in  some  places,  as  far  as  forty  miles,  through  dry  and 
sandy  tracts.  Massive  embankments  had  been  also  constructed  by  rich 
and  enlightened  governments,  which  prevented  the  water  from  flowing 
without  controul,  and  confined  it  within  certain  bounds  for  the  purposes 
of  cultivation. 

It  is  only  of  late  years  that  a  very  remarkable  change  has  taken  place 
in  the  aspect  of  the  country,  to  explain  which  it  will  be  necessary  to  say 
a  few  words  on  the  geography  of  its  lakes  and  rivers,  at  the  period  repre- 
sented in  the  sketch,  when  Captain  Christie  visited  Seistan. 


712       Sketch  of  the  Physical  Geography  of  Seistan.     [No.  103. 

The  lake,  which  stretched  in  a  direction  parallel  to  the  Bundau  hills,  was 

_,,     TT  1        .         about  seventy  miles  long,  and  had  an  average  breadth 
The  Helmund.  .  "^  ,  .     . 

of  eighteen  miles.      Its  principal  feeder,  the  Helmund, 

is  not  inaccurately  laid  down  in  our  maps,  with  the  exception,  that  the 
Khash-rood  is  not  one  of  its  tributaries,  and  that  the  Arghandab  enters  it 
just  below,  and  not  above,  Killah  Beest.  This  river,  in  the  dry  season,  is 
never  without  a  plentiful  supply  of  water ;  during  the  swell,  it  comes 
down  with  astonishing  rapidity,  equal  in  size  to  the  Jumna.  As  soon  as 
it  has  left  the  hills,  its  bed  is  generally  four  or  five  miles  in  breadth,  the 
water  more  easily  penetrating  the  readily  yielding  sides  than  the  bottom, 
converted  into  a  sort  of  pavement  by  the  stones  rolled  down  from  the 
mountains.  The  stream  has  not  however  of  late  years  occupied  the 
whole  breadth,  though  in  former  times,  before  it  had  cut  itself  so  deep  a 
bed,  it  would  appear  to  have  done  so  near  Girishke ;  for  example,  there  are 
ruins  at  opposite  sides  of  the  river  of  forts  known  to  have  been  con- 
temporaneous, and  under  which  the  water  must  have  flowed  (for  they  are 
built  in  a  semicircle,  without  a  wall  on  the  river  face)  though  there  is  a 
space  of  four  miles  between  them. 

The  stream  now  hugs  its  left  bank,  above  which  rises  in  vast  mounds 
the  sandy  desert.  The  ancient  right  bank  is  well  marked  by  the  high 
cliffs  of  the  plain  before  mentioned,  which  are  every  where  hollowed  and 
indurated  by  the  action  of  water.  The  rich  space  between  this  bank  and 
the  modern  channel,  of  which  the  average  breadth  is  rather  more  than  two 
miles,  is  the  country  of  Gurmsehl. 

The  Helmund  receives  the  waters  of  one  or  two  small  streams  from  the 
desert  on  the  west,  which  will  be  mentioned  in  the  description  of  that 
tract. 

The  three  rivers  next  to  be  described,  have  experienced  little  change  since 
1810.  The  first,  the  Furrah-rood,  passes  a  little  to  the 
north  of  the  fort  of  Furrah,  and  runs  close  under  Laush, 
about  twenty  miles  south  of  which  it  enters  the  Seistan  lake.  I  am  not 
aware  of  this  river  receiving  any  tributaries  in  the  lower  part  of  its 
course.  (4)  The  Furrah-rood  is  nearly  dry  for  the  greater  part  of  the  year, 
water  is  however  confined  in  many  places  by  bunds  or  natural  hollows, 
and  is  always  to  be  found  by  digging  a  few  feet  into  its  bed,  which  is  the 
case  with  the  Helmund,  and  most  of  the  rivers  of  eastern  Asia.  (5)  During 
the  spring  it  is  a  broad  and  rapid  river,  but  not  half  the  size  of  the 
Helmund. 

4.  The  Gizea  found  in  Arrowsmith's  Map  of  Central  Asia,  1834,  must  be  either  erroneously  laid 
down,  or  is  soihe  insignificant  stream. 

5.  Baber  remarks  this  in  his  memoirs. 


1840.]      Sketch  of  the  Physical  Geography  of  Beistan.  713 

About  twelve  miles  west  of  the  mouth  of  the  Furrah-rood,  a  river  dis- 
charges  itself  into  the  same  lake,  which  though  equal 
in  size  to  the  last  named,  has  nearly  escaped  the  obser- 
vation of  geographers  (6) :  this  is  the  Adrascund,  which  crosses  the  high 
road,  some  fifty  miles  south  of  Herat,  near  a  place  where  it  is  joined  by  the 
Rod-i-Gez,  celebrated  for  the  sweetness  of  its  waters.  After  flowing  east  by 
south,  through  the  plain  of  Subzawar,  it  sweeps  round  to  the  west,  runs 
down  a  narrow  valley  called  Jaya,  and  passes  a  little  to  the  south  of  the 
valley  of  Pomegranates,  (7)  where  Capt.  Christie  crossed  without  recognizing 
it.  Of  the  course  of  the  stream  for  a  short  distance  after  this,  I  am  doubt- 
ful, but  its  further  progress  to  the  west  must  be  soon  arrested  by  the  incli- 
nation of  the  ground  from  the  western  range  of  hills  before  mentioned. 
Entering  the  tract,  from  its  extreme  barrenness  called  the  Waste  of  Despair, 
(Tug-i-Noomed)  (8)  its  name,  which  since  leaving  Subzawar  has  been  chang- 
ed to  Jaya,  is  again  altered  to  that  of  the  fallen  angel  Haroot.  It  then  flows 
a  little  to  the  west  of  Killah  Rah,  the  northern  part  of  which  it  waters, 
and  with  a  nearly  southerly  course  empties  itself  into  the  lake  of  Seistan. 
A  few  miles  above  its  mouth,  the  Herat  receives  a  small  salt  river,  the 
Khash  Koduk,  which  has  water  only  in  the  spring,  when  it  drains  the  marsh 
of  Furrah. 
During  the  wet  season,  a  mountain  torrent,  rather  than  a  river,  flows 

S.  E.  into  the  lake  from  Bundau,  by  the  name  of  which 
The  Bundau  river.         ^         -^  .    ^  mi.     t>      j       i.  e  ^ 

place  it  IS  known.     The  Bundau  has  a  course  oi  less 

than  50  miles,  and  only  deserves  notice  as  being,  as  far  as  our  knowledge 

extends,   the  solitary  stream  which  enters  Seistan  from  the  west. 

The    Khash-rood  has    for    so    long   a  period    occupied   an   erroneous 

_,,    ^^,     ,        ,      position  on  our   maps,   that  its   real  course  deserves 
The  Khash-rood.     ^       .  . 

particular  attention.     After  crossing  the   Herat  road, 

it  travels  south-west  to  Seistan,  but  in  1810  it  did  not  enter  the  lake ; 
its  waters  just  below  Chukhnasoor,  having  spread  themselves  out  over 
a  low  tract  called  from  a  species  of  marshy  grass  (aishk)  which  abounds 
there,  Aishkineik.  That  the  Khash-rood  has  been  stated  to  empty  itself  in- 
to the  Helmund  at  Kona,  sheea,  may  perhaps  be  accounted  for,  by  suppos- 
ing some  confusion  between  the  name  of  that  post  and  of  Chukhnasoor, 
of  which  the  more  correct  appellation  is  said  to  be  Khanehsoor,  or  the 
house  of  marriage,  it  being  there,  according  to  tradition,  that  Giu  married  a 
daughter  of  Roostum. 

6.  Gerard  first  traced  its  course  from  the  Herat-rood  to  Anardureh. 

7.  Anardureh. 
8.  I  do  not  exactly  uuderstand  the  limits  of  the  plain  known  by  this  name-     North  of  it  is  a  great 
salt  tract,  the  Nimuksar. 


714      Sketch  of  the  Physical  Geography  of  Seistan.      [No.  103. 

The  Kliash  is  a  much  smaller  river  than  the  Furrah ;  a  large  proportion 
of  its  waters  are  drained  off  for  cultivation,  and  during  the  greater  part  of 
the  year  its  channel,  which  is  never  of  any  great  width,  only  contains 
waters  where  it  has  been  banked  in,  or  in  a  few  deep  pools.  On  its  banks 
and  in  Seistan,  the  Khash  is  always  called  the  Khoosh,  and  in  some  geogra- 
phical works  is  written  Khooshk,  or  the  dry  river.  The  Aishkineik  was  a 
marsh  during  the  swell,  and  dry  in  summer. 

The  Ibrahim  Jooi  is  made  in  our  maps  to  fall  into  the  Khash,  but  in  real- 
ity a  little  below  Bukheva,  it  spreads  itself  out  and  forms  a  marsh  also 
called  Aishkineik,  which  is,  however,  usually  dry,  there  being  little  water 
lower  than  the  Ismail  Khan.  I  know  of  no  stream  flowing  into  the  Khash 
from  the  west,  except  a  small  river  which  commences,  I  was  told,  some- 
where below  Bukheva ;  from  the  east  it  receives  the  Rod-i-Reghi,  the  direc- 
tion of  which  will  be  seen  in  the  map  ;  but  of  the  early  part  of  its  course 
I  am  doubtful. 

To  the  west  of  the  Khash  three  smaller  streams  flow  into  Seistan  from  the 

^  ,  „      .  north-east;  the  Rod-i-Khar,  the  Chabulk,  and  the  Koos- 

Other  smaller  rivers.  r^.     n  i  i  i  -    -,     n    ^  -  ^ 

pas.     rhe  first  and  least,  at  the  period  of  which  we  are 

speaking,  discharged  itself  into  the  Aishkineik  above  Chukhnasoor. 

Of  the  other  two,  the  Chabulk  rises  in  a  spring  called  Chusmeh  Meshak, 
about  six  miles  south-east  of  Toojk,  below  Furrah ;  the  second  at  Siah-ab, 
a  hill  between  Koormalik  and  Bukheva,  celebrated  as  the  spot  where  the 
Vuzeer  Shah  Wulee  was  put  to  death.  These  two  rivers  formerly  de- 
bouched in  a  lake  some  miles  east  of  the  principal  one,  and  known  by  the 
name  of  Duk-i-Teer,  a  promontory  on  its  eastern  bank,  famous  in  the  fa- 
bulous history  of  Seistan,  as  the  place  from  whence  Roostum  procured  the 
arrow  with  which  he  killed  Isfandear. 

Of  the  extent  of  this  lake  I  have  no  very  precise  information.  On  the 
north  it  reached  to  within  eight  miles  of  Jowaine ;  it  was  probably  con- 
nected with  the  Aishkineik  on  its  south,  and  when  swelled  by  extraordina- 
ry floods,  may  have  even  been  united  with  the  lake  of  Koh-i-Khwajeh,  as  a 
high  bank  prevents  its  extension  to  the  eastward. 

It  also  received  some  of  the  waters  of  the  Helmund  by  branches  striking 
off  north  and  east  from  that  river,  after  it  had  passed  Rodbar.  Of  these 
the  principal,  which  left  the  parent  stream  near  Deh-i-Nusser  Khan,  was 
called  the  river  of  Ilumdar,  and  another  of  smaller  size,  but  since  become 
remarkable,  went  off  from  Khwajeh  Ahmed. 

Such  was  Seistan  for  a  long  time.  The  Helmund  glided  along  each 
succeeding  year  in  nearly  the  same  channel  it  had  occupied  the  year  be- 
fore, and  the  inhabitants  on  its  banks  were  too  ignorant  to  remark  or  to 
care  to  counteract  the  consequences  they  could  have  hardly  failed  to  fore- 


1840.J      Sketch  of  the  Physical  Geography  of  Seistan,  715 

see,  of  the  change  which  was  gradually  preparing  by  the  annual  deposition 
of  alluvial  matter.  The  great  embankments,  whose  ruins  still  record  the 
names  and  wisdom  of  kings  of  yore  had  been  neglected  or  destroyed,  and 
the  canals  which  enriched  more  than  one  desert  district,  were  dry,  and  the 
fields  they  had  watered  a  waste.  Zirreh,  so  celebrated  in  history,  which 
defied  the  arms  of  Chengiz  and  Timour,  did  not  boast  one  inhabitant.  Of 
Tragu,  Killah  Put,  and  Pshaweroon,  and  of  other  great  cities,  through  the 
ruins  of  which  the  traveller  wanders  for  days,  all  that  remained  were  the 
walls  and  the  name. 
About  nine  years  ago  an  unusually  large  inundation  changed  the  whole  face 
of  the  country.     The  main  stream  of  the  Helmund  de- 

ect'of'fhe'counU?'  ^^^^^^  ^^^  ^^^  ^^^'  ^^^  cutting  for  itself  a  wide  channel 
out  of  that  of  the  small  branch  which  went  off  from 
Khwajeh  Ahmed,  carried  the  greater  part  of  its  waters  to  the  Duk-i-Teer. 
This  lake  was  insufficient  to  contain  so  large  an  accession  to  its  mass; 
the  superfluous  waters  forced  themselves  a  passage  through  a  narrow 
and  low  neck  of  land  to  the  westward,  and  discharged  in  this  manner  into 
the  old  lake,  thus  connected,  and  made  the  two  one. 

The  inhabitants  of  Seistan  were  at  length  roused  from  their  indifference 
by  a  disaster  which  threatened  their  very  existence,  as  it  deprived  them 
of  the  means  of  irrigating  their  fields.  United  by  the  common  danger,  a 
large  body  of  men  of  the  different  tribes  assembled  together,  and  in  the 
course  of  the  ensuing  summer  raised  an  immense  mound  across  the  river, 
near  the  place  where  the  waters  had  diverged;  but  through  their  igno- 
rance of  physics,  their  labour  was  thrown  away.  The  next  flood  turned 
the  embankment,  and  the  river,  as  in  the  preceding  year,  passed  away  from 
Seistan.  Since  that  time  the  Seistanis  despairing  of  success,  have  made 
no  further  effort  to  reclaim  their  river.  The  greater  part  of  the  water  of 
the  Helmund  is  discharged  into  the  Duk-i-Teer  by  several  mouths,  and 
the  now  scanty  stream  of  the  old  bed,  confined  by  numerous  bunds,  hardly 
suffices  to  water  the  lands  it  formerly  overflowed,  and  is  a  never  ending 
source  of  contention,  between  the  various  tribes  which  inhabit  its  banks. 
Geographers  have  been  at  a  loss  to  account  for  the  many  different  names 

which  have  been  given  to  the  lake  of  Seistan.     The 
Name  of  the  lake        ,    ,.         ^,,  ,    .  .       , 

of  Seistan.  solution  of  the  puzzle  is  very  simple. 

The  Persian  word  Hamoon  ^^^»  1:5,  signifies  a  plain 

level  ground.  (9)    The  Seistanis  apply  the  term  to  any  expanse  of  water, 

9.  It  is  frequentlj^  found  in  this  sense  in  Persian  authors,  as  in  the  Bostan  : — 
Ze  deria  ama  bur  amud  Ruse, 
Sufur  KurdAh  deria  wo  Hamoon  buse. 
I  know  of  no  instance  of  any  author  having  used  the  term  to  express  an  expanse  of  water.     The 
similar  sounding  name  of  the  Oxus,  Amoo,  is  probably  descriptive  of  its  periodical  swell. 


JIG      Sketch  of  the  Physical  Geography  of  Seistan.      [No.  103. 

During  the  swell,  as  before  observed,  the  Helmund  overflows  its  banks,  and 
water  is  sometimes  carried  into  low  spots,  from  which  some  ridge  inter- 
cepts its  retreat,  when  the  river  again  retires  to  its  bed.  In  this  manner 
numerous  small  lakes  were  formed,  and  each  of  them  was  called  a  Hamoon, 
and  was  distinguished  by  its  particular  appellative.  The  united  waters 
are  styled  the  Hamoon  without  any  distinctive  adjective.  The  old  lake 
also  was  in  former  times  known  as  the  Hamoon,  though  sometimes,  as 
now  specified  by  the  name  of  the  celebrated  hill  in  the  midst  of  it,  the  Koh- 
i-Zor,  or  Roostum,  or  as  it  is  more  generally  called  from  a  modern  saint, 
Koh-i-Khwaj  eh. 

The  Hamoon  of  Zirreh  was  some  miles  to  the  south  the  Hamoon  of  Koh-i- 
Khwajeh,  and  was  perhaps  formed  in  the  manner  above 
described,  from  the  overflow  of  that  lake;  though 
it  is  not  improbable  that  a  natural  or  artificial  branch  of  the  Helmund 
went  direct  to  Zirreh.  This  Hamoon  will  be  mentioned  in  the  sequel. 
The  lake  of  Zirreh,  and  many  smaller  ones,  some  of  which  are  marked 
on  the  map,  are  either  dry,  or  are  drying  up  in  consequence  of  the  diversion 
of  the  Helmund.  On  the  site  of  one,  Boorj,  one  of  the  four  capitals  of  Seis- 
tan has  been  built,  and  the  place  of  water  is  supplied  by  corn-fields. 

I  cannot  learn  that  the  principal  Hamoon,  or  any  of  the  smaller  ones  were 
ever  styled  in  Seistan,  Loukh;  I  suppose  therefore,  that  title  to  be  a  Persian 
or  Afghan  fabrication,  or  it  may  have  obtained  currency  through  some 
misconception  of  the  meaning  of  the  person  who  originally  employed  it  to 
designate  the  lake,  to  many  parts  of  which  the  name  would  be  sufficiently 
appropriate,  "  Loukh"  in  Persian  and  Pushtoo  signifying  "  rushes :"  but  this 
word  is  not  known  in  Seistan,  where  a  rush  is  invariably  called  "  Toot." 

The  most  fitting  appellation  of  the  Hamoon  is  the  classical  one  of 

^       ,    .       „  ,      Aria  Palus,  for  it  is  in  reality  almost  every  where  a 
Description  of  the  "^  "^ 

lake.  mere  marsh.      It  has  rarely  a  depth  of  more  than  from 

three  to  four  feet,  and  is  almost  entirely  covered  with 
reeds  or  rushes.  There  is  however  a  considerable  diff'erence  in  the  ap- 
pearance of  the  old  and  new  lake,  particularly  in  the  dry  season. 

Of  the  Duk-i-Teer,  I  have  only  seen  the  south  part ;  there  it  is  a  large 
sheet  of  water,  thickly  studded  with  reed-topped  islands,  its  depth  averag- 
ing about  four  feet,  and  having  a  very  muddy  bottom.  The  reeds  are  tall 
and  close  together,  but  you  can  walk  through  them  without  difficulty. 
To  the  north  there  is  probably  less  water,  and  the  reeds  are  not  in  patches, 
but  cover  the  whole  surface.  In  the  old  Hamoon,  on  the  contrary,  the 
reeds  are  in  most  places  stiff"  and  thick  with  age,  and  stand  so  close 
together  in  clumps,  their  roots  being  united  by  little  hillocks  of  encrusted 
earth,  that  quadrupeds  even  are  unable  to  force  their  way  through  them. 


1840.]       Sketch  of  the  Physical  Geography  of  Seistan.  7U 

This  is  particularly  the  case  round  the  hill  of  Roostum,  the  only  mode  of 
reaching  which  in  the  summer  is  by  a  ditch  two  or 
^^''ifke"^  ^^^  ""^^  three  feet  wide,  and  having  an  average  depth  of 
three  feet  of  water,  very  salt,  rank  with  putrifying 
matter,  and  nearly  as  black  as  ink.  Men,  horses,  and  cows  Avade 
through  the  slime,  people  of  the  better  classes  are  conveyed  to  and  fro 
in  a  species  of  canoe  called  Tootee,  and  peculiar,  I  believe,  to  Seistan.  Four 
or  five  bundles  of  reeds  are  fastened  together  by  rushes,  or  by  the  flexible 
tops  of  reeds,  the  cut  edges  forming  a  square  stem,  the  upper  ends  being 
tied  in  a  point  for  a  prow.  The  passenger  seats  himself  in  the  middle,  one 
man  pushes  from  behind,  and  another  pulls  at  the  front.  During  the 
wet  season  the  tootees  are  made  of  larger  size,  so  as  to  admit  of  as  many 
as  four  men  sitting  in  them,  and  are  propelled  by  paddles  and  long  poles, 
but  they  are  rarely  taken  into  the  deeper  water,  where  the  waves  would 
wet  and  sink  them.  These  boats  last  only  for  a  few  days,  for  the  wet 
reeds  soon  become  rotten  and  heavy ;  they  are  made  and  navigated  by 
a  particular  class  of  men  called  Syads,  a  word  which  expresses  their  pro- 
fession of  fowlers.  The  ditch  road  I  have  mentioned  has  to  be  renewed 
every  year  when  the  waters  have  subsided. 

The  old  Hamoon  can  be  seen  to  the  greatest  advantage  from  the  tops 

of  the  hill   of  Roostum,   from   which   elevated  posi- 

View  from  Roh-i- 
Khwajeh.  tion  the  eye  travels  uninterrupted  over  a  plain  bound- 

ed only  by  the  horizon,  except  on  the  west,  where,  at 
fifty  miles  distance,  rises  the  chain  of  the  Bundau  hills. 

It  was  in  September  that  I  took  my  station  on  this  hill ;  immediately 
beneath  me  lay  a  yellow  plain,  as  level  as  a  calm  sea,  formed  by  the  tops 
of  reeds,  and  extending  north  and  south  long  beyond  the  reach  of  vision. 
On  the  east  it  was  bounded  by  a  strip  of  paler  yellow,  marking  the  borders 
of  the  lake,  where  the  less  thickly  growing  reeds  are  annually  burnt  down, 
and  a  few  poor  KheUs  clear  away  the  ground  for  the  cultivation  of  water- 
melons. Beyond  again,  in  this  direction,  appeared  the  dark  green  of  the 
tamarisks,  whole  forests  (11)  of  which  fringe  the  lake.  Here  and  there  as  we 
looked  around  on  every  side,  were  seen  patches  of  blue  water,  and  on  the 
west  a  large  clear  lake  stretched  away  till  out  of  sight.  All  seemed  waste, 
but  the  towers  of  Chuling  and  Sekoha  showed  like  white  specks  in  the 
distance ;  and  winding  and  shining  through  the  tamarisks,  you  might  trace 
the  course  of  several  streams,  which  once  formed  the  delta  of  the  Helmund, 
and  in  which  water  is  still  retained  at  intervals  for  the  purposes  of  agri- 

11  Lest  I  be  accused  of  a  contradiction,  as  it  has  been  said  that  there  are  no  trees  in  Seistan, 
I  may  mention,  that  the  taiharisks  rarely,  if  ever,  attain  any  great  size  in  that  country. 

4  Y 


718     Sketch  of  the  Physical  Geography  of  Seistan.        [No.  103. 

culture.  The  water  of  the  Hamoon  is  salt  (12),  but  not  at  all  places  equally 
so,  the  intensity  varying  according  to  the  depth,  nature 
of  the  soil  on  which  it  -rests,  and  the  proximity  to  the 
mouths  of  the  rivers.  The  Seistanis  boast  that  the  water  of  their  country 
is  the  best  in  the  world,  that  it  gives  an  appetite,  and  promotes  diges- 
tion; even  when  most  distasteful,  it  is  said  not  to  be  injurious,  and 
the  garrison  of  Koh-i-Khwajeh  drank  no  other  than  that  of  the  ditch  path, 
described  above,  which  is  so  brackish  that  none  of  our  horses  after  a 
fatiguing  march  in  the  sun  could  be  induced  to  drink  it. 

It  has  been  stated  that  the  Hamoon  is  every  year  spreading  over  a  large 
superficies,  which  requires  explanation,  since  it  seems 

On  the  increase  or    at  variance  with  the  received  theory  of  the  other  in- 
diminution    of    the 
waters.  land  lakes,  the  Caspian,  Aral,  &c.  all  of  which  are  said 

to  cover  a  less  space  now,   than  they  did  in  former 

times.     With  only  a  general  knowledge  of  the  geography  of  those  seas,  it 

is  dangerous  to  hazard  a  conjecture  regarding  them,  but  it  seems  by  no 

means  improbable  that  much  of  the  land  which  is  represented  as  shewing 

traces  of  having  once  formed  part  of  the  lakes  in  question,  was  covered 

with  water  before  those  lakes  had  occupied  their  present  beds,  proving 

therefore  no  more  than  that  the  water  has  changed  its  position,  not  that  it 

is  less  in  extent.     The  Caspian  on  the  north,  where  traces  of  inundation 

on  lands  now  dry  are  the  most  remarkable,  is  shallow,  marshy,  and  covered 

with  reeds,  as  if  the  water  was  gradually  deserting  it.     It  must  however 

be  borne  in  mind,  that  as  the  lake  spreads,  it  offers  a  large  surface  to  the 

action  of  evaporation,  and  that  in  proportion  to  the  apparent  increase, 

there  is  a  real  diminution  in  bulk. 

The  evaporation  in  Seistan  must  be  very  great.     The  heat  in   summer 

„  is  said  to  be  more  oppressive  than  that  of  Candahar. 

Evaporation.  i  ^     i    i     i 

and  for  half  the  year,  a  strong  steady  wind  blows  from 

the  snowy  mountains  above  Herat,  to  compensate  the  exhaustion  of  air  in 

the  burning  desert  to  the  south.   This  wind,  which  is  called  the  "  Bad  i  sud 

0  bist  roz,"  "  a  wind  of  120  days,"  is  confined  to  a  breadth  of  about  80  miles, 

being  bounded  on  the  west  by  the  Bundau  hills,  and  extending  no  further 

east,  it  is  said,  than  Khash. 

I  should  have  desired  here  to  give  some  account  of  the  natural  history 

of  Seistan,  but  of  the  study  itself  I  am  nearly  ignorant;  the  field  is,  I 

suspect,  a  barren  one,  and  the  season  at  which  I  visited  the  country  was 


12  Nothing  but  common  salt  is  found  in  Seistan  itself.  The  plain  of  Furrah  is  a  saltpetre  marsh. 
Salt  is  found  in  patches  in  various  parts  of  the  desert,  that  of  Peer  i  Rizre  in  the  Gurmsehl  is  cele- 
brated for  its  whiteness. 


1840.]       Sketch  of  the  Physical  Geography  of  Seistan.  719 

unfavourable  to   the  prosecution  of  it^    A  description  of  the  Hamoon 

however  would  be  incomplete,  without  some  notice  of  the  more  common 

animals  to  ^hich  the  lake  gives  birth  or  affords  nourishment. 

The  marshy  and  reedy  parts  of  the  lake  shelter  innumerable  wild  hogs. 

In  a  small  history  of  Seistan  written  by  a  native,  it 
Natural  History. 

is  stated,  that  when  a  man  cultivates  a  piece  of  ground, 

he  calculates  on  losing  half  the  produce  by  their  ravages.      The  villagers, 

as  may  be  supposed,  spare  no  means  to  destroy  these 
Wild    Hogs. 

destructors  ;  they  lay  snares  for  them,  shoot  them,  and 

hunt  them  down  with  dogs.  The  dogs  are  large,  strong,  bold  animals, 
resembling  the  Bhil  dogs  of  India,  and  are  regularly  trained  to  hunt. 
Accompanied  by  a  dozen  or  more  of  these  you  sally  out,  and  as  soon  as  you 
approach  the  reedy  grounds  which  the  hogs  frequent,  you  perceive  on  all 
sides  the  earth  ploughed  up  with  their  tusks.  The  Seistanis,  who  are  eager 
sportsmen,  strip,  and  wade  nearly  naked  through  the  mud.  Soon  a  bark 
is  heard,  the  note  is  immediately  taken  up,  and  aU  the  dogs  join  in  the 
cry  like  a  pack  of  English  hounds.  After  a  due  quantity  of  holloing 
and  splashing  the  game  is  brought  down,  or  if  of  large  size,  is  held  at  bay 
tiU  the  huntsmen  come  up  and  despatch  it  with  their  matchlocks.  The  Seis- 
tanis though  Sheeahs,  and  like  all  Sheeahs  ftdl  of  prejudices,  do  not  object 
to  handle  the  hog :  the  nearest  huntsman  cuts  up  the  carcase  and  gives 
slices  of  it  to  the  dogs,  and  the  rest  is  brought  home  as  food  for  them. 

When  the  waters  are  rising  in  the  spring,  herds  of  thirty  or  forty  are 
to  be  seen  swimming  one  behind  the  other  from  island  to  island.  Large 
numbers  are  thus  sometimes  collected  into  a  small  spot,  and  the  hunting 
then  becomes  most  dangerous ;  hardly  a  year  passes  without  lives  being 
lost  in  the  sport. 

The  hogs  are  however  a  trifling  nuisance  compared  with  the  hosts  of 

insects  bred  in  the  stagnant  waters.     The  mosquitoes 
Insects.  ,  ,  1        .        ,  •  1 

are  so  troublesome,  that  in   the   spring,   the  poorest 

villager  is  obliged  to  make  a  small  room  of  a  coarse  open   cloth  called 

"  kirbas, "  into  which  he  retires  with  his  family  as  soon  as  the  sun  sets.    "  Clap 

your  hands  together,"  said  a  man  whom  I  asked  to  give  me  some  idea  of 

their  number,  for  when  we  passed  through  Seistan  there  were  none,  "  and  the 

palms  will  be  covered  with  blood."     Fleas  are  said  to  be  no  less  numerous, 

and  from  them  there  is  no  escape  ;  but  the  worst  plague  of  all  are  the  flies. 

I  had  been  sometime  in  Seistan  before  I  understood  why  the  inhabitants 

complained  so  much  of  these  insects ;  a  few  would  now  and  then  settle  on 

the  inside   of  our  horses  thighs,   (every   other  part  of  the  body  being 

always  protected  by  cloth)  and  where  they  bite  a  small  stain  of  blood  is 


720      Sketch  of  the  Physical  Geography  of  Seistan.      [No.  103. 

left,  so  that  the  animal  was  marked  as  if  leeches  had  been  applied  to  it ; 
but  this  was  all,  and  though  every  one  said,  "  You  have  not  seen  the  flies, 
a  cold  night  killed  them  just  before  you  arrived,  &c.,"  I  began  to  suspect 
that  the  reports  I  had  heard  on  the  subject  were  fabrications,  or  at  least 
exaggerations.  I  was  mistaken :  it  was  our  last  march  in  Seistan ;  we 
were  approaching  Chukhnasoor,  and  our  road  lay  over  some  soil  which 
the  water  of  the  lake  had  lately  left,  and  which  was  hard,  dry,  and  broken 
into  innumerable  small  cracks  :  from  these  cracks  such  swarms  of  flies 
issued,  that  I  can  only  give  an  idea  of  their  numbers,  by  comparing  them, 
to  bees  near  a  hive  which  has  just  been  disturbed.  They  buzzed  round  our 
faces,  and  bit  us  in  every  less  protected  part,  as  the  ancle  above  the  shoe,  the 
neck,  &c.  When  we  reached  our  halting  ground.  Peer  i  Risri,  on  the  bank 
of  the  river  Khash,  their  numbers  were  incredible ;  the  horses  were  nearly 
maddened,  and  the  servants  declared  they  would  all  be  killed.  We  lighted 
fires  on  the  windward  side  of  every  horse,  smothering  the  flame  to  make 
the  smoke  rise :  this  was  not  sufficient ;  we  could  not  drive  away  the  flies 
from  our  own  persons,  and  the  heat  was  too  great  to  allow  of  our  covering 
our  faces  with  a  cloth.^  On  the  opposite  bank  was  a  thick  jungle  of  dry 
reed,  we  set  fire  to  it,  and  huge  volumes  of  smoke  driving  over  us,  we 
escaped  our  tormentors  at  the  expense  of  sore  eyes,  and  being  blackened 
with  ashes.  During  the  night,  afraid  to  face  another  day  here,  we  hurried 
away  to  Ruddeh,  glad  to  be  quit  of  the  flies  and  Seistan. 

The  Seistan  fly  resembles  the  common  fly,  but  is  twice  as  large.  In  the 
spring  it  is  of  a  pale  brown  with  dark  spots ;  as  the  year  closes  the  colour 
turns  black,  and  soon  after  the  insect  dies.  The  bite  is  painful,  but  less 
so  than  the  sting  of  a  wasp,  and  the  pain  is  only  momentary. 

To  the  annoying  attacks  of  the  flies,  is  generally  attributed  the  re- 
markable mortality  which  prevails  among  horses  in 
Seistan,  and  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  irritation 
produced  by  their  bites  may  have  considerable  effect  in  promoting  the 
evil.  There  is  hardly  a  horse  in  the  country.  Of  more  than  5,000  brought 
by  Kamran  in  his  expedition,  about  four  years  ago,  not  one  is  said  to  have 
been  alive  six  months  after  the  return  of  the  army  to  Herat.  This  is  of 
course  a  gross  exaggeration,  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  the  loss  was 
immense.  The  few  horses  which  the  Seistan  chiefs  keep  for  state,  are  tended 
with  the  greatest  care  in  dark  stables,  from  which  they  never  issue,  unless 
on  some  important  occasion,  except  during  the  winter.  When  brought  out 
their  whole  bodies  are  covered  with  cloth,  particular  care  being  taken  to 
protect  the  belly,  for  a  bite  in  that  part  is  considered  fatal ;  they  are  never 
galloped,  for  it  is  believed  that  if  a  horse  sweats,  he  is  sure  to  die.  I 
bought  a  horse  from  a  Belooch  chief,  which  Rbohundil  Khan  of  Candahar 


1840.]       Sketch  of  the  Physical  Geographij  of  Seistan.  721 

had  sent  down  as  a  present  four  years  before.     The  beast  had  never  been 

mounted,  had  hardly  left  the  stable,  and  the  owner  was  glad  to  accept  any 

trifle  for  it  to  escape  the  expence  of  its  keep. 

The  symptoms  of  the  fatal  disease,  which  is  called  "  Soorkh  surgeen," 

or  red  dung,  are  as  nearly  as  I  could  collect  from  in- 
Disease  of  the  horse.  .  .  ,-,  ..  ,  i 

quiries  among  the  natives,  and  my  own  observation,  as 

follows.  First,  the  hind  legs  swell.  The  Seistanis  then  say  "  Bad  gerift," 
"the  wind  has  seized  him,"  an  expression  applied  commonly  to  a  rheumatic 
complaint.  One  of  my  riding  horses  refused  its  food ;  we  were  standing 
by  inquiring  the  cause,  when  a  man  who  was  looking  on,  came  up,  opened 
the  mouth  of  the  animal,  and  exclaimed,  "Your  horse  will  die — he  has  got 
white  gums  :"  this  is  the  second  symptom.  The  dung  now  turns  of  a 
Vermillion  colour,  the  skin  is  frequently  covered  with  pimples,  the  urine  is 
bloody,  and  at  last  a  paralysis  seizes  on  all  the  limbs,  and  soon  after  death 
ensues.  The  eye  during  the  progress  of  the  disease  is  of  a  pale  yellow 
colour,  only  a  few  specks  of  white  remaining,  and  it  is  said  that  the  "  tail 
dries  up,"  so  that  you  can  pull  out  the  hairs  by  hands  full.  The  disease  in 
some  cases  I  witnessed,  killed  in  three  days ;  but  horses  passing  through 
Seistan  generally  live  for  a  few  months,  dying  however  in  certainly  two 
cases  out  of  five,  within  the  year.  The  Seistanis  having  found  all  their  re- 
medies fail,  now  generally  abandon  a  horse  to  its  fate  as  soon  as  it  is  taken 
ill.  Bleeding,  the  most  obvious  treatment,  is,  I  was  assured,  useless,  and 
the  only  mode  of  cure  recommended  to  me,  (warm  goat's  blood)  is  evidently 
absurd.  This  epidemic  is  confined  to  Seistan  ;  it  is  not  known  at  Jowaine, 
or  Neh,  or  even  Kuddeh.  The  Seistanis  pretend  that  it  has  only  appeared 
in  their  country  of  late  years,  but  the  ancient  Zarangeans,  and  the  armies 
which  fought  against  Timoor,  were  foot  soldiers,  which  argues  the  contrary. 
The  climate  is  unfavourable,  but  in  a  less  degree,  to  camels.     Both  these 

animals  and  sheep  die  in  great  numbers  from  eating  the  leaves 
Camels.  x  o  o 

of  a  plant  called  Trootk.    Not  more  than  3  or  4000  camels 

could  be  procured  in  Seistan ;  when  required,  they  are  brought  from  Gurm- 

sehl,  or  the  sandy  desert  to  the  S.E.  Sheep.    Sheep  feed  generally  on  a  small 

creeping  plant  called  Boonoo,  which  abounds  in  the  salt  grounds,  and  which 

tastes  like  salt  itself.      Boonoo  is  sometimes  used  for  horses'  food,  but  it  is 

first  washed,  by  which  process  it  loses  much  of  its  bitterness.  There  are  many 

varieties  of  grasses  all  over  the  country,  but  several  of  them  were  said  to  have 

noxious  qualities.  (13)  The  only  domestic  animal  which  thrives  well  except 


13.  I  collected  specimens  of  them  which  are  not  at  present  available  for  verification.  The  most 
common  is  called  Kirta,  when  we  passed  through  Furrah,  that  whole  plain  was  covered  with  it,  and 
resembled  a  rich  English  meadow,  sheep  and  cows  thrive  on  Kirta,  but  it  acts  on  horses  as  an 
aperient. 


722       Sketch  of  the  Physical  Geography  of  Seistan.      [No.  103. 

the  mule  and  ass, — the  latter  of  which  is  very  common  and  useful,  is  the  cow, 
which  is  much  valued  in  the  neighbouring  countries.  People 
send  their  cows  from  a  distance  to  pasture  on  the  reeds  of  the 
Hamoon,  which  soon  bring  them  into  condition,  but  a  cow  thus  fattened, 
though  looking  sleek  and  plump,  does  not  yield  the  same  quantity  of  milk  as 
the  Candahar  cow,  which  revels  on  artificial  grasses ;  for  the  first,  six  seers 
of  milk  is  considered  a  fair  supply ;  at  Candahar  twelve  seers  are  commonly 
drawn.  The  Seistan  cows  are  exported,  three  or  four  hundred  every  year, 
to  Candahar,  Persia,  &c.  I  heard  a  well  attested  story  of  one  wliich  had  re- 
turned by  itself  from  Teheran. 

Cows  are  put  to  a  singular  use  in  this  country  (14) ;  they  are  taught  to 

^    .,  .  hunt.      In  the  spring,  when  the  lake  is  covered  with  water- 

Stalkmg.  ^  .   ° 

birds,  the  cow  quietly  crops  the  reeds,  and  the  birds  used 

to  its  presence,  do  not  rise  at  its  approach.  Behind  it  skulks  the  hunts- 
man, his  matchlock  resting  on  its  back.  The  cow  moves  along  very  quietly, 
first  lifting  one  leg  and  then  after  a  pause  another,  every  now  and  then  stop- 
ping and  feeding,  till  it  comes  to  within  a  few  feet  of  a  dense  mass  of  fowls. 
The  hunter  then  fires,  picks  up  his  prey,  and  continues  his  sport  as  before. 

Many  cows  are  said  to  die  from  a  disease  called  "Murk,"  (a  corruption 
perhaps  of  "  Murg,"  death)  when  you  are  told,  a  maggot  is  always  found 
in  the  liver. 

The  water-birds  of  Seistan  I  did  not  see,  but  I  could  well  credit  the 

reports  of  their  extraordinary  numbers  by  the  appearance  of  many  parts 

of  the  grounds  which  had  been  lately  deserted  by  water;  in  some  places 

„.  ,  the  marks  of  feet  were  so  numerous  as  to  remind  us  of  an 

Bn-ds. 

etching.      Geese,  ducks,  and  teal,  are  tamed.     A  very  fine 

species  of  tame  duck  is  brought  from  Bunpore,  and  is  commonly  offered  as 

a  present  in  Seistan. 

A  famous  shot,  a  cousin  of  the  principal  chief  in  Seistan,  Mahomed  Reza 
Khan,  wrote  out  for  me  a  long  list  of  all  the  birds  with  which  he  was  ac- 
quainted, with  remarks  on  their  habits,  &c,  but  his  notes  are  more  amusing 
than  instructive. (15) 

There  are  probably  few  fish  in  the  lakes,  or  rather  few  varieties  of  fish. 

In  all  the  rivers  we  crossed  from  Girishke  to  Herat,  though 

we  frequently  threw  in  poison,  and  caught  fish  in  hundreds, 

we  only  found  two  species,  a  carp  and  a   silurees.      The  Heri-rood  has 

14.  The  same  custom  is  known  in  Afghanistan  ;  see  Elphinstone. 

15.  Thus  he  speaks  of  the  Kohtan,  or  pelican,  the  water-carrier  of  the  birds,  which  fills  its  bag  with 
water,  and  flies  far  away  into  the  thirsty  desert,  where  the  little  birds  exchange  the  food  which  they 
have  collected,  for  a  drink  of  his  water.  Or  of  the  "  Furdeh  begirum,"  or  "  I'll  catch  him  to-morrow," 
a  kind  of  bastard  hawk.  Every  morning  it  resolves  to  go  a  hunting,  but  scarcely  has  it  made  two 
circles  in  the  air,  when  a  piece  of  cow-dung  attracts  its  eye,  "  Well  never  mind,"  it  exclaims,  settling 
down  on  the  cow-dung,  "  I'll  catch  to-morrow." 


1840.]        Sketch  of  the  Physical  Geography  of  Seistan.         723 

also  the  dace,  and  in  the  Hamoon  there  is  a  small  fish  much  esteemed, 
called  Aujuk ;  it  was  not  in  season,  and  I  did  not  see  one. 

The  more  common  wild  animals  are  wolves  (which  will  attack  cows 
and  even  men)  jackaUs,  hyaenas,  foxes,  porcupines,  hedge-hogs,  the  kan- 
garoo-rat, otters,  &c. 

The  skins  of  the  last  are  exported  to  Bokhara,  and  sell  even  in  Seistan 
for  three  or  four  rupees.  The  leopard,  or  as  a  native  described  it  to  me, 
"the  tiger's  younger  brother,"  is  found  in  the  western  hills,  to  which  it 
gives  a  name. 

Wild  asses  and  deer  abound  in  the  desert  which  lies  between  the  Hel- 

mund  and  the  Bundau  hills.     This  tract  differs  much  from  the  sandy  desert 

south  of  the  river.     Little  sand  is  found  on  it,  except  in  strips  of  no  great 

width.    For  the  most  part  it  consists  of  a  hard,  compact,  light-coloured  clay, 

over  which  a  few  shrubs,   tamarisks,  and  grasses  are  thinly 
Deer. 

scattered,  but  sometimes  it  is  perfectly  destitute  of  vegetation 

for  miles.     Large  spaces  are  found  covered  over  with  rolled  stones,  nor 

could  we  in  every  case  assign  a  plausible  explanation  of  their  presence. 

The  few  isolated  hills  are  marked  on  the  map. 

Water  is  procured  by  digging  wells  in  the  beds  of  one  or  two  small 

rivulets,  such  as  the  Murja  and  Tagrish,  which  are  dry  except  after  a  fall 

of  rain,  and  a  tract  runs  through  the  desert,  called  Shund,  where  water  can 

always  be  found  within  a  few  feet  of  the  surface.     Formerly  brick  wells  were 

to  be  met  with  at  every  10  or  12  miles  on  the  caravan  routes,  but  they 

are  now  almost  all  of  them  purposely  destroyed  by  the  Afghans,    that 

the  plundering   Belooches  may  be  prevented  by  want  of  halting  places 

from  invading  them.      From  the  scarcity  of  water  in  the  interior,  it  is 

almost  destitute  of  animal  life  ;  the  deer  are  found  near  the  rivers,  but 

chiefly,  and  in  immense  herds,  at  a  distance  of  generally  7  or  8  miles  from 

the   Helmund,   where  they  are   almost  intermixed  with  large  flocks  of 

sheep,  which  are  sent  there  from  the  banks  of  the  river  to  fatten  on  a  grass 

called  Muj.     The  mode  of  catching  the  deer  is  curious.     The  canals  for 

irrigation  are  always  cut  as  closely  as  possible  to  the  cliffs  of  the  desert, 

a  narrow  space  only  being  left  for  a  high  road.     The  traveller  in  the 

Gurmsehl  will  remark  the  outer  or  desert  edge  of  the  canals  lined  for  miles 

with  a  slight  railing  of  threads  raised  on  small  pieces  of  stick ;  at  every 

one  or  two  hundred  yards  a  gap  is  left.     Here  in  a  pit  dug  for  the  purpose 

on  the  inner  side  of  the  canal,  sits  crouching  the  hunter,  the  muzzle'  of 

his  matchlock,  which  rests  on  the  edge  of  the  pit,  being  concealed  by  a 

parapet  of  small  stones. 

In  the  twilight,  either  morning  or  evening,  the  deer  steal  from  the  dry 

desert  to  slake  their  thirst  in  the  canal,  sometimes  singly,  sometimes  in 


724      Sketch  of  the  Physical  Geography  of  Seistan.      [No.  103. 

herds,  one  walking  quietly  behind  the  other.  A  troop  is  seen  approach- 
ing; on  reaching  the  edge  of  the  water  the  white  line  is  perceived,  and  the 
leader  afraid  to  cross  it,  turns,  and  followed  by  the  rest  walks  trembling 
along  side  of  it  till  the  spot  is  reached  where  the  hunter  lies  concealed. 
This  is  an  anxious  moment ;  the  deer  pauses  as  if  to  consult  with  his  bre- 
thren. Frequently  the  marksman  in  his  eagerness  moves,  a  stone  falls 
down  from  the  parapet,  and  the  startled  herd  scamper  off  to  the  desert 
again ;  but  they  must  soon  return.  As  the  poor  animal  which  has  been 
once  scared  returns  half  dead  with  fear  and  thirst  to  the  dangerous  spot, 
you  can  hear  its  heart  beating.  Slowly,  and  step  by  step,  frequently  stop- 
ping and  looking  round,  it  at  length  has  neared  the  water :  it  stoops  to 
drink  :  the  muzzle  of  the  gun  is  within  a  few  inches  of  its  head :  before  one 
sip  has  been  taken,  a  bullet  has  pierced  its  brain. 

Wild  asses  are  not  common  in  that  part  of  the  desert  I  traversed ;  they 
are  said  to  be  found  in  great  numbers,  in  herds  of  two  or  three  hundred, 
on  the  plains  west  of  Seistan. 

The  soil  of  Seistan  is  celebrated  for  its  richness,  and  many  incredible 
stories  were  told  me  of  its  productiveness.  From  this  ferti- 
lity it  might  be  supposed  that  Seistan  was  a  garden, — it  is 
a  desert  rather.  With  the  exception  of  wheat,  cotton  (the  plant  of 
which  is  not  half  the  height  of  the  Indian  one,  but  which  bears  a  large 
pod)  and  in  some  places  rice,  and  a  little  ill  flavoured  tobacco,  and  a  few  of 
the  coarser  grains,  bajra,  &c.  almost  the  only  plants  found  there  are  grasses 
and  water-melons.  The  latter  are  singularly  fine  and  large,  and  of  several 
kinds ;  there  are  no  artificial  grasses,  no  vegetables,  nor  flowers.  The  larg- 
est tree  is  a  sickly  pomegranate.  If  a  Seistani  is  asked  "  why  don't  you 
make  gardens?"  he  will  answer,  "We  don't  know  how."  Were  the  people 
less  ignorant  and  lazy,  their  country  would  produce  every  plant  which 
grows  in  Candahar  or  Persia,  besides  probably  sugar-cane,  and  many  of 
the  productions  of  Hindoostan  ;  there  is  no  reason  why  trees  should  not 
flourish  here.  The  Gurmsehl  was  equally  destitute  of  them  a  few  years 
ago,  but  some  1200  young  mulberry  trees  were  imported  there  by  a  chief, 
and  the  country  is  now  well  stocked  with  them. 

The  climate  of  Seistan  is  decidedly  unfavourable  to  human  life,  and  the 
small  proportion  of  old  men  struck  us  forcibly.  Fever  and 
ague  is  the  prevailing  disease,  as  might  be  expected  from 
the  immense  quantity  of  stagnant  water,  to  which  is  superadded  the 
bad  eff'ects  of  hot  days  and  generally  cold  nights.  From  the  constant  high 
wind  and  the  dust  it  raises,  mixed  with  particles  of  salt,  or  from  general  ill 
health,  consequent  on  malaria,  one  man  in  five  throughout  the  country 
has  diseased  eyes.     Nature  indeed,  as  respects  comfort,  has  little  favoured 


1840.]       Sketch  of  the  Physicat  Geography  of  Seistan.  725 

Seistan,  and  for  three  months  of  the  year  only,  the  cold  months  (16),  can  life 
in  it  be  said  to  be  enjoyed. (17) 


Note  on  the  Map. 

Any  merits,  which  the  map  may  be  judged  to  possess,  should  be 
attributed  to  Sergeant  Cameron,  who  surveyed  the  whole  route,  except 
that  part  of  it  which  lies  between  Seistan  and  Killah  Beest,  for  the  errors 
of  which  I  alone  am  responsible.  (18) 

The  survey  has  been  made  only  with  the  compass,  but  a  flat  country, 
with  hills  interspersed  at  long  intervals  is  so  easily  laid  down,  we  had  so 
many  well  determined  points  d'appui,  and  our  numerous  bearings  answer- 
ed so  perfectly,  that  I  feel  confident  of  there  being  no  error  of  consequence 
in  the  portion  of  the  map  over  which  our  route  lay. 

From  Gerishke  to  Herat  the  route  has  been  taken  from  Capt.  Lander's 
survey. 

The  villages  in  the  valley  of  Furrah  are  placed  from  native  information. 
During  our  stay  in  that  valley  there  was  a  thick  haze  which  prevented  the 
taking  of  a  bearing. 

The  determining  what  shape  to  give  to  the  Hamoon,  which  has  a 
different  shape  every  month  of  the  year,  was  a  point  of  much  doubt  and 
difficulty ;  the  one  adopted  is  that  we  believe  the  lake  to  assume  in  June, 
when  the  water  retires  from  overflowing  the  surrounding  country  to  its 
more  natural  and  proper  bed.  Under  these  circumstances  all  that  can  be 
hoped  for,  or  expected,  is  an  approximation  to  the  truth,  but  the  only  part 

]  6  The  cold  weather  is  very  pleasant,  and  similar  to  that  of  the  north-west  of  Hindoostan.  Snow 
has  been  known  to  fall  in  Seistan,  but  it  is  a  rare  and  remarkable  occurrence.  Snow  lies  for  five  or 
six  days  during  the  winter  at  Herat.  Its  boundary  is  said  to  be  the  height  of  Shah  Bed,  but  it  not 
unfrequently  snows  at  Hilzawar.  About  two  years  ago  an  army  from  Candahar  invaded  Herat ; 
while  it  was  encamped  at  Jaja  a  fall  of  snow  surprised  them,  which  was  so  severe  that  they  lost 
several  hundred  horses. 

1 7  In  apology  for  the  many  omissions  of  this  imperfect  paper,  I  may  mention  that  it  is  only  a  part 
of  a  more  comprehensive  memoir,  which  I  am  drawing  up  on  the  subject  of  Seistan. 

18  The  untimely  end  of  Sergeant  Cameron  has  been  already  made  public.  This  man,  the  son  of 
a  respectable  builder  of  Perth,  after  his  return  from  Seistan  accompanied  me  in  a  journey  through 
some  before  unexplored  parts  of  the  Eusafzye  country.  I  cannot  speak  too  highly  of  his  zeal  for 
science,  industry,  ready  talents,  and  gentlemanly  deportment.  His  health  failed  him  in  Seistan, 
from  whence  to  the  Helmund,  we  were  obliged  to  have  him  carried  on  a  bed.     Afterwards  he  rallied 

iin,  but  his  disease,  consumption,  was  latterly  gaining  upon  him,  and  I  do  not  think  that  under 
any  circumstances,  he  could  have  lived  many  months  longer.  As  he  was  too  weak  to  travel  except 
slowly,  I  left  him  at  Peshawer  to  follow  at  his  leisure,  and  myself  went  on  in  advance  with  a  few 
horsemen  to  Jelalabad.  He  had  a  strong  guard  with  him,  and  had  nearly  reached  the  end  of  the 
Khyber  pass.  Unsuspicious  of  danger,  he  had  dropped  a  little  in  rear  of  his  party,  when  on  a 
sudden  he  found  himself  surrounded  by  sixty  men,  while  sixty  others  appeared  on  the  hill  above 
him.  Seeing  that  resistance  was  hopeless,  he  dismounted,  and  drawing  his  sword,  presented  it 
to  the  nearest  of  the  robbers.  Just  at  that  moment  a  stone  struck  him  on  the  head  and  knocked 
l»im  down  ;  the  ruffians  in  their  blind  fury  rushed  on  him,  and  cut  him  to  pieces  with  their  knives. 

4z 


726      Sketch  of  the  Physical  Geography  of  SeiStan,     [No.  103. 

of  the  Hamoon  regarding  which  I  do  not  feel  satisfied,  is  to  the  south, 
where  we  have  fewer  opportunities  of  checking  our  information. 

It  is  a  source  of  much  regret  that  we  did  not  visit  Zirreh;  ignorant 
of  the  geography  of  the  country,  we  were  not  aware  of  our  having 
travelled  away  from  it,  till  it  was  too  late  to  repair  the  error ;  and  as  that 
part  of  Seistan  is  now  uninhabited  and  rarely  visited,  it  was  difficult  to  get 
any  satisfactory  account  of  its  present  condition. 

Of  all  the  places  inserted  in  the  map  which  did  not  come  under  our 
personal  observation,  the  relative  positions  alone  can  be  depended  on. 
The  distances  from  one  spot  to  another  are  in  many  instances  doubtful,  if 
not  conjectural. 


Proceedings  of  the  Asiatic  Society. 

{Wednesday  Evening,  1th  October,  1840.) 

The  Honorable  Sk  E.  Ryan,  President,  in  the  Chair. 

The  following  gentlemen  proposed  at  the  last  Meeting,  were  elected  Members  of 
the  Society : — 

M.  P.  Edgeworth,  Esq.  Capt.  W.  Loveday,  ditto. 

Capt.  T.  HuTTON,  37th  Kegt.  N.  I.         Dr.  J.  D.  D.  H^berlin. 

Library  and  Museum. 
The  following  Books,  &c.  were  presented  : — 

Lardner's  Cabinet  Cyclopaedia ;  History  of  Denmark,  Sweden,  and  Norway, 
vol.  3. 

Edinburgh  New  Philosophical  Journal,  by  Professor  Jameson,  1840,  No.  56, 

London  and  Edinburgh  Philosophical  Magazine  and  Journal  of  Science,  No. 
104,  May  1840,  London,  3d  Series. 

Yarrell's  History  of  British  Birds,  London,  May  1840,  18. 

Oriental  Christian  Spectator,  August  1840,  2nd  Series,  vol.  1st,  No.  8th. 

Journal  des  Savans,  Janvier,  Fevrier,  Mars.  1840,  Paris. 

Bulletin  de  la  Societe'  de  Geographic,  Paris,  1839,  2nd  Series,  Tome  12,  8vo. 

Christian  Observer,  new  Series,  vol.  1st,  No.  10. 

Journal  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal,  New  Series,  vol.  9th,  No.  17.  ' 

Sketch  of  the  Country  between  Kurrachee  and  the  Aghar  River,  MSS. 

Sketch  shewing  the  situation  of  the  Coals  found  in  the  Tenasserim  Provinces. 

Sree  Vhagavat  (Purana)  in  Deva  Nagari,  4to. 

Corrected  Copy  in  Deva  Nagari  Character  from  the  original  in  the  Journal. 

Four  Pooties  in  Sanscrit. 
A  tin  box  of  forged  Seals  presented  by  A,  Grant,  Esq.  Collector  of  Delhi,  forwarded 
by  H.  M.  ELI.IOT,  Esq, 


1840.]  Asiatic  Society.  7'27 

Catalogue  of  the  Birds  of  the  Peninsula  of  India,  by  T.  C.  Jerdon,  Madras,  1839. 

Rapport  fait  a  L' Academic  Royale  des  Inscriptions  et  Belles  Lettres  (Institut  de 
France)  au  subject  du  pied  Romain,  Juin  1835. 

A  Code  of  Laws  extracted  for  the  Armenians  of  the  province  of  Ararat  in  Armenia, 
in  Armenian,  presented  by  J.  Avdall,  Esq. 

Annals  of  Natural  History,  or  Magazine  of  Zoology,  Botany,  and  Geology,  No.  31, 
June  1840. 

Vishnu  Purana,  translated  by  H.  H.  Wilson,  London,  1840,  4to. 

Les  Sultans  Mamlouks  de  Makrize  traduction  de  M.  Quatremere.  Paris  1840,  Tome 
1st.  Liv.  2nd,  4to. 

Museum. 

Skeleton  of  an  Ostrich,  presented  by  the  Honorable  Sir  Jasper  Nicolls,  pre- 
pared in  the  Museum. 

Ditto  of  a  Vulture,  purchased,  and  prepared  in  ditto. 
Specimens  of  Sponge,  presented  by  Col.  D.  Macleod. 
Several  impressions  of  Seals. 
♦ 

The  following   Works  were  presented. 

Memoir  on  the  length  of  an  ancient  Standard  measure  of  the  Roman  foot,  discovered 
at  Candabie,  in  Normandy. 

Notices,  of  the  Galla  Tribe  at  Limmon,  on  the  frontier  of  Abyssinia, 
also  presented  to  the  Society  by  M.  Jomard,  President  of  the  Royal  Geographical 
Society  at  Paris,  and  Member  of  the  French  Institute,  \fQxe  forwarded  by  Major  T.  B. 
Jervis,  of  the  Bombay  Engineers.  That  officer  in  forwarding  them,  writes—"  Which 
gives  me  an  occasion  of  offering  a  few  words  on  the  importance  to  British  interest  of 
securing  the  good  will  of  a  people  situated  so  favourably  for  throwing  in  supplies  in 
any  case  of  emergency  into  Aden,  and  the  facilities  the  country  affords  of  providing 
suitable  cattle  (a  large  and  powerful  description  of  mules)  at  a  very  reasonable  rate, 
for  the  Horse  Artillery  of  India. 

"  I  cannot  but  express  my  surprise,  that  so  little  concern  has  been  given  to  the 
country  which  several  foreign  powers  are  striving  by  any  means,  and  no  doubt  with 
other  than  mere  commercial  views,  to  preoccupy. — The  French  Government,  as  may 
be  judged  from  this  little  notice,  have  long  had  their  eye  on  it;  and  since  that  period 
Messrs.  D'Abbadie,  freres,  have  been  deputed  to  explore  its  resources,  and  are  now  in 
or  about  the  neighbouring  coast.  Messrs.  Isenberg  and  Krapft,  Germans  of  the 
London  Missionary  Society,  have  their  residence  in  Abyssinia,  and  a  Mr.  Ayrston  is 
also  exploring  the  country  on  his  own,  or  what  account  I  know  not.  It  would  be  well 
to  occupy  it  by  some  moderate,  able  person  in  the  capacity  of  British  Agent,  were  it 
only  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  a  lucrative  trade  that  might  be  carried  on  by 
British  subjects,  and  which  is  now  altogether  in  American  hands;  while  it  would  serve 
as  a  general  sort  of  watch  tower  to  keep  an  eye  on  the  iniquitous  traffic  in  slaves  from 
Zanguebar,  Mozambique,  and  Madagascar,  with  the  shores  of  Arabia  and  Egypt. 
Moohummud  Alee,  who  draws  thence  the  larger  portion  of  the  slaves  sold  in  the  mar- 
kets of  Cairo  and  Alexandria,  was  not  insensible  to  the  political  importance  of  the 
Galla  country,  and  the  shores  to  the  east  of  it." 


728  Asiatic  Society.  [No.  103. 

A  memorandum  of  assets  was  submitted  by  the  Officiating  Secretary,  as  pre- 
pared by  Mr.  W.  H.  Bolst,  Assistant  and  Accountant,  shewing  at  credit  of 
the  Society  in  the  Bank  of  Bengal,  ..  ..  ..  ..        Rs.    3,916 

Outstanding  bills  to  the  2nd  quarter  of  1840  for   contributions   from 
members,         . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  Rs.  5,096 

ZJowfi^/TM^— Parties  being  absent  in  England,  &c.        ..  .,    1,168  

Irrecoverable — Parties  being  dead,  ,.  ..  ..      304     1,472 


Rs.  3,624 

Add  contributions  for  the  3rd.  quarter  of  1840,  just  due  and  realizable, 

about,..  Rs.  2,400 


In  course  of  realization,  Rs.  6,024 

Read  the  following  letter  and  list  of  land  and  fresh  water  shells  for  the  East  India 
Company's  Museum,  by  Dr.  J.  T.  Pearson. 

To  the  Officiating  Secretary  to  the  Asiatic  Society. 

*'  Sir, — Having  seen  in  the  Journal  of  the  Asiatic  Society,  an  extract  of  a  letter 
from  Dr.  Horsfield,  in  which  he  states  that  the  Museum  of  the  E.  I.  Company  con- 
tains but  few  specimens  of  the  Zoology  of  the  continent  of  India;  I  have  the  honour 
to  request  you  will  obtain  for  me  the  favour  of  the  Society  transmitting  to  that  gentle- 
man, the  accompanying  fifty  species  of  the  land  and  fresh  water  shells  of  this  country  ; 
to  be  presented  on  my  part  to  the  above  mentioned  Museum. 

"  I  am  induced  to  prefer  this  request,  from  the  bad  fortune  which  has  hitherto  attended 
my  private  efforts  to  send  specimens  to  England ;  having  had  no  news  of  not  less  than 
three  consignments  to  the  late  Secretary  to  the  Zoological  Society,  Mr.  Bennett  (in 
his  private  capacity,  however,)  to  Mr.  Swainson,  and  to  Dr.  Traill,  from  which  cir- 
cumstance I  am  induced  to  think  they  were  not  delivered. 

"  Accompanying  the  specimens  is  a  list,  with  such  remarks  of  their  locality,  &c.,  as 
I  thought  might  be  useful. 

'*  As  the  specimens  are  for  the  most  part  fragile,  you  will  oblige  me  by  taking  great 
care  in  handling  them,  should  they  be  inspected  by  the  Society.  I  must  also  add,  in 
excuse  for  the  few  specimens  of  each  species,  that  I  lost  a  considerable  portion  of  my 
collection ;  but  hope  to  be  able  hereafter  to  forward  a  greater  number. 

'*  If  the  Society  will  allow  me,  I  propose  to  forward  through  them,  a  series  of  speci- 
mens of  the  other  branches  of  the  Zoology  of  these  mountains  to  the  E.  I.  Company's 
Museum,  as  I  have  opportunity  for  collecting  them.        I  have,  &c.  &c. 

J.  T.  PEARSON. 

List  of  land  and  fresh  water  shells  for  the  E.  I.  Company's  Museum,  from  As- 
sistant Surgeon  J.  T.  Pearson. — Darjeelingy  lOth  April,  1840. 

1.— Unio  bilinearis — Benson.— Found  in  a  tank  on  the  Esplanade  of  Fort  William. 

2. — Unio  favidens— Benson. — Found  in  running  streams,  and  common  in  most 
rivulets  in  India. 

3. — Unio  maigmalis.— — — — Common  in  tanks  of  stagnant  water,  and  less  so  in 
rivulets. 

4.— Cyclostoma  involvalus.—SovERLY.— Common  in  the  Rajhmahl  hills,  and  atj 
Midnaporc. 


1840.]  Asiatic  Society »  729 

5. — Cyclostoma  involvalus. — Soverly. — Found  at  Cherra  Poonjee,  and  in  the  Dar- 
jeeling  district  of  the  Himalya  mountains.  At  Darjeeling  it  is  of  the  smaller  size, 
but  lower  down,  at  an  elevation  of  not  more  than  2,500  to  4,000  feet,  they  are  much 
larger — as  large  again  as  those  sent;  but  I  have  not  a  good  specimen  of  this  large 
variety.  Mr.  Benson  is  of  opinion  this  species  is  the  same  as  No.  4. 

6. — Cyclostoma Found  also  at  Darjeeling,  but  not  very  common. 

7. — Pterocyclos  hispidum  peaugo. — From  the  Garrow  Hills.  I  described  this  and 
the  following  shell  in  the  Journal  of  the  Asiatic  Society  for  November  1833,  under  the 
name  of  Spiraculum  hispidum ;  a  generic  name,  which  out  of  deference  to  Mr. 
Benson's  authority  as  a  conchologist  (independent  of  his  prior  claim)  I  think  it 
right  to  withdraw. 

8. — Pterocyclos  parvus, — Pearson. — Locality  as  the  last  species. 

9.— Pterocyclos  rupestris.— Benson. — Found  in  the  Rajhmahl  hills.  The  first  spe- 
cies of  the  genus  discovered  by  Mr.  Benson. 

10. — Helix •  Found  at  Darjeeling.     The  only  live  specimen  I  have  yet  met 

with. 

11. — Melania  varialilis. — Benson. — Found  in  Tolly's  Nullah,  near  Calcutta.  It 
was  also  in  the  Sylhet  and  Cherra  Poonjee  collection,  which  I  purchased  jointly  with 
the  Asiatic  Society. 

12. — Melania  stephanus. — Benson. — In  the  above  mentioned  collection. 

13. — Melania  zonata. — Benson. — In  the  above  collection. 

14.— Melania  coricca?— Gray. — ditto,  ditto. 

15. — Melania Found  in  tanks  and  rivulets  of  Bengal. 

16. — Melania  ditto,  ditto,  ditto. 

17. — Melania  ditto,  ditto,  ditto. 

18. — Melania  ditto,  ditto,  ditto. 

19. — Paludina  bengalensis.  ditto,  ditto. 

20. — Paludina  crassa. — Inhabits  the  rivers  &c.  of  India. 

21.— Paludina  pulchella. — From  the  Sylhet  collection. 

22.— Paludina ditto,  ditto,  ditto. 

23.— Lymncea I  discovered  this  species  in  a  tank  on  the  road  from  Howrah  io 

Bishop's  College,  near  Calcutta. 

24  — Lymncea Common  in  stagnant  waters  all  over  India. 

25. — Planosbis  indicus. — ditto,       ditto,  ditto. 

26.— Vitrina  gigus. From  the  Sylhet  collection. 

27.— Helix Bengal. 

28.— Helix From  the  Sylhet  collection. 

29.— Helix 

30.— Helix 

31.— Helix 

32.— Helix 

33.— Neritina  depressa.— Benson.— Found  on  the  piles  on  the  banks  of  the  river 
Hoogly  at  Calcutta. 

34.— Neritina  tigrina.— Benson.— Locality  as  the  last  species. 

35.— Neritina I  am  not  sure  that  this  species  is  described.     I  found  it  adhering 

to  stones,  at  low  water,  in  Tolly's  Nullah. 

36.— Assaminia  fusicata  ?— Common  on  the  banks  of  the  Hoogly. 


•  ditto, 

ditto, 

ditto. 

ditto, 

ditto. 

ditto. 

ditto, 

ditto. 

ditto. 

ditto, 

ditto. 

ditto. 

730  Asiatic  Society.  [No.  103. 

37.— Nematura  ?— Found  in  the  aqueduct  leading  from  the  Hoogly  to  the  Course, 
Calcutta. 
38.— Scarabus  triangularis.— Benson.— On  the  banks  of  the  Hoogly  at  Calcutta. 
39.— Clausilia  loxastonia. — Benson. 

40.— Pupa Found  in  advance  in  the  sands  on  the  banks  of  the  Ganges 

near  the  mouth  of  the  Goorutee,  but  I  did  not  meet  with  a  single  live  specimen.    They 
appear  to  have  been  washed  down  and  cast  among  the  weeds,  &c. 

41.— Bulminus. Found  at  Darjeeling. 

42.— Achatinia. Common  in  Bengal.  I  regret  I  have  not  a  better  spe- 
cimen than  the  one  sent. 

43.— Navicella  compressa.— Benson.— Found  on  the  piles  on  the  banks  of  the 
Hoogly  near  Calcutta.  I  have  but  one  specimen  left,  which  will  account  for  the 
inj  ured  state  of  that  sent. 

44. — Navecella  tessellata. — Lemarck. — Locality  as  the  last. 

45. — Cerithissa  sulcatum. — Lemarck. — Estuaries  of  the  rivers  of  Bengal. 

46.— Cerithissa ditto,  ditto,  ditto. 

47.— Cerithissa ditto,  ditto,  ditto. 

48. Found  in  the  aqueduct  mentioned  under  37. 

49. — Modiola Found  in  Tolly's  Nullah,  adhering  to  stones,  &c.,  by  a 

string  byssus.     I  think  it  a  new  and  undescribed  species. 

50. , Found  in  the  sands  of  the  Ganges,  &c.     Besides  the  above,  a 

bottle  containing  the  shells  with  the  animals  of  Cyclostoma  incrolubus,  Heritina  de- 
pressa,  and  Tigrina  and  Pteroclos  rupestris. 

Read  a  letter  from  J.  H.  Batten,  Esq.  of  the  C.  S.  enclosing  one  from  Captain 
HuDDLESTONE,  giving  copies  of  an  apparent  inscription  engraved  on  a  Chobootra  at 
Dewulghur  in  Ghurrawul,  with  a  drawing  of  the  Chobooti'a.  Dewulghur  is  situated 
about  10  miles  east  from  Sreenuggur,  at  some  height  above  the  valley  of  the  Ulluk- 
nunder  river,  and  possesses  a  rather  handsome  temple  and  establishment.  Next  to  the 
showy  shrines  of  Buddinath,  Kedranath,  &c.  Dewulghur,  is  the  chief  religious  esta- 
blishment in  Ghurrawul. 

The  character  of  this  inscription,  which  is  represented  by  Captain  Huddlestone 
as  extending  throughout  the  whole  of  the  Chobootra,  and  the  carving  is  said  to  be  ex- 
ceedingly elaborate,  appears  to  be  a  Toghra  in  the  Sanscrit  character,  but  none  of  the 
Pundits  to  whom  it  has  been  shewn,  nor  Mr.  Csoma  de  Korosi  have  as  yetsucceeded  in 
decyphering  any  portion  of  it.  The  character  would  appear  to  be  unique,  and  should 
the  specimen  now  furnished  continue  to  baffle  our  attempts  at  its  interpretations  the 
Officiating  Secretary  proposes  to  publish  a  facsimile  of  it,  and  invite  the  attention  of 
the  readers  of  the  Journal  to  a  consideration  of  this  curious  variety  of  character. 

Read  a  letter  from  Dr.  Chapman,  H.  M's.  16th  Lancers,  on  the  subject  of  the 
reading  to  be  adopted  on  the  legend  of  the  so-called  Demetrius  Mayes'  Coins.  The 
Officiating  Secretary  expressed  his  regret  at  not  having  been  able  to  publish  some 
,  very  interesting  speculations  by  Dr.  Chapman  on  Bactrian  numismatics,  in  consequence 
of  his  unfortunately  not  having  it  in  his  power  to  procure  accurate  and  creditable 
lithographs  of  the  casts  of  coins  which  accompanied  that  gentleman's  paper.  The 
same  impediment  had  prevented  him  from  publishing  a  collection  of  gems  by  the 
same  contributor;  but  he  trusted  to  be  able  very  shortly  to  overcome  this  difficulty. 


1840.]  Asiatic  Society.  -  731 

Read  a  letter  from  Captain  T.  S.  Burt,  of  Engineers,  of  which  the  following  is  an 
extract : — 

"  On  the  third  page  I  have  the  pleasure  to  send  you  some  information  which  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Pratt  has  kindly  favored  me  with;  by  noticing  the  existence  of  the  pillar 
in  your  Journal,  it  may  be  discovered  and  an  old  character  on  it  besides,  for  I  should 
doubt  any  one  having  dug  down  to  its  base,  buried  as  it  is  21  feet  below  ground, 
notwithstanding  what  the  Oriental  Repository  says  on  the  subject.  I  brought  to  notice  a 
pillar  at  Patna  with  some  antique  writing  upon  it  in  the  March  number  of  the  Journal 
Vol.  III.  for  1834,  but  I  cannot  think  it  means  this  one.  Sir  Charles  Wilkins  found 
one  some  where  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Pa|pa  also,  and  translated  the  inscription 
found  upon  it  in,  I  think,  the  1st  Vol.  A.  R.  but  as  well  as  I  recollect,  that  was  at 
Buddal  not  Singea. 

''  Extract  from  Oriental  Repository,  Vol.  2,  1808. 

**  The  plate  of  an  ancient  column  near  Singea  in  Bahar,  was  obligingly  communi- 
cated by  Mr.  Thomas  Collinson.  In  the  letter  dated  15th  February  1793,  he  says — 
This  singular  column  is  situated  on  the  site  of  an  obscure  village  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Singea  in  the  province  of  Bahar,  of  which  no  traces  whatever  with  respect  to 
its  establishment  are  to  be  derived  either  from  oral  tradition  oi  the  existing  legends 
of  former  times;  nor  is  there  any  inscription  discoverable  on  any  part  of  the  column, 
though  it  has  been  carefully  examined  many  feet  below  the  surface  of  the  earth. 

"  Note. — Some  foolish  travellers  have  cut  their  names  upon  it,  but  it  is  to  be  hoped 
this  impertinence  will  be  soon  effaced  from  the  column,  and  I  would  not  let  the  copper 
plate  be  a  record  of  their  folly.  The  whole  of  the  shaft  is  said  to  be  one  entire  piece. 
It  is  of  greyish  stones  or  marble  (?)  The  lion  on  the  capital  is  of  the  same  material, 
but  what  renders  the  subject  still  more  extraordinary,  is,  that  4here  is  not  a  stone 
to  be  found  within  150  miles  of  the  spot,  or  such  an  animal  as  the  one  described 
within  the  circle  of  our  dominions — consequently,  but  little  known  to  the  natives. 
The  sculptural  decorations  bear  no  similitude  to  the  works  either  of  the  Hindoo,  or 
Musulman  artists. 

"  Dimensions.  ft.  in. 

Shaft,  an  entire  stone, 44    0 

Ditto  sunk,           21    0 

Ditto  above  ground, . ,  23    0 

Diameter  at  ground, 41 

Ditto  under  capital,        .,         .,  35 

Height  of  capital  without  the  lion, 3    0 

Table  on  which  the  lion  sits, 0  10 

Ditto  long,            4    6 

Ditto  broad,          .,  3  10 

Height  of  lion  from  paw  to  ear,           5    4 

"  Lion  and  Capital  one  stone, 

("  1792.  Signed)  D.  C-" 

It  was  suggested  that  early  occasion  should  be  taken  to  invite  research  upon  the 
interesting  subject  mentioned  by  Captain  Burt. 

Read  a  letter  from  Dr.  H.  Falconer,  with  impressions  of  gems  from  Affghanistan. 

Read  a  letter  from  J.  Avdall,  Esq.  forwarding  a  Memoir  of  Mechitharghosh,  the 
Armenian  Legislator  for  the  Journal  of  the  Asiatic  Society. 


732  Asiatic  Society.  [No.  103. 

Read  a  letter  from  Captain  T.  P.  Cautley,  forwarding  a  Memorandum  on  the 
Fossil  Camelidae  of  the  Sewalik  range.  This  paper  was  published  in  No.  102  of  the 
Journal. 

Read  a  letter  from  Captain  F.  Macgrath,  Commanding  the  Arracan  Local 
•Battalion  to  the  address  of  the  Secretar)-,  apprizing  him  of  his  having  dispatched  to  his 
address,  to  be  disposed  of  as  would  appear  most  expedient,  a  fine  specimen  of  that  rare 
and  curious  animal,  the  Sand  Hog  of  Arracan.  This  animal  was  taken  in  the  hills 
above  the  Koladyne  river  (vide  Dr.  Evans'  Memoir  Asiatic  Society's  Journal, 
August,  1838,  No.  80.)  Captain  Macgrath,  gives  the  following  account  of  the 
local  name  of  the  animal,  and  the  habits-«f  this  specimen  now  supplied  by  him — 

"  The  Mugs  call  this  animal  Quado  Waitdoo,  this  interpreted  signifies  an  animal 
between  a  pig  and  a  dog,  or  more  literally  partaking  of  the  character  of  both.  I  got 
this  creature  about  two  months  since,  when  he  had  not  a  tooth,  and  was  fed  on  milk 
with  cotton ;  as  he  grew  up  he  took  to  eating  cooked  fish  and  even  meat,  also  getting 
under  the  Bungalow  and  groping  for  worms  and  insects.  He  used  to  run  about  the 
house  quite  tame,  and  has  never  been  confined  day  or  night;  his  courage  is  great,  and 
indeed  if  it  is  not  guarded  against,  he  will  be  meeting  his  death  in  consequence,  for  he 
will  attack  a  dog,  who  with  one  gripe  would  destroy  him;  in  fact  he  has  no  fear." 

The  Officiating  Secretary  informed  the  Meeting  that  he  had  taken  upon  himself  to 
present  the  animal  to  the  Menagerie  at  Barrackpore  in  the  name  of  the  Society,  to 
whom  he  considered  it  had  been  virtually  presented  by  Captain  Macgrath,  and  he 
had  great  satisfaction  in  stating  that  the  animal  had  thrived  exceedingly  well  where 
he  was  now  placed,  and  that  there  was  every  reason  to  anticipate  his  attaining  his 
full  growth  without  accident. 

It  was  proposed  by  the  Honorable  W.  W.  Bird,  and  seconded  by  Dr. 
Wallich,  when  the  subject  of  the  choice  of  a  permanent  Curator  was  agitated,  that 
Mr.  Blyth,  in  whose  favor  Professor  Wilson  had  furnished  Sir  E.  Ryan  with  the 
highest  testimonials,  should  be  invited  to  this  country  for  the  purpose  of  assuming  the 
permanent  duties  of  the  Office,  and  that  in  the  mean  time  arrangements  should  be 
made  for  securing  efficient  supervision  over  the  afiairs  of  the  Museum,  by  employment 
of  a  gentleman  of  due  qualifications,  whose  services  might  be  now  available  in 
Calcutta.  In  pursuance  of  this  determination,  arrangements  were  made  subsequently 
to  the  Meeting  by  which  the  services  of  Mr.  H.  Piddington  were  secured  as  tem- 
porarily in  charge  of  the  Curatorship. 

It  was  proposed  by  Sir  E.  Ryan,  that  a  Standard  Barometer  among  the  collection 
of  Instruments  belonging  to  the  late  Mr.  James  Prinsep,  his  Cabinet  of  Minerals, 
his  Comparative  Barometer,  and  instrument  for  effecting  correction  of  atmospheric 
changes,  should  be  proposed  to  Government  as  proper  to  be  purchased  for  the  general 
purposes  of  science,  and  placed  in  the  Society's  Rooms  for  general  reference  by  the 
public,  and  the  Officiating  Secretary  was  directed  to  address  Government  on  the 
subject  accordingly. 

For  the  above  presentations  and  contributions  the  thanks  of  the  Society  were  ac- 
corded. 


JOURNAL 


OP    THE 


ASIATIC  SOCIETY. 


Points  in  the  History  of  the  Greek,  and  Indo-Scythian  Kings 
in  Bactria,  Cabul,  and  India,  as  illustrated  by  decyphering 
the  ancient  legends  on  their  coins.  By  Christian  Lassen, 
Bonn,  1838.» 

Here  we  must  try  to  supply  Strabo^s  brevity  by  other  accounts. 
I  ascribe  to  Menandros  the  subduing  of  Pattalene  and  Syrastrene. 
Strabo  makes  no  mention  of  these  districts  as  conquests  of  Me- 
nandros beyond  those  of  Alexander's  expedition,  because  Alex- 
ander had  advanced  to  Pattalene,  therefore  in  this  direction  to 
the  sea-coast.  This  interpretation  is  proved  probable  by  the 
well  known  passage  in  the  Periplus,*  according  to  which,  coins 
of  Menandros  and  ApoUodotos  were  still  in  use  during  the  Ro- 
man era  in  Barygaza.  To  Demetrius  we  must  assign  the  conquest 
of  Ariana,  viz.  the  country  of  the  Paropamisades  and  Arachosia  ', 
this  is  the  opinion  already  formed  by  Bayer,  f  on  the  autho- 
rity of  Isidor  of  Charax,  who  mentions  among  the  towns  of 
Arachosia,  ^apcra-ya  ttoXiq,  Kai  Ar/jur/TjOeac  ttoXiq,  eira  'AXe^av- 
OjOOTToXtc,  ixr]TpQTro\iQ^ KpayjiyGiaq,  icrri  S' 'EXXr/v/?.  This  (town 
of  Demetrius)  was  probably  built  by  him.  But  when  Bayer 
thinks  Demetrius  also  founded  a  town  on  the  borders  of  the 
Hydaspes,  because  Ptolemy  says  of  ^ayaXa  i]  Kai    EvOv/mii^ia 

^  Continued  from  p.  676.  vol.  ix. 
•  p.  1 7.  Huds.  t  p.  84. 

No.  104.  New  Series,  No.  20.  5  ^ 


734  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  104. 

(ed-f<f^ta)  the  clue  is  fallacious.  We  shall  not  indeed  reject 
the  excellent  conjecture^  that  EvOu^r^^ta  is  to  be  read^  and  that 
the  town  was  named  after  Euthydemos^  but  why  should  no  one 
except  Demetrius  so  name  a  town  ? 

If  our  remarks  above  made  to  the  effect^  that  the  Greeks  in 
Bactria  previously  to  the  year  200  b.  c.^  possessed  no  territory 
whatever  to  the  south  of  the  Indian  Caucasus  be  correct^  the  fol- 
lowing arrangement  of  our  known  facts  suggests  itself.  When 
Euthydemos  was  relieved  from  the  attacks  of  Antiochos^  he 
made  an  invasion^  either  in  person  or  through  his  son,  Demetrios, 
of  the  countries  to  the  south  of  the  Caucasus;  here  he  must 
have  first  encountered  the  Paropamisades.  Arachosia  bounds  on 
them  on  the  westward,  and  from  thence  Demetrios  most  probably 
endeavoured  to  reconquer  his  paternal  inheritance.  That  here 
was  the  main  site  of  his  power,  is  confirmed  by  the  name  of  the 
town,  Demetrias,  and  this  likewise  explains  why  we  have  but 
so  few  coins  of  his  ;  they  must  be  looked  for  in  Candahar. 

His  dominion  in  western  Cabulistan  and  Arachosia  sufficient- 
ly explains  the  title,  ^^  King  of  the  Indians.  '^  Demetrios,  however, 
pretends,  by  the  adoption  of  elephants  as  trophies,  to  victories 
over  India  Proper,  and  we  have  no  ground  for  denying  his  right 
to  them. 

It  is  true,  those  victories  would  prove  hardly  probable,  if 
Menandros  were  his  cotemporary,  as  Mr.  Mueller  thinks.* 
But  he  takes  Strabo^s  words  in  a  too  literal  sense,  while  they, 
as  the  passage  plainly  shows,  are  intended  only  as  general  expres- 
sions. The  coins  at  least  afford  no  proof  that  both  were  cotem- 
poraries.f 

The  chronological  tables  to  be  obtained  for  the  history  of 
Bactria,  can  only  result  from  a  comparison  of  all  the  passages 
relative  to  this  inquiry. 

*  p.  209. 
t  I  drew  no  conclusion  for  my  assertion  from  the  non-existence 
of  the  Cabulian  letters  on  the  coins  of  Demetrios,  as  this  may  be  accounted 
for  by  his  governing  countries  more  to  the  westward,  where  the  use  of 
those  letters  was  not  so  common  as  in  Cabul.  It  is,  however,  the  most 
probable  supposition  that  he  did  not  use  Cabulian  letters,  because  his 
successors  had  the  first  idea  of  adopting  them  (on  their  coins.) 


1840.]  fro7n  Bad rian  and  I ndo- Scythian  coins.  735 

The  principal  passage  on  Eukratides  is  the  following, 
Justin  xLi.  6.  ^^  Eodem  ferme  tempore,  sicuti  in  Parthis 
Mithridates,  ita  in  Bactris  Eucratides,  magni  uterque  viri, 
regna  ineunt.  Sed  Parthorum  fortuna  felicior  ad  summum  hoc 
duce  imperii  fastigium  eos  perduxit.  Bactriani  autem,  per  varia 
bella  jactati,  non  regnum  tantum,  verum  etiam  libertatem  amise- 
runt ;  siquidem  Sogdianorum,  et  Arachotorum,  et  Drangianorum 
Indorumque  bellis  fatigati,  ad  postremum  ab  invalidioribus 
Parthis,  veluti  exsangues,  oppressi  sunt.  Multa  tamen  Eucratides 
bella  magna  virtute  gessit,  quibus  attritus,  quum  obsidionem 
Demetrii  regis  Indorum  pateretur,  cum  trecentis  militibus 
sexaginta  millia  hostium  assiduis  eruptionibus  vicit.  Quinto 
itaque  mense  libera tus,  Indiam  in  potestatem  redegit.  Unde  quum 
se  reciperet,  a  filio,  quem  socium  regni  fecerat,  in  itinere  inter- 
ficitur,  qui  non  dissimulato  parricidio,  velut  hostem,  non  patrem, 
interfecisset,  et  per  sanguinem  ejus  currum  egit,  et  corpus 
abjici  insepultum  jussit/^ 

First  we  remark  on  this  passage,  that  the  whole  does  not  refer 
to  Eukratides,  namely  not  that  part  in  which  the  reasons  for 
the  decline  and  the  downfall  of  the  Bactrian  empire  are  enume- 
rated. Throughout  the  whole  passage  one  idea  pervades,  viz.  that 
the  fate  of  both  empires,  the  Parthian  and  the  Bactrian,  was 
identical  in  the  simultaneous  accession  to  power  of  two  great 
monarchs,  but  opposite  in  the  simultaneous  progress  of  one,  to 
the  highest  pitch  of  power  ;  of  the  other,  to  total  destruction. 
Under  the  impression  of  this  leading  idea,  the  author  suddenly 
turns  to  relate  the  circumstances  which  weakened  and  eventually 
ruined  the  empire  of  Bactria,  namely,  the  wars  with  the  neigh- 
bouring nations  ;  this  is  an  important  notice,  as  involving  a  fact 
hitherto  entirely  overlooked,  which  is,  that  the  detached  kingdoms 
of  Drangiana,  Arachosia,  and  India,  existed  cotemporaneously 
together  with  that  of  Bactria.  But  it  does  not  follow,  that  all  the 
wars  Eukratides  was  engaged  in,  must  be  the  very  same,  which 
the  Bactrians  waged  with  the  Drangians,  Arachosians,  and 
Indians,  or,  in  other  words,  it  is  not  necessary,  that  the  three 
nations,  now  mentioned,  must  have  formed  independent  states 
before  Eukratides,  as  they  may  also  have  become  independent 
after  his  murder.    Moreover,  if  we  may  be  allowed  to  follow  a 


736  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  104, 

clue  not  wholly  authentic^  these  kingdoms  must  have  originated 
after  Demetrius ;  for  supposing  Demetrius  king  of  Arachosia^ 
and  that  he  was  here  called  king  of  the  Indians  also^  Justin  could 
not  separate  Arachosia  from  India  in  speaking  of  a  time  when 
both  countries  still  obeyed  Demetrius.  I  therefore  suspect^  that 
immediately  after  the  overthrow  of  this  king,  Eukratides  took 
possession  of  Demetrios^  Indian  dominions,  while  Arachosia 
and  Drangiana,  likewise  subject  to  Demetrios,  became  indepen- 
dent states  under  their  own  Satraps.  On  this  supposition  the 
wars  by  which  Bactria  was  so  much  disorganized  as  to  faU  an 
easy  prey  to  the  Parthians,  would  have  been  carried  on  by  the 
son  of  Eukratides  against  the  attacks  of  the  united  Drangians, 
Arachosians,  Indians,  and  Sogdians. 

Under  this  view  the  aspect  of  Bactrian  history  is  so  much 
changed,  that  I  shall  directly  mention  some  facts  corroborative 
of  the  above. 

First.  We  know,  that  Eukratides  after  having  conquered 
Demetrios,  turned*  his  arms  against  the  Indus  and  Hydaspes, 
probably  therefore,  against  countries  belonging  either  to  Deme- 
trios himself,  or  to  a  king  allied  to  him. 

Secondly.  Two  kings  laid  claim  to  having  reigned  immediately 
after  Eukratides,  though  not  in  Bactria  itself,  viz.  Antialkides 
in  western  Cabul,  and  Antimachos  in  Drangiana  -,  this  latter 
on  the  authority  of  the  coins,  which  point  to  a  victory  at  sea. 


•  Strabo  XV.  §  3.  AttoXXo^w/ooc  -yovv  o  tcl  TiapQiKa  7roir\(Taq, 
/j,eiJivr}fiivog  Kai  tCov  rriv  ^aKTpiavrjv  aTro(JTT}(javTii)v  EXXrjvwv 
irapa  twv  ^vpiaKUJv  jSacrtXfwv  rwv  aVo  SeXcv/cou  rov  Nikclto- 
pog,  (j>ri(TL  jmlv  avrovg  av^riOivTag  iiriOEdOai  Kal  ry  Iv^iKy, 
ovSev  ^e  TrpoaavaKaXviTTei  t'ov  irpoTepov  kyvojafikvoyv,  aXXa 
Kal  fvavTioXo-ya,  TrXctw  r?ic  'IvSi/crjc,  kKuvovc,  rj  Ma/ce^ovac, 
KaTacTTpexljaQOaL  Xfywv.  EiVKparidav  yovv  noXeig  -^iXiag  v(j>' 
iavTw  £\£tv,  EKsivovg  S'  avra  Tap,  era^v  eOvrj  tovte  Y^affirov  Kai 
Tov  Ynaviog,  tov  dpiOpov  svvca,  ttoXeic  rd  a'^uv  irevraKigyi- 
XiaQf  K,  T.  X.  'This  cannot  be  but  a  contradiction  of  Apollodoros  him- 
self.  Groskurd'a  Erdbeschr.    Strabo  III.  109. 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Indo- Scythian  coins.  737 

In  these  countries  this  could  have  only  taken  place  on  the  great 
lake  of  the  Drangians.  Both  kings  first  assume  the  title  vi/c>?^opoc, 
and  are  founders  of  empires  by  successful  wars  ;  chronology  there- 
fore admitting^  (on  this  hereafter,)  we  may  justly  attribute  to 
Antimachos  the  foundation  of  the  Drangian,  and  to  Antialkides 
that  of  the  Arachosio-Cabulian  empires ;  the  foundation  of  the 
Indian  empire  must  then  belong  to  a  third  king. 

If  there  were  only  one  Eukratides,  the  coins  with  Cabulian  le- 
gends, and  the  title  of  great  king,  must  be  ascribed  to  the  for- 
tunate, though  short,  epoch  of  his  life,  when  his  reign  extended 
to  the  Hydaspes.  I  say  short,  because  he  fell  by  the  hand  of 
his  son  at  the  very  moment  of  his  return.  If  there  were  two 
Eukratides,  those  coins  belong  to  the  second. 

We  have  before  this,  doubted  the  existence  of  Eukratides  II, 
as  far  as  it  was  inferred  from  the  coins.  We  have  now  to  exa- 
mine the  passages  of  authors  adduced  in  his  favour.  According 
to  Bayer^s  assertion,  Eukratides  is  spoken  of  in  a  way  unsuited 
to  the  victorious  king  of  this  name ;  he  thinks,  that  the  son 
had  put  to  death  his  father,  because  he  protected  the  Parthians, 
who  assisted  him  against  Demetrius.  But  all  that  we  learn 
concerning  the  relations  of  both  empires,  never  shows  a  friendly, 
but  on  the  contrary  an  entirely  hostile  intercourse.  We  will 
not  lose  our  time  in  conjectures  as  to  the  motives  of  that  crime. 

The  passages  which  are  said  to  afford  the  argument  mentioned, 
are  the  following  : — Strabo  xi,  9,  2.  a^eiXovro  (the  Parthians) 
Se  Koi  rric  BaKvpiavrig  fikpoq  j3ia<7a^£VOt  rovq  ^KvBai;,  Kai  hri 
TTporepov  Tovg  ir^pi  ^vKpari^av. 

This  passage  must  be  explained  by  the  statement,  above  men- 
tioned, that  the  Parthians  had  deprived  Eukratides  of  two  of  the 
Bactrian  Satrapies,  Turiva  and  the  Aspiones ;  they  afterwards  took 
from  the  Scythians  either  this  or  another  northern  part  of  the 
Bactrian  empire ;  they  took  it  therefore  from  the  very  same  Scy- 
thians, who  under  Eu  thy  demos  already  threatened  an  irruption 
into  Bactria,  and  who  must  afterwards  have  found  an  opportu- 
nity of  invading  this  country.  Why  might  not  Mithridates  VI. 
have  availed  himself  of  the  siege  of  Eukratides  by  Demetrios,  in 
order  to  subdue  the  Turanian  Satrapies  ?     Beyond  this  passage 


738  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  104. 

there  is  no  mention  whatever  of  Eukratides^  and  we  are  evident- 
ly not  necessitated  to  adopt  two  kings  of  this  name. 

It  remains  to  ascertain  the  mode  of  the  downfall  of  the 
Bactrian  empire.  It  is  ordinarily  ascribed  to  the  Scythians^ 
according  to  Prolog.  Trog.  Pom.  xli.  ^^  Deinde  quo  repug- 
nante  Scythae  gentes  Sarancse^  et  Asiani  Bactra  occupavere,  et 
Sogdianos.'^  But  it  is  not  borne  in  mind,  that  while  Mithridates 
reigned  in  Parthia,  the  Scythians  had  not  power  sufficient  to  en- 
able them  to  advance  southwards ;  under  Arsakes  VII.  indeed, 
or  Phrahates  II,  who  was  killed  by  the  Scythians,  this  conquest 
of  Bactria  by  them  may  have  occurred,  whether  Arsaces  himself 
or  another  Greek  king,  who  re-established  himself  in  Bactria,  be 
understood  under  the  term  of  the  epitomator :  ''quo  repugnante.'^ 
I  say  who  re-established  himself,  as  it  is  certain,  that  Mithridates 
the  Great,  had  before  taken  possession  of  the  Bactrian  empire, 
and  governed  it  till  his  death.  "  Bactriani,  per  varia  bella  jactati, 
non  regnum  tantum,  verum  etiam  libertatem  amiserunt,  siqui- 
dem — ad  postremum  ab  invalidioribus  Parthis,  veluti  exangues, 
oppressi  sunt".  The  term  '' weaker, ''  refers  to  the  remark  Justin 
had  previously  made,  that  the  Parthians  were  in  the  beginning  of 
their  power  much  weaker  than  the  Bactrian s.  Mithridates 
therefore  is  the  real  subverter  of  the  Bactrian  empire. 

There  exist  some  passages  on  the  conquests  of  Mithridates 
towards  Bactria  and  India,  but  they  require  a  critical  examina- 
tion. 

According  to  Diodorus,*  who  perhaps  imagined  that  king  to 
have  taken  possession  of  the  Indian  dominion  of  Eukratides,  he 
conquered  the  empire  of  Porus.  Independently  of  the  little 
authority  of  Diodorus,  Porus  was  considered  since  Alexander's 
time  as  a  mere  representative  of  Indian  sovereignty,  generally 
speaking,  and  it  must  depend  upon  other  passages,  whether  those 
words  mean  any  more,  than  that  Mithridates  extended  his  power 
in  that  direction.      Of  much  less  weight  is  Orosius,  a  still  later 

*  Fragm.  ed.  Bip.  X.  p.  91.  i  'Ap(Ta/c»?€  o  jSacrcXeuc  ttiv  f^acriXdav 
Iwi  ttXeiov  rjv^riae.  I^^XP^  "/"P  '"''^  IvdiKriQ  ^laTtivag,  tyiq  utto 
Tov  Tiiopov  yfiVOfxkvt\q  yjopaq  iKvpuvaev   aKiv^vvwg, 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Indo- Scythian  coins.  739 

authority ;  (V.  4)  ^^  Omnes  praeterea  gentes,  quae  inter  Hydaspem 
fluvium,  et  Indum  jacent^  subegit  Mithridates,  ad  Indiam  quoque 
cruentum  extendit  imperium/'  Orosius  was  possessed  of  a  laud- 
able piety,  of  no  great  understanding,  and  rather  of  a  passion  for 
rhetorical  flourishes,  than  of  any  desire  to  attempt  critical  exact- 
ness. What  were  the  many  nations  between  the  Hydaspes 
and  the  Indus,  and  what  were  they  in  comparison  to  the  great 
empires  Mithridates  possessed  ?  The  only  exact  authority, 
that  of  Trogus,  certifies  merely  that  Mithridates^  dominion  ex- 
tended to  the  Indian  Caucasus.  Justin  xli.  6.  ^^  Imperiumque 
Parthorum  a  monte  Caucaso,  multis  populis  in  ditionem  redactis, 
usque  flumen  Euphratem  protulit.'^* 

If  Mithridates  had  reigned  to  the  south  of  the  Hindookoosh, 
coins  of  him  would  also  have  been  discovered  in  the  rich  mine 
at  Beghram,  moreover  the  continuance  of  the  Grecian  empires 
in  Cabul  and  about  the  Indus,  discourages  this  opinion. 

We  have  above  attributed  to  the  Parthians  the  overthrow 
of  the  Greco-Bactrian  empire ;  the  time  of  this  event  may  be 
determined  with  tolerable  exactness ;  Justin  xxxvi.  i,  says  of 
Demetrios  Nicator.  "  Bellum  Parthis  inferre  statuit,  cujus  ad- 
ventum  non  inviti  Orientis  populi  videre,  et  propter  Arsacidse 
regis  Parthorum  crudelitatem,  et  quod  veteri  Macedonum  im- 
perio  assueti,  novi  populi  superbiam  indigne  fere  bant.  Itaque 
quum  et  Persarum,  et  Elymaeorum,  Bactrianorumque,  auxiliis 
juvaretur,  multis  proeliis  Parthos  fudit.  Ad  postremum  tamen, 
pacis  simulatione  deceptus,  capitur,  etc."  This  captivity  hap- 
pened during  the  j^ear  140  b.  c.  and  as  Mithridates  died  only  a 
few  years  after  this  event,  and  as  to  him  is  expressly  ascribed 
the  conquest  of  Bactria,  this  must  have  occurred  about  the  year 
139  B.  c.  In  the  foregoing  passage,  Bactria  appears  then,  for 
the  last  time,  as  an  independent  empire  in  alliance  to  the  Seleu- 


*  The  same  is  stated  in  an  account,  which,  though  of  a  later  date,  is 
derived  from  good  authority.  Acct.  Sancct.  ad  XXX.  Sept.  vol.  VIII.  3  20. 
Ila^^oi  £v  evTv-^la  jug-ytor^  ovreg  Kai  KparovvTsg  rrig  rtjv  Hep- 
(Ttjv  (^aaiXeiag  Kal  Ap/neviuyv  Kal  'Iv^wv  tiuv  yeiTViatovToyv  TO^g 
ewoig  U^paaig,  fre  §£  t(uv  (T/cXij/oorarwv  Madaayfrwr. 


740  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  104. 

cides  against  Parthia^  whether  it  were  under  a  son  of  Eukra- 
tides,  or  a  successor  of  this  king.  As  El^Tnais  and  Persis  alone 
are  mentioned^  and  not  Drangiana  and  Arachosia,  the  inference 
may  be  admitted^  that  the  two  latter  empires  were  already  oc- 
cupied by  the  Parthians.* 

One  datum  only  for  the  more  early  Bactrian  history,  may  still 
be  derived  from  extant  authors,  the  accession  of  Eukratides. 

According  to  Justin,  Eukratides  ascended  the  throne  at  the 
same  time  with  Arsaces  VI. ;  but  the  statements  and  opinions 
on  this  very  point  are  unfortunately  very  uncertain.  Bayer  upon 
his  investigations  places  the  commencement  of  the  reign  of  both 
about  181  B.  c. 

According  to  Visconti,  Mithridates'  accession  occurred  165 
B.  c.  (Bayer  p.  86,  Vise.  Iconogr.  iii.  70)  Here  are  indeed  to 
be  found  reasons  for  the  probability  only  of  the  fact,  and  they 
apparently  are  in  Bayer's  favour.  We  perhaps  fall  into  the  less 
error  of  the  two  by  adopting  the  medium  between  both  dates, 
175  B.  c.f  The  first  expeditions  against  India  under  Euthy- 
demos,  his  death,  the  foundation  of  an  independent  king- 
dom by  his  son  Demetrios,  the  expulsion  of  the  Euthyde- 
mides  from  Bactria,  either  by  Eukratides,  or  by  a  predecessor 
of  his,  all  those   events  must  be  assigned   to    the    years  200 


*  Bayer  (p.  90)  has  thoroughly  re%dewed  a  diificult  passage  of  Orosius 
referring  to  this  place. 

t  Mithridates'  accession  must  not  be  placed  too  far  down,  as  he  died 
at  an  advanced  age  "gloriosa  senectute,"anditis  hkely  ascended  the  throne 
early.  Another  reason  for  the  determination  of  the  foregoing  date,  is 
that  the  war  of  Demetrios  with  Eukratides,  must  not  be  fixed  at  too  late 
a  time.  The  former,  was  at  the  conclusion  of  a  peace  between  his  father 
and  Antiochus,  a  youth,  about  20  years  old.  If  he  now  fought  in  the 
55th  year  of  his  age  with  Eukratides  for  the  possession  of  Bactria,  this  war 
happened  30  years  after,  200  b.  c.  or  170.  If  our  conjecture  were  correct, 
that  Antimachos  could  only  have  acquired  his  empire  in  Drangiana  and 
in  its  neighbourhood  after  the  overthrow  of  Demetrios,  this  would  be 
another  confirmatory  reason.  It  is  not  necessary  to  bring  him  in  direct 
parallel  with  Antiochus  IV. ;  yet  the  commencement  of  his  reign  cannot  be 
traced  to  a  later  period  than  164,  but  rather  to  an  earlier  one;  M.  R. 
R.  adopted  the  year  1 70. 


1840.J  from  Bactrian  and  Indo- Scythian  coins.  741 

— 175  B.  c.  Between  175 — 140,  according  to  our  foregoing 
review  of  the  facts,  occurred  the  overthrow  of  Demetrios,  the 
murder  of  Eukratides,  and  the  reign  of  his  son,  or  of  his  suc- 
cessors. All  is  here  uncertain,  save  that  the  reign  of  Eukra- 
tides  must  not  be  extended  too  far,  as  he  fell  in  the  midst  of  his 
victorious  career,  and  appears  to  have  made  only  one  campaign 
in  India.* 

§  16. 
The  Scythians  in  Bactria, 

Euthydemos  mentioned  to  Antiochos  as  a  reason  for  not  over- 
weakening  his  power,  that  in  this  case  he  would  not  be  able  to 
repel  the  northern  barbarians,  and  that  Antiochos^  own  provinces 
would  run  the  risk  of  being  inundated  by  the  invading  current 
of  the  bai'barian  hordes.     (Polyb.  xi,  34.) 

The  Bactrian  kings  had  in  their  palmy  days  possession  of  the 
country  of  the  Scythians  in  two  directions ;  to  the  east,  beyond 
the  Mustag,  the  provinces  of  the  Phrunians  and  Seres,  and  on 
the  north  towards  the  Caspian  the  Satrapies  of  Turan,  and  ano- 
ther named  after  Aspiones.  Mithridates  had  taken  the  latter, 
probably  when  Eukratides  fought  with  Demetrios. 

Among  the  nations  in  warring  with  which  the  Parthian 
empire  became  exhausted,  the  Sogdians  are  mentioned ;  they  can 
hardly  be  Sogdians  properly  speaking,  but  rather  the  Saces,  who 
had  invaded  Sogdiana ;  Strabo  represents  them  as  of  that  nation, 
when  he  says  on  the  occasion  of  the  great  irruption  of  the  Scy*- 
thians,  that  they  had  started  from  the  country  beyond  the 
Jaxartes,  ^^rrJc  f^cLTa  Sa/cac  /cai  2oy^iavouc>  hv  Karuyov  2a/cai." 

They  are  probably  the  same  Saces  from  whom  Mithridates 
took  away  a  part  of  Bactriaf  occupied  by  them,  and  who  alrea- 
dy so  early  as  the  days  of  Herodotus  (vii.  64)  bordered  on 
Sogdiana,  and  whose  name  was  given  to  all  nomad  tribes  and 

*  There  will  be  found  a  great  difference  between  my  numbers  and  those 
given  by  Mr.  Mueller  (at  o.  p.  218.)  This  is  no  place  for  a  critical  com- 
parison of  both  statements ;  I  beg  only  to  remark,  that  the  reign  of  20 
years  (160-40)  Mr.  Mueller  assigns  to  Eukratides  in  India,  is  as  impro- 
bable as  the  reign  of  40  years,  generally  ascribed  to  him. 
t  XI,  Scyth.  §  2. 

5b 


742  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  104. 

people  of  equestrian  habits  in  Turan.  They  appear  the  fore- 
most in  the  series  of  invading  hordes. 

The  great  inroad  of  these  nations  is  noticed  in  two  passages. 
Prolog.  Trog.  Pompei  xli  .  ^'  Deinde  quo  repugnante  Scythiae 
gentes  Sarancse  et  Asiani  Bactra  occupavere,  et  Sogdianos.'^ 
Strabo  xi.  §  2.  "  MaXi(7ra  ^\  yv^pifxoi  ysyovaai  t(ov  vo/uLa^tJv  oi 
TOvq''FiWr)vag  a(j>s\6/j.ivoi  ttjv  Bafcr/oiavrjv,' Afftoi,  Kai  llatriavot, 
Kal  To^apoi,  KOL  ^aKapavXoi,  Kai  opjULYidhreg  airo  ttjc  irepaiag 
Tov  *la^apTOv,  Trig    Kara   Safcac    Kol   So-ySiavouc,   VV  Karuyov 

aKai,  ^ 

If  I  now  maintain,  notwithstanding  this  latter  passage,  that  it 
was  not  these  Scythians,  but  the  Parthians,  who  destroyed  the 
Grecian  empire  in  Bactria,  the  reasons  are  quite  evident.  The 
Scythians  could  not  conquer  it  during  the  reign  of  Mithridates, 
and  when  they  took  possession  of  Bactria,  the  country  was  no 
longer  under  the  dominion  of  the  Greeks,  but  of  the  Parthians, 
as  the  irruption  of  the  Scythians  happened  at  the  death  of  Phra- 
hates,  about  126  b.  c. 

Of  the  four  nations  mentioned  by  Strabo,  we  know  nothing 
of  the  Pasians ;  the  Sakaraules  seem  to  have  been  a  separated 
tribe  of  the  Saces  ;  the  Tochares  received  their  kings  out  of  the 
nation  of  the  Asianes.  (Trog.  Pomp-prolog,  xlii.  "  Additaeres 
Scythicae,  Reges  Thocharorum  Asiani,  interitusque  Sarducha- 
rum.)^^ 

We  have  then  more  particularly  to  deal  with  two  nations, 
with  the  Saces  and  Tochares. 

The  gradual  progress  of  these  nomads  over  eastern  Iran,  can 
be  traced  in  the  Parthian  history;  having  been  taken  into  pay  by 
Phrahates  against  Antiochus  of  Sida,  they  arrived  too  late.  As  now 
they  received  no  compensation  whatever,  and  they  were  led  against 
no  foe,  they  commenced  plundering  the  Parthian  provinces,  and 
Phrahates  fell  in  a  battle  against  them,  126  b.  c.  (Justin  xlii.  1.) 
This  year  is  the  real  date  of  the  Scythian  inroad.  The  next 
king  of  the  Parthians,  Artaban,  ii.  (Arsaces  viii)  we  find 
again  engaged  with  the  Tochares,  and  dying  of  a  wound  receiv- 

*  The  following  words  icai  tCov  Aawv  /c.  r.  X.  does  evidently  not 
further  refer  to  this  subject. 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  IndO'Sajthian  coins,  743 

ed  in  this  war.*  His  son  Mithridates  fought  again^  and  with 
more  success,  against  the  Scythians.  Under  his  reign  com- 
menced the  struggle  of  the  Parthians  against  Rome,  and  sup- 
posing the  Scythians  up  to  that  time  able  to  maintain  them- 
selves in  Bactria  and  Sogdiana,  they  were  then  doubtless  at 
full  liberty  to  assume  unrestrained  dominion.  Nor  do  we  find, 
that  the  Parthians  attacked  them  any  more.  Sanatroikes,  77 
B.  c,  is  placed  on  the  throne  by  the  Scythians,  viz.  the 
Sakaraules ;  as  was  the  case  with  Phrahates  IV.  when  expelled 
by  his  subjects,  in  the  year  37  b.  c.  f 

Ancient  writers  do  not  give  us  the  whole  detail  of  the  Scythian 
settlement  in  Bactria,  nor  do  we  know  the  name  of  any  of  their 
kings,  any  more  than  the  manner  in  which  they  divided  among 
themselves  the  conquered  provinces.  Only  one  notice  which 
is  in  fact  important,  has  been  preserved ;  Isidor  of  Charax,  says, 
(p.  9)  *Evr£u0fV  2a/ca(TTav?7  Sa^wv  ^kvOCjv,  t}  Kai  TlpaiTaKrjvr}. 

We  observe,  as  the  Saces  were  the  foremost  of  those  nomades, 
so  did  they  advance  farthest  to  the  south  and  west ;  they  had 
occupied  the  Drangian  Praitakene,  while  the  Tochares,  under 
the  Asianian  kings,  settled  themselves  perhaps  nearer  to  the 
eastern  and  northern  frontier.  J 

We  must  not  here  neglect  receiving  such  illustrations  as  we 
are  offered  by  Chinese  authorities  on  the  emigration  of  these 
Scythians,  although  the  author  of  this  treatise  could  not  direct- 
ly compare  those  authorities,  and  is  aware  of  the  confusion 
caused  by  Chinese  misconstruction  of  names.     But  these  ac- 


*  I.  C.  xLii.  2.  As  the  Thochares  are  distinguished  from  the  Scythians, 
these  latter  appear  to  be  the  Sakaraules.  Scythse,  depopulata  Parthia, 
in  patriam  revertuntur.     Sed  Artabanus  bello  Thogariis  (sic)  illato,  etc. 

t  I.  C.  XLII.  5.    Appian.  Mithrid.  104. 

X  A  Median  Paraitakene  was  between  Persepolis  and  Ecbatana,  Arrian. 
Anab.  iii,  19.  Ptolm.  vi,  4.  Diodor.  xix.  34.  Strabo  xvi,  init.  Beside 
this  a  Sogdian  town  of  the  same  name,  Arrian  iv,  21,  which  was  also 
named  Gabaza  and  Babakene.  Curtius  viii,  14,  17.  Zmpt.  eastwards  of 
Karatag  towards  the  lofty  Belurtag.  Thirdly,  that  above  mentioned  between 
Drangiana,  Cabul,  and  Arachosia.  Ptolemy  calls  it  Tatakene,  perhaps 
country  of  the  Tatas?  vi,  19.  In  Paraitakene  lies  the  old  Persian  Paruta, 
hill,  these  hills  are  the  Kohistan  of  modern  Persian  geography. 


744  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  104. 

counts  however  afford  the  great  advantage  of  having  originated 
with  a  nation,  which  had  entered  upon  various  relations  with 
those  Scythians,  and  was  informed  by  embassies  of  their  cir- 
cumstances.* 

These  accounts  however  require  a  critical  examination  in  va- 
rious points,  and  even  here,  though  only  limiting  myself  to  the 
most  remarkable  facts,  I  cannot  quite  omit  this  task. 

The  Yuetchi,  a  nomad  tribe  of  inner  Asia  first  appear  in 
the  upper  Hoangho,  whence  they  are  repelled  by  the  grooving 
power  of  the  Hioungnus  ;  one  sept*  called  the  little,  turn  south- 
wards to  Tibet ;  the  larger  division  bearing  the  name  of  the 
great,  set  out  farther  westwards  to  the  countries  beyond  the 
Jaxartes;  this  event  happened  in  the  first  half  of  the  second 
century  before  our  era.f  This  division  originally  consisted  of 
five  hordes. 

In  the  country  recently  occupied  by  them,  they  fall  in  with 
the  people  of  an  earlier  emigration,  called  the  Szus,  Sais,  Ses, 
also  nomades  under  some  petty  chiefs.  This  tribe  is  forced  to 
retire  further  west,  and  as  the  Yuetchis  conquered  new  pastures 
on  the  borders  of  the  Hi,  the  Szus  must  have  been  removed  to 
the  Jaxartes.  In  these  Szus  the  Saces  have  been  long  ago 
recognized  5  this  corresponds  with  the  fact,  that  the  Saces  had 


*  The  most  important  facts  are  already  put  together  by  De  Guignes  : 
"  Sur  quelques  6v6nements  qui  concernent  I'histoire  des  Rois  Grecs  de 
la  Bactriane  et  particuli^rement  la  destruction  de  leur  Royaume  par  les 
Scythes,  etc"  in  Memoires  de  1' Academic  Roy  ale  des  inscriptions  et  belles 
lettres.  Tome  XXV.  II.  p.  17.  Abel  Remusat  has  supplied  information  of 
this  kind  in  some  writings,  viz.  in  the  "  Recherches  Tartares,"  in  his 
"  Melanges,"  in  his  "  notes  to  Foe  Koue  Ki".  Klaproth  in  the  "  Tableaux 
Historiques  de  I'Asie."  It  is  true,  great  mistakes  have  been  pointed  out 
in  the  work  of  De  Guignes  with  respect  to  his  interpretation  of  Chinese 
names  ;  but  he  is  not  prepossessed,  as  his  successors  are,  by  the  monoma- 
nia of  recognising  in  the  Chinese  accounts  German  tribes  in  inner  Asia,  as 
Goths,  Getes,  Jutes,  Juetes,  Jits,  and  Jats.  The  reading  Yueti  instead 
Yuetchi,  originates  in  this  visionary  idea,  and  the  Russian  Sinolog,  father 
Hyacinth,  who  was  not  acquainted  with  this  beautiful  discovery,  quietly 
continued  writing  Yuetchi. 

t  De  Guignes,  p.  21.  Klaproth,  p.  57.  p.  132.  Remusat  to  Fog  K. 
p.  83.  The  year  163  b.  c.  is  mentioned. 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Indo-Scythian  coins.  745 

already,  before  the  destruction  of  the  Parthian  empire,  taken 
possession  of  a  part  of  Sogdiana.  This  era  likewise  agrees  with 
the  fact  above  mentioned,  that  the  Sogdians  had  contributed 
their  share  in  weakening  the  power  of  the  Bactrian  empire  ;  this 
event  must  therefore  have  happened  in  the  latter  days  of  Eukra- 
tides,  or  in  the  time  of  his  successor,  posterior  to  160  b.  c. 

The  Yuetchis  remained  not  long  in  the  possession  of  their 
new  country ;  another  nation,  the  Ousun,  flying  from  the 
Hioungnus,  deprived  them  of  those  districts  ;  the  Yuetchis 
ejecting  the  Sssus^  occupied  the  provinces  possessed  by  them; 
the  SzuSf  pushed  to  the  south,  find  an  opportunity  of  taking 
possession  of  the  country  Kipin;  the  Yuetchis,  following  in 
their  wake,  take  the  country  of  the  Tahia.^  A  Chinese  general, 
Tchamkiao,  accompanied  this  expedition  of  the  Yuetchis,  and 
the  well  ascertained  event  occurred  immediately  previous  to 
the  year  126  b.  c. 

This  is  the  very  year  in  which  Phrahates  was  killed  by 
the  Scythians ;  the  Yuetchis  and  the  Szus  flying  from  them, 
are  therefore  the  Tochares  and  Saces  of  western  writers,  whom 
Phrahates  is  reported  to  have  taken  into  pay.  These  mercenaries 
were  perhaps  at  first  the  Szus,  and  we  indeed  find  Artaban 
opposed  to  the  Tochares.  Whether  the  Szus  were  driven  into 
Bactria,  according  to  the  Chinese  account,  or  called  into  that 
country  as  according  to  Justin,  both  statements  may  be  right  as 
regards  their  immediate  narrative.  Phrahates  wished  to  avail 
himself  of  the  Scythians,  pressed  into  his  neighbourhood,  to 
strengthen  his  army.  While  Mithridates,  ^^  ultor  injuriae  paren- 
tum,^^  arrested  for  some  time,  it  appears,  the  progress  of  those 
Scythians. 

The  Yuetchis  divided  the  conquered  districts  according  to  the 
number  of  their  hordes,  into  five  parts ;  they  had  the  country 
of  the  Asi,  or  Ansi,  whom  De  Guignes  reads  Gansi,  as  their 
western  frontier  ;  it  is  as  appears  probable  correctly  interpreted 
as  the  country  of  the  Parthians.f 


*  De  Guignes,  p.  22.  p.  23.  Kl.  p.  133.  R6m.  p.  83. 
t  Rem.  p.  83.     De  Guign.  p.  23.     Kl.  p.  133. 


746  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  104. 

Turning  to  the  Szus  who  had  conquered  Kipin,  we  have  already- 
defined  generally  the  situation  of  this  country,  which  will  become 
still  clearer  from  the  reports  on  the  Szus.  (De  Guign.  p.  29.) 
The  country  Kaofu,  it  is  said,  is  very  extensive ;  the  inhabi- 
tants resemble  the  Indians  in  manners,  and  character,  being 
rather  mercantile,  than  warlike.  Previous  to  their  latter  subjec- 
tion under  the  Yuetchis,  one  part  belonged  to  the  Indian  kings, 
another  to  the  Ansi  (Parthians)  ;  a  third  to  the  kings  of  Kipin 
(viz.  the  Szu-sovereigns  of  his  account).  Hence  it  clearly  appears, 
that  Kipin  is  the  country  in  the  west  of  Cabul  below  the  Kohi 
Baba  to  the  westward.  Combining  with  this,  the  statement  that 
Sakastane  received  its  name  from  the  Saces,  we  find,  that  the 
Kipin  of  the  Chinese  is  the  country  of  the  western  Paropamisus, 
the  pastures  of  which  are  moreover  occupied  by  a  Mongolian 
tribe  of  nomades,  the  Hezarehs.*  ^^  Kipin'^  however  is  a  poli- 
tical not  a  geographical  term,  and  may  on  occasion  also  em- 
brace portions  of  Cabul,  Arachosia,  and  Drangiana. 

What  the  Chinese  mention  of  the  productions  of  art  in  this 
country,  as  silks,  gold,  and  silver  vessels,  refers  of  course  to  the 
dexterity  of  the  subjugated  inhabitants,  or  those  articles  were 
imported  by  trade.  A  notice  of  much  importance,  is  the 
following,  that  they  struck  gold  and  silver  coins ;  on  the  obverse 
the  effigy  of  a  horseman,  on  the  reverse,  of  a  man.f 

As  the  Chinese  had  commercial  intercourse  with  the  empire 
Kipin,  the  names  of  some  kings  are  mentioned.  During  the 
reign  of  the  emperor  Woo-ti,  (died  87  b.  c.)  Utolao  fov 
Ontheoulao)  reigned  in  Kipin.  His  son  was  killed  by  a  certain 
Inmoffuy  who  usurped  the  throne  30  b.  c.  Kipin  is  still  spoken 
of  at  a  much  later  time,  but  it  is  not  noticed,  whether  it 
continued  under  its  kings  from  the  people  of  the  Szus  \  this  is. 


*  To  this  passage  refers  the  misplaced  and  apparently  absurd  remark 
with  Steph.  De  urb.  5.  v.  ^Apa'^waia,  woXig  ovk  a7r(t)9ev  Matrcray- 
CTwv.  How  comes  Arachosia  to  the  country  of  the  Scythes  ?  However, 
the  Scythes  are  meant  possessing  Kipin. 

t  De  Guign.  p.  25.  He  knew  of  the  Eukratides'  coins  only  those  with 
the  type  of  the  Dioscuri,  and  referred  this  notice  to  them. 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Indo.Scythian  coins.  747 

however,  improbable,  as  it  is  stated,  that  the  Yuetchis  took 
afterwards  possession  of  this  country  likewise.*   > 

Now  leaving  the  Szus  for  the  present,  we  will  recur  to  them, 
when  in  the  progress  of  our  research  we  have  to  consider  the 
countries  south  of  the  Caucasus. 

The  Ansi,  having  their  abode  to  the  west  of  the  Yuetchis, 
were  a  powerful  nation  with  many  towns ;  they  had  gold  and 
silver  coins,  bearing  on  the  obverse  the  image  of  the  king,  on 
the  reverse  a  male  figure.  When  a  king  died,  his  successor 
struck  new  coins.  The  Ansi  wrote  on  hides,  in  horizontal  lines 
(not  in  vertical,  as  the  Chinese),  carried  on  an  extensive  trade, 
and  had  conquered  many  countries. f  De  Guignes  justly  com- 
pares the  constant  type  of  the  more  ancient  coins  of  the 
Arsacides  with  the  portrait  of  the  king,  and  the  reverse  of  a 
Parthian  bending  a  bow. 

But  how  to  explain  the  fact,  that  the  Chinese  term  the  same 
people  Yuetchis,  while  the  Greeks  call  them  Tochares.  Who  are 
the  Tahias  ?  who  the  Ousuns  ?  De  Guignes,  with  whom  I  agree, 
holds  the  latter  as  the  Asiani ;  they  may  have  given  kings 
to  the  Yuetchis,  in  the  same  manner  as  so  many  Turkish  hordes 
stood  afterwards  under  the  dominion  of  the  successors  of  Gengis 
Khan.  The  Tahias  are  taken  for  the  Dahes,  the  Aaat,  and  the 
Yuetchis  on  their  irruption  into  Sogdiana  must  have  indeed  met 
with  tribes  of  this  people. J  When  it  is  said,  however,  that  the 
Yuetchis  conquered  all  the  countries  of  the  Tahias,  the  Dahes  had 
either  spread  themselves  over  Bactria  to  the  southward,  or  the 
name  of  the  country  first  conquered  was  transferred  to  those 
afterwards  subjugated. 

The  name  Tochares  afterwards  occurs  with  the  Chinese  under 
the  form  Thuholo,  as  they  could  not  otherwise  express  it.§  We 
still  recognize  Tocharestan,  which  has  received  the  name  from 
them.    But  it  need  not  be  the  same  people ;  the  Tochares  of  our 

*  De  Guign.  p.  27.  Hyacinth  in  Ritter's  "  Erdkunde"  VII.  682.  etc. 

t  De  Guign.  p.  28. 

X  According  to  Strabo  XL  Scyth.  §  2.  Kai  tCov  Aawv  oi  fxlv  TTpoaayO" 

pEvovrai'  Anapvoiy    ol  3£,Hav0iot,  oi  be,  Tli(T(FOvpoi, 

§  Neumann.  Asiat.  Studien.  I,  179.  y 


748  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  104. 

time  are  Turks ;  for  I  think  I  may  venture  the  conjecture,  that 
this  name  in  the  Perso-Indian  languages  denoted  the  inhabitants 
of  the  cold  snowy  table  land  of  the  Belurtag ;  this  nation  may 
therefore  have  had  the  name  of  Yuetchis,  or  a  similar  one,  and 
yet  have  been  called  Tochares,  by  the  Bactrians,  as  they  arrived 
from  those  snowy  districts.* 

Following  the  farther  fate  of  the  Yuetchis  in  Bactria,  there 
afterwards  appears  a  king  named  Khieout-Sieouhi,  who  uniting 
the  other  hordes,  makes  war  on  the  Parthians,  takes  Kaofu 
from  them,  then  also  conquers  Kipin,  and  Hantha ;  but  he 
more  likely  took  Kipin  and  Kaofu  from  the  Szus.  Klaproth 
places  this  event  in  the  year  80  b.  c. ;  Remusat  in  the  first 
century  of  our  era  ;  De  Guignes  100  years  after  their  first  settle- 
ment in  Bactria,  therefore  26  years  b.  c. ;  so  likewise  does  an 
anonymous  translation  of  Chinese  history. f  The  Chinese  ac- 
counts certainly  correspond,  and  we  owe  this  pleasing  incertitude 
only  to  our  European  chronicles.  We  hope  to  be  excused 
ascribing  the  greatest  negligence  to  our  countryman,  Klaproth. 
But  we  must  continue;  Khieout-Sieouhi  is  said  to  have  died 
aged  80  years.  His  son  Yenkaotching  (the  commencement 
of  whose  reign,  would  therefore  have  been  about  30  a.  d.) 
conquered  India,  advancing  far  to  the  south  and  to  the  east. 
The  Yuetchis  having  become  powerful,  waged  a  war  even 
against  the  Chinese  under  their  governor   Pantchao^  in  the 

*  Titshara,  and  with  the  pronunciation  kh  for  sh,  tukhara,  denotes  in 
Sanscrit  snow^  ice,  frost,  and  so  is  named  in  the  old  Indian  geography 
a  people  in  the  north  of  the  Hindookush.  A  king  of  Kashmir,  of  the 
family  of  the  Thuholos,  600  years  after  Buddha,  (therefore  56  a.  d.) 
is  mentioned  by  the  Chinese  Buddhists  ;  this  was  long  before  the  Chinese 
knew  Thuholo,  and  a  proof,  that  the  Yuetchis,  to  whom  this  king 
must  have  belonged,  were  named  Tukhara  in  India.  The  Yuetchis  however, 
or  a  neighbouring  people  of  them  in  India,  are  also  called  TiirusMa,  since 
Kanishka  is  said  to  have  belonged  to  this  nation,  500  years  after  Buddha. 

t  De  Guign.  p.  27,  who  read  Tata  instead  of  Hantha,  Klaproth.  p.  133, 
has  Pouta ;  R6m.  p.  83.  Hantha.  As.  Trans,  vi.  p.  63.  "the  Chinese  general 
Chang-keen  (Tcham-kao)  was  sent  as  ambassador  to  the  Yuetchi 
by  the  emperor  Woote  (b.  c.  126.)  And  about  a  100  years  after,  a  prince  of 
this  nation  subjected  the  Getes  in  Kophene  (Szu  in  Kipin)  and  India  was 
again  subjugated  by  the  Yuetchis." 


1840.]  from  Bactrtan  and  Indo- Scythian  coins,  749 

westerly  tributary  provinces  of  China;  this  was  carried  on  in 
Khoten^  in  the  year  98  a.  d.,  and  gave  occasion  for  the  dis- 
covery of  the  Caspian  Sea.*  Yenkaotching  is  however  not  said 
to  have  made  this  war,  and  it  is  very  improbable,,  that  he  did  so, 
as  it  occurred  between  the  years  75-98. 

The  greatest  power  of  the  Yuetchis  obtained  therefore  in  the 
first  century  of  our  era.  The  father,  Khieoutsieouhi,  had  engaged 
in  hostilities  with  the  Parthians ;  if  this  were  the  same  in  which 
Prahates  IV.  expelled  Tiridates  by  the  assistance  of  the  Scythi- 
ans (Justin  xLii.  5,)  it  commenced  about  the  year  40  b.  c, 
and  his  son  would  be  more  correctly  placed  in  the  years  begin- 
ning from  20  or  25  a.  D.f 

The  power  of  the  Yuetchis  continued  to  the  third  century.  { 
After  this  time  it  was  weakened  by  new  hordes  of  northern  bar- 
barians. Still  however  their  empire  maintained  itself;  and  Chi- 
nese history  in  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  century  makes  mention 
of  a  king  Kitolo,  who  again  undertook  an  expedition  against 
India.  India  appears  therefore  meanwhile  to  have  been  taken 
from  the  Yuetchis.  Kitolo  is  said  to  have  conquered  Balkh, 
Gandhara,  and  five  other  provinces.  According  to  others, 
Kitolo^ s  son  founded  the  empire  of  ^^  The  Little  Yuetchis'^  in 
Foeleoucha ;  here  is  some  confusion,  at  least  in  the  translations. § 

Let  us  now  sum  up  these  facts.  First,  we  have  an  empire, 
founded  in  Kipin  by  the  Saces,  commencing  about  the  year 
126  B.  c.  This  may  have  maintained  itself  till  the  Yuetchis 
advanced  southward,  therefore  almost  to  the  beginning  of  our 
era.  It  embraced  a  part  of  Cabul,  and  we  must  hereafter  ex- 
amine, whether  their  kings  did  not  also  reign  on  the  borders  of 
the  Indus. 

Secondly,  an  empire  of  "  The  Great  Yuetchis,^^  or  Tochares, 
in  Bactria  and  Sogdiana,  divided  into  separated  hordes,  to  the 

*  De  Guignes,  p.  30.  Remusat,  Remarques  sur  I'extension  de  I'empire 
Chinois,  p.  120.  Mr.  Ritter,  Erdkunde  VII,  p.  554.  has  translated  R^mu- 
sat's  term  75  a.  d.  by  75  b.  c. 

t  De  Guignes,  p.  28.  But  he  certainly  makes  an  improper  use  of  this 
notice. 

t  De  G.  p.  31.  R.  to  F.  p.  83.  Kl.  p.  133.  As.  Trans.  VI.  63.  where  the 
year  222  a.  d.  is  stated. 

§  De  G.  p.  31.  R.  to  F.  p.  84.  Kl.  p.  134. 

5  c 


750  Lassen  on  tM  History  traced  [No.  104. 

year  40  B.  c._,  and  limited  to  the  north  of  the  Caucasus,  thence 
conquering  to  the  south  of  the  mountains,  Kipin,  Kandahar, 
Cabul,  including  a  large  portion  of  India.  The  subversion  of 
this  empire  coincides  with  the  accession  of  the  Sassanians. 

Thirdly,  the  empire  of  ^^  The  Little  Yuetchis^^  in  Gandhara 
and  India,  at  the  commencement  of  the  fifth  century. 

It  is  uncertain,  whether  we  still  have  coins  belonging  to  the 
Yuetchis,  whose  dominion  was  only  in  the  north.  We  could 
only  be  inclined  to  assign  to  them  those  having  on  the  reverse  a 
horse,  and  not  Cabulian  legends. 

Euthydemos  and  Eukratides  as  sovereigns  of  Bactria,  famous 
for  the  fine  breed  of  its  horses,  appear  to  have  likewise  adopted 
this  symbol  on  their  coins.  And  supposing  even  that  coins  with 
elephants  belonged  to  the  earlier  period  of  the  Yuetchis,  we 
must  ascribe  this  to  the  fact,  that  some  of  their  hordes  boasted 
of  having  penetrated  to  India. 

Numismatology  apparently  profits  us  more  for  the  history  of 
the  Scythians  in  the  south  of  the  Caucasus  ;  but  we  must  first 
take  up  again  the  thread  of  the  Greek  dynasties. 

§  17. 

Greco-Indian  empires. 

We  first  call  to  mind,  that  the  campaigns  of  the  Greek  kings 
from  Bactria  against  India,  can  have  but  commenced  about 
200  B.  c  ;  that  they  originated  with  Euthydemos  or  his  son  De- 
metrios,  and  were  directed  against  the  power  of  the  kings  of 
Palibothra,  the  descendants  of  Chandragupta.  This  latter  asser- 
tion must  be  more  exactly  detailed. 

We  know  from  ancient  writers,  that  Chandragupta  in  his 
conclusion  of  peace  with  Seleucos  Nicator  acquired  parts  of 
Gedrosia,  Arachosia,  and  of  the  country  of  the  Paropamisades, 
and  that  their  friendly  relations  continued  under  the  sons  of  both 
kings,  Amitrajata  and  Antiochos  Soter.*  The  third  king  of  the 
Indian  dynasty,  Dharmazoka,  is  a  name  very  celebrated  with 


*  De  Pentap.   Ind.   p.   44.    Zeit-schrift    fuer  die   Kunde  des   Morgen- 
landes  i.  109. 


I 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Indo- Scythian  coins.  7^1 

the  Buddhists,  because  he  afforded  a  general  patronage  to  their 
religion,  a  fact  now  undoubtedly  confirmed,  as  the  inscriptions 
are  decyphered,  by  which  Azoka  throughout  his  whole  empire 
invited  the  adoption  of  the  doctrines  of  Buddha.* 

We  may  therefore  rely  upon  the  statement  in  the  Buddhist 
annals,  that  Dharmazoka  enjoyed  a  long,  peaceful  reign  during 
the  years  260—219  b.  c. 

To  corroborate  the  fact,  that  the  dominion  of  Azoka,  like 
that  of  his  predecessors,  extended  to  the  Caucasus,  it  may  be 
mentioned,  besides  the  absence  of  reports  stating  the  contrary, 
that  the  Chinese  pilgrims  also  met  with  in  the  valley  of  the  Panjhir 
monuments  erected  by  Azoka  for  the  glory  of  his  religion. f 

As  another  confirmation  may  be  adduced  the  circumstance, 
that  Antiochus  in  the  year  205  renewed  the  confederacy  with 
the  king  of  the  Indians,  which  could  be  only  the  case  with  a 
king  of  the  Maurja-dynasty  of  Palibothra.J  The  king  then 
mentioned,  Sophagasenos,  appears  to  be  a  son  of  Azoka.  § 

Contrary  to  this  opinion,  the  successor  of  Azoka  is  named 
Sujazas  [^^  of  good  renown'^)  in  the  Brahmanic  genealogies;  but 
we  can  hardly  be  deterred  by  this  from  comparing  him  with 
Sophagasenos  (Subhagasena,  '^  of  the  victorious  army'^W)  as 
these  kings  even  publicly  substituted  their  titles  of  honour  for 

*  As.  T.  VI.  p.  472.  791. 

t  Foe  K.  K.  p.  395. 

X  Also  this  name  was  known  to  the  Greeks  ;  see  the  interpretation  of 
the  word  M-dypiuq  in  my  Pr^crit  grammar,  p.  247. 

§  Zeitschr.  I.  110. 

11  M.  de  Schlegel,  Ind.  Bibliothek  I.  p.  258.  The  Chinese  traveller 
Fahian  also  proves,  that  the  son  of  Azoka  reigned  in  Gandhara,  Foe 
K.  p.  67.  If  Remusat  has  correctly  translated  the  Chinese  word  "  Fai," 
the  Buddhists  have  called  him  "  Dharmavardhana."  The  son  of  Azdka, 
who  also  reigned  in  Kazmira,  is  called  laloka  in  the  annals  of  the  country, 
(Raj.  Tarang.  I.  107)  a  reading,  which  is  hardly  correct.  It  is  evident  from 
the  succeeding  verse,  in  which  is  certainly  a  play  on  the  word  Jazas,  fame, 
that  in  the  former  text,  this  word  also  occurred  in  his  name.  He 
is  said  to  have  cleared  the  country  from  invading  barbarians.  At  the 
same  place,  p.  115.  His  successor  is  a  king  of  another  family.  From 
these  traditions  I  shall  only  retain,  that  inroads  of  barbarians  are  menti- 
oned immediately  after  Azoka,  and  that  with  his  son  the  empire  of 
tlie  kings  of  Palibothra  in  Kazmira  found  its  termination. 


752  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  104. 

their  original  names^  as  Azoka  styles  himself  Pijadasi  on  the 
columns. 

The  successor  of  Sujazas,  Dazaratha,  is  confirmed  by  the 
inscriptions  in  the  Buddhist  temples  at  Gaja^  in  Magadha^* 
(Behar.) 

I  think  it  is  by  no  means  a  rash  attempt  to  connect  these 
Indian  reports  with  our  investigations.  Thence  would  result 
the  following  arrangement,  viz.,  that  Sujazas,  who  must  have 
died  at  the  commencement  of  the  second  century  b.  c.  if  he 
had  reigned  twenty  years  (on  this  we  have  no  information),  is 
the  very  same  Palibothrian  king  with  whom  Antiochus  renew- 
ed the  confederacy;  secondly,  that  the  barbarians,  who  under 
his  reign  invaded  India,  are  the  Bactrian  Greeks  themselves ; 
and,  thirdly,  that  he  or  his  successor,  despite  of  Indian  accounts 
to  the  contrary,  was  expelled  by  them  from  the  westerly  parts 
of  his  empire. 

From  our  previous  inquiry,  it  was  evident,  that  Demetrios 
undoubtedly  reigned  in  Arachosia,  and  thence  more  westward ; 
whether  his  rule  extended  in  an  easterly  direction,  was  left  un- 
certain. We  must  now,  however,  appropriate  to  Agathokles 
also  a  share  in  the  first  expedition  of  the  Bactrians  against  India, 
for  by  the  beautiful  execution  of  his  coins  he  is  coeval  with  De- 
metrios; he  claims  a  purely  Indian  country  as  his  dominion, 
and  especially  eastern  Cabul ;  lastly,  by  the  adoption  of  the  old 
Indian  letters  he  shows,  that  he  succeeded  in  these  provinces 
the  kings  of  Palibothra,  who  used  the  very  same  alphabet.  Nor 
do  I  know  how  Agathokles  can  obtain  any  other  classification 
either  at  a  later  or  earlier  period,  unless  immediately  before 
Eukratides  and  coeval  with  Demetrios.  I  shall  not  waste  our 
time  by  conjecturing  in  what  relation  they  stood  together,  how 
Agathokles  commenced  his  career,  and  whether  he  belonged  to 
the  family  of  Euthy demos,  or  not.f 

*  This  also  is  a  discovery,  made  by  Mr.  Prinsep,  As.  Trans.  VI.  p.  677. 

t  It  might  even  be  maintained,  that  by  a  confiision  in  the  catalogues 
of  names,  Agathokles  had  been  received  as  Sujazas  into  Indian  history, 
as  both  words  denote  the  same,  and  as  both  kings,  according  to  the 
comparison  of  facts,  above  given,  would  be  of  the  same  period.  It  is  evi- 
dent, that  we  have  not  to  recognise  the  Indian  king  on  the  coins,  because 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Indo- Scythian  coins 0  753 

Pantaleon,  with  whom  this  Greco-Indian  empire  terminated, 
must  have  succeeded  Agathokles,  whom  I  therefore  hold  as 
king  of  Nagara  Dionysopohs.  Both  of  them  have  only  Indian 
letters  on  their  coins,  and  with  them  too  Dionysos  disappears. 

If  we  thus  have  correctly  determined  the  empire  of  Aga- 
thokles  and  Pantaleon,  it  must  he  one  of  the  districts  of  which 
Eukratides  took  possession  on  his  Indian  expedition ;  for  after 
the  victory  over  Demetrios,  he  carried  his  arms  against  the 
Indus  and  Hydaspes.  We  have  already  noticed,  that  he  pro- 
bably did  not  reign  there  for  a  long  time. 

I  have  above  explained  my  idea,  how  by  the  division  of 
Demetrios^  power  the  independent  Grecian  dominions  of  Dran- 
giana  and  Arachosia,  referred  to  by  historical  authority,  had 
been  formed ;  the  Indian  empire,  mentioned  by  the  same  autho- 
rity, was,  if  not  actually  formed,  yet  first  consolidated  after  the 
murder  of  Eukratides.  At  least  the  conjecture  is  natural,  that 
the  abhorrence  of  such  a  deed  must  render  it  easy  to  an  enter- 
prising governor  to  find  ready  assistance  in  a  revolt  against  the 
parricide.  The  first  Greek  king  of  this  Indian  empire  was  certainly 
Menandros,  let  the  various  dates  given  for  his  era  and  his  ac- 
cession differ  as  they  may  from  mine.  Here  conjecture  must  be 
set  against  conjecture,  and  I  do  not  think  myself  the  supposition 
sound,  that  Menandros  may  have  acquired  the  title  of  deliverer, 
peculiar  to  this  country,  by  delivering  it  from  the  hateful  domi- 
nion of  the  son  of  Eukratides. 

On  these  three  Indo-Grecian  empires  we  may  make  the 
following  conjecture.      We  assigned  to  Antimachos  an  empire 

he  would  have  called  himself  in  this  case  Sujazas,  and  not  Agathuklajo. 
But  if  Agathokles  deprived  the  Indian  Subhagasena  of  the  provinces 
on  the  Indus,  and  in  the  catalogues  of  kings  was  mentioned  as  his 
CO  temporary  under  the  name  Sujazas,  he  might  be  easily  confounded  with 
the  name  of  the  Indian  king,  especially  as  the  son  of  Az6ka  had  at 
least  two  names,  a  Brahmanical  and  a  Buddhist,  like  his  father,  and 
perhaps  his  grandfather  (Zeit-schrift  I.  109.)  This  explanation  is  not 
quite  satisfactory  to  me  ;  the  coincidence  of  both  names,  above  mentioned, 
is  however,  hardly  accidental;  and  it  is  scarcely  an  objection,  that  Panta- 
leon,  who  probably  reigned  but  a  short  time,  has  not  left  a  similar  trace 
in  the  Indian  annals ;  he  must  be  looked  for  in  Dazaratha,  which  is 
impossible. 


754  »         Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  104. 

in  Drangiana,  as  here  only  a  maritime  victory,  of  which  he 
boasts,  can  have  taken  place.*  To  this  may  be  added  the 
following : — ^The  Chinese,  by  reporting,  that  the  kings  of  Kipin 
represented  a  horseman  on  their  coins,  alluded  probably  them- 
selves only  to  the  Scythian  kings;  these,  however,  had  cer- 
tainly adopted  the  custom  from  their  predecessors. 

As  now  Antimachos,  as  well  as  his  successor  Philoxenos,  repre- 
sent themselves  as  horsemen,  we  venture  to  refer  them  to  Kipin  ; 
likewise  the  humped  bull  of  the  latter  king  alludes  to  Kipin. 
This  country  moreover  is  Sakastane,  or  Segistan  of  a  later  period. 

Antialkidesf  and  his  successor  Lysias  lay  claims  to  having 
reigned  in  Cabul  and  in  its  neighbourhood ;  if  we  have  correctly 
interpreted  the  report  of  Justin,  they  must  have  possessed, 
besides  Cabul,  a  part  of  Arachosia. 

Amyntas  and  Archelios  must  perhaps  also  be  classed  in  these 
two  kingdoms. 

The  empires  founded  by  Antimachos  and  Antialkides,  pro- 
bably existed  but  a  short  time;  the  first  seems  to  have  origi- 
nated at  the  death  of  Demetrios,  the  second  after  the  murder 
of  Eukratides.  We  can  assign  to  them  no  longer  existence  than 
to  the  year  126  b.  c,  when  the  Saces  settled  themselves  in 
Kipin ;  and  scarcely  even  to  that  period,  as  the  Parthians  had 
already  taken  possession  of  the  Bactrian  empire.  In  the  pas- 
sage in  which  the  last  struggle  of  the  Bactrians  against  the 
Parthians  is  mentioned,  Elymeans  are  indeed  only  noticed 
besides  Syrians,  and  no  Drangians  or  Arachosians.  The  small 
number  of  royal  names  also  corroborate  this  short  duration. 

It  would  be  too  doubtful  a  measure  to  extend  the  use  of 
Cabulian  letters  to  Drangiana. 

*  Mr.  R.  R.  p.  18,  thinks,  he  may  have  assisted  Antiochus  IV.  on 
occasion  of  a  victory  over  the  Egyptians ;  but  this  appears  hardly  possible, 
even  if  he  had  reigned  on  the  Indus. 

t  Mr.  Mionnet  has  published  (VIII.  483,  520,)  a  coin  of  Antialkides,  before 
unknown.  Obverse :  image  of  the  king  vrith  the  Causia,  and  the  upper 
part  of  the  Chlamys.  Reverse :  Jupiter  seated,  holding  in  his  right  hand  a 
Victory  vrith  a  Palm,  in  the  left  hand  a  spear,  placed  across  the  shoulders ; 
on  the  right  hand  near  his  seat  an  elephant,  who  holds  a  crown  in  its 
elevated  trunk.  Antialkides  perhaps  obtained  the  crown  by  his  partici- 
pating in  an  Indian  expedition. 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Indo-Scythian  coins,  755 

Still  we  must  here  keep  in  view,  that  the  alphabet  on  the 
coins,  if  indeed  derived  from  the  west,  must  have  been  im- 
ported to  Cabul  through  Candahar  and  Drangiana,  as  it  did  not 
come  to  Cabul  through  Herat  and  Bactria.  Besides  this  how- 
ever Antimachos  and  Antialkides  may  have  imitated  the  exam- 
ple of  Eukratides. 

The  Greco-Indian  empire  of  Menandros  must  have  existed 
longer.  The  number  of  the  names  Menandros,  ApoUodotos, 
Diomedes,  Agathokleia,  Hermaios,  renders  the  assumption  neces- 
sary, I  have  proved  it  probable  that  this  line  of  kings  was 
not  encroached  upon  by  the  Parthians.  The  last  coins,  those 
of  Hermaios,  refer  to  the  very  same  time,  when  expeditions 
against  the  Soter-dynasty  may  have  been  first  planned  by  the 
Scythians.  The  widely  extended  empire  of  Menandros  seems 
under  Hermaios  to  have  been  limited  to  Beghram ;  Menandros 
must  have  possessed  a  kingdom  eastward  of  Cabul,  if  Antial- 
kides, as  it  appears,  ruled  then  immediately  after  Eukratides. 
It  would  be,  however,  too  bold  to  determine  any  thing  concern- 
ing the  mutual  contests  of  these  powers. 

From  the  great  number  of  the  Hermaios  coins,  it  is  not  im- 
probable, that  he  either  himself  reigned  long  at  Beghram, 
or  that  his  dynasty  continued  there  at  least  for  some  time ; 
in  the  mountain  country,  easily  defended,  a  smaller  kingdom 
might  maintain  itself  with  more  ease  for  a  longer  time.  If 
the  relation  Kadaphes  holds  towards  Hermaios  be  correctly 
stated,  the  Grecian  dominion  was  here  overthrown  by  an  attack 
from  the  north,  i.e.  from  the  country  of  Kapisa ;  the  power  of 
Kadaphes  itself,  however,  appears  to  have  been  of  no  great  im- 
portance or  long  duration.  A  greater  Indo-Scythian  kingdom, 
as  for  instance  that  of  Azes,  may  have  absorbed  it. 


§18. 


The  Saces,  the  Tochares,  and  Parthians  in  Cabul  and  India. 

We  have  above  left  the  Saces  in  the  country  Kipin,  where 
they  settled  themselves,  about  the  year  126  b.  c,  while  the  To- 
chares,  following  them,  roamed  throughout  Bactria,  from  whence 


756  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  104. 

they,  half  a  century  afterwards,,  united  in  one  power,  and  pene- 
trated beyond  the  Indian  Caucasus  to  the  southward.  Looking 
for  historical  authorities  of  the  further  fate  of  the  Tochares  and 
Saces,  I  find,  that  they  are  brief  and  meagre,  and  it  appears 
hardly  possible  to  derive  from  them  any  certain  results  ;  they 
must  however  be  examined. 

If  the  geographer  Dionysios  composed  his  poem  as  early  as 
it  is  ordinarily  apprehended,  he  would  have  been  the  first  who 
made  mention  of  the  Scythians  about  the  Indus,  v.  1088.  'Iv^ov 
Trap  TTOTajxov  vortoi  ^KvOai  evvaiovariv, 

Eusthathius  makes  the  just  remark,  that  they  were  Indo-Scy- 
thians,  as  this  name  could  not  have  been  given  them  previously 
to  their  arrival  in  India.  The  era  of  Dionysios  being  however 
very  uncertain,  nothing  can  be  inferred  from  his  passage  as  to 
the  time  of  the  first  advancement  of  the  Scythians  to  the  Indus. 

The  Periplus  of  the  Erythraean  sea,  as  well  as  Ptolemy,  enable 
us  to  determine  the  extent  of  the  Indo-Scythian  empire,  al- 
though this  determination  can  only  refer  to  a  considerably  later 
time  than  the  first  appearance  of  the  Scythians  on  the  Indus. 

Indo-Scythia  embraces,  with  Ptolemy  (vii,  1),  the  following 
provinces  : — In  the  direction  nearest  to  the  south  and  the  east, 
Surashtra  or  the  Peninsula  Guzerat ;  then  the  delta  of  the  Indus 
or  Pattalene  ;  further  the  country  Abiria,*  situated  above  it ;  he 
includes  in  the  Scythian  empire  a  small  district,  and  some  towns 
on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  river ;  most  of  them  lie  however  on 
the  western  bank.  How  far  up  the  Indus  the  Scythian  domini- 
on extended,  is  not  quite  evident ;  but  Artoartar,  above  held  by 
us  to  be  a  Scythian  town,  is  mentioned  as  situated  in  the  near 

*  This,  and  not  Sabiria,  is  to  be  read,  any  more  than  Iberia  in  the 
Periplus.  They  are  the  Abhira  of  Indian  geography.  De  Pentap.  Ind. 
p.  28.  The  passage  in  Periplus  p.  24,  must  perhaps  be  written  :  Tavrrjg 
TO,  ^£  julIv  /neffojEia  rrig  ^KuSiag  * A^ripia  koXhtui,  to,  ^e  irapa* 

OaXaacTia    ^vvpaaTpr]vr]     for     *Ij3r)pia,  KaXeirai   Se  to.   k,   t,    X, 

The  delta  of  the  Indus  is  ascribed  to  the  Scythians  in  the  following  passage 
of  the  Periplus,  p.  22,  on  the  emporium  on  the  mouth  of  the  Indus  : 

TTpoKHTai   ^£  avTOv  vr)(Tiov  fxiKpov'     Koi  Kara  vcjtov  fxzcroyHoq  y} 

fiCTjDOTToXtc,  avTr}g  TYjg  ^KvOiag  Mivvayap,  ftacnXiViTai   Se  vno 

UapOwVf  (Tvvs'yiog  aXXr^Xovg  e/cSiwfcovrwv. 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Indo-Scythian  coins,  7^7 

neighbourhood  of  Peshawur.  Hence  it  follows,  that  Indo-Scy- 
thia  at  that  period,  or  rather  a  little  earlier  than  Ptolemy,  in- 
cluded Peshawur,  the  country  on  both  banks  of  the  Indus  from 
Attock  to  its  mouth,  and  Guzerat.  The  Punjab  did  not  belong 
to  it,  as  the  Kaspireans  occupied  this  province,  as  well  as  the 
country  up  to  the  Jumna  and  Vindhia,*  neither  did  Barygaza. 
The  mountains  to  Arachosia,  and  the  desert  on  the  eastern  bank 
of  the  river  form  the  other  boundaries. 

It  is  therefore  evident,  that  this  empire  is  very  small  in  pro- 
portion to  what  Azes  claims  on  his  coins. 

We  rather  have  in  the  limited  extent  above  stated,  a  dissolv- 
ed Indo- Scythian  empire  before  us.  The  Periplus  partly  ex- 
plains this  decline  of  the  Indo-Scythian  power  by  mentioning 
that  the  capital,  Minnagar,  was  in  the  writer^s  time  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  Parthians,  and  that  both  nations  continually 
expelled  one  the  other. 

Let  us  now  inquire  into  Parthian  history,  whether  it  yields 
us  some  illustrations. 

From  our  examinations,  above  effected,  of  the  relations  of  the 
Parthians  to  the  Scythians,  it  resulted,  that  since  the  arrival 
of  the  Scythians  in  Bactria  and  Segistan,  to  the  year  37  b,  c. 
no  report  shows  that  the  Parthians  had  regained  such  ascen- 
dancy over  the  Scythians  as  to  rise  against  them  as  conquerors. 
The  same  refers  also  to  Artaban  III.  (died  41  a.  d.),  who  more 
than  once  must  have  had  recourse  to  the  Scythians  in  the  north. 
There  is  least  of  all  any  trace  that  Vonones  I.  during  his  short 
and  troubled  reign,  may  have  made  the  conquest  in  the  east, 
which  we  must  ascribe  to  him,  if  the  coins,  above  mentioned, 
belonged  to  him. 

Of  Bardanes  (died  47)  a  successful  campaign  is  mentioned 
against  the  Dahes.  What  we  know  of  his  successor  Gotarzes 
(died  50)  does  not  entitle  us  to  attribute  to  him  any  new 
aggrandisement  of  the  Arsacidian  empire.  Then  come  we  to 
Vonones  II.  who  reigned  but  a  few  months ;  after  him  to  his 
son  Volagases.      His  reign  was  a  long  and  happy  one,f  and 

*   I^^Xpi    Ovivciov    opovg  and    because   Mo^ovpa  ri  tu)V    Oswv 
therefore  Mathura  belonged  perhaps  to  the  Kaspireans. 
t  50 — 85,  A.  D.  Visconti,  Iconogr.  III.  p.  173. 

5d 


758  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  104. 

though  he  was  neither  indolent  nor  of  unwarlike  disposition, 
yet  he  lived  in  peace  with  the  Romans.  It  is  therefore  also  on 
the  authority,  though  only  implied,  of  history,  that  we  assign 
to  his  reign  the  conquests  of  the  Parthians  in  Cabul,  of  which 
the  coins  with  the  names  of  Vonones  and  Volagases  bear 
witness.*  Nor  do  we  think  ourselves  mistaken  in  tracing  from 
this  settlement  in  Cabul  the  Parthian  irruptions  into  India,  men- 
tioned in  the  Periplus. 

The  circumnavigator  of  the  Erythraean  sea  tells  also  of  these 
inroads  as  an  eye-witness,  in  which  will  be  discovered  another 
reason  against  placing  him  so  low  as  the  era  of  Augustus. 

Be  it  as  it  may,  if  Azes  be  taken  for  the  successor  of  Vono- 
nes, and  therefore  of  Volagases,  he  is  placed  in  so  late  a  period, 
that  the  close  resemblance  of  his  coins  with  Grecian  patterns  is 
quite  inexplicable.  Considering  the  extent  of  the  countries 
which  are  under  the  sway  of  Azes,  no  other  has  a  juster  title  to 
be  identified  with  him  than  the  Yankaotching  of  the  Chinese 
annals.  The  time  would  correspond,  as  we  have  to  look  accord- 
ing to  those  accounts,  for  the  flourishing  power  of  the  Yuetchis 
just  in  the  years  20 — 50.  (a.  c.  ) 

Two  facts,  however,  are  at  variance  with  this  view.  First,  the 
difference  of  the  name,  too  palpable  even  for  Chinese  corruption 
of  sounds,  and  then,  that  of  the  coins. 

They  are  so  closely  allied  to  Greek  types,  that  we  must  con- 
nect Azes  immediately  with  the  Greeks,  and  in  this  case  we 
must  likewise  expect  coins  of  Indo-Scythian  kings  who  preced- 
ing Azes,  existed  between  his  time  and  that  of  the  Greeks, 
and  of  this  description  we  found  only  Mayes.  Nor  does  our  numis- 
matological  guide,  M.  Raoul-Rochette  doubt  in  the  least  as  to 
this  earlier  era,  and  accordingly  places  him  immediately  after 
Hermaios  (11.42). t 

But  if  Azes  reigned  so  early,  he  belonged  to  the  Saces,  and 
not  to  the  Yuetchi.  This  supposition  is  supported  by  the  figure 
of  a  horseman,  which  he  adopts  on  his  coins ;  for  the  equestrian 


*  Lastly,  Volagases  I.  has  styled  himself  "the  just,"  as  the  Cabulian. 
Mionnet  VIIT.  448.     Vonones  I.  does  not  bear  this  epithet. 
1   II.  42. 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Indo- Scythian  coins.  759 

coins  come  from  Kipin^  where  the  Saces,  and  not  the  Yuetchis, 
had  settled  themselves. 

Now  it  is  true  we  have  not  observed  that  the  Saces  as  well  as 
the  Yuetchis  have  made  any  conquests  in  India ;  but  it  seems 
to  follow,  first,  from  the  fact,  that  the  empire  of  Hermaios  ap- 
parently was  on  the  eve  of  its  destruction  at  the  very  time  (120 
B.C.)  to  which  we  may  assign  the  inroads  of  the  Saces  in  India, 
immediately  after  126  b.  c.  :  secondly,  because  the  capital  of  the 
Scythian  empire  of  a  later  time,  was  named  Min,*  and  as  this 
name  occurs  in  Sakastane  itself,  it  must  have  come  thence,  and 
not  by  means  of  the  Yuetchis  to  the  Indus.  It  would  be,  lastly, 
implied  in  the  Chinese  chronology,  if  correctly  translated, f  that 
the  Yuetchis  reconquered  India ;  and  before  them,  vrho  but  the 
Saces  in  Kipin  could  have  conquered  it  ?  However  little  confi- 
dence we  can  put  on  these  discussions,  yet  we  must  at  once 
adopt  the  supposition,  that  the  empire  of  Azes  existed  about 
100  b.  c. 

Azilises  declared  himself  as  successor  of  Azes  ;  as  the  Chinese 
mention  two  names  of  these  kings  of  Kipin,  we  shall  perhaps  in 
time  obtain  coins  of  theirs,  by  which  the  era  of  Azes  may  be 
determined  with  greater  certainty.*!  The  coins  above  described, 
can  only  be  hypothetically  taken  for  the  coins  of  such  successors 
of  Azes. 

If  Azes,  however,  be  considered  as  the  founder  of  an  empire 
of  the  Saces  in  India,  either  Kadphises  or  the  nameless  Soter- 
Megas,  must  be  held  as  the  great  conqueror  under  the  Yuet- 
chis. 

Among  them  the  king  last  mentioned  appears  to  have  most 
claims,  in  virtue  of  the  remark,  already  made,  that  he  seems 
to  have  founded  a  new  dynasty,  which  was  established  from 
Bactria  in  Cabulistan  and  the  Punjab,  and  again  assuming  the 

*  Nagara,  Sanscrit  town ;  Miv  iroXiq  in  Sakastane  with  Isidor,  p.  9. 
De  Pentap.  Ind.  p.  56, 

t  As.  T.  VI.  p.  63. 

X  I  would  even  conjecture,  that  Ontheoulao  was  Azilises,  if  I  were 
persuaded  that  the  Chinese  express  a  Z  by  th.  They  place  him  87  b.  c, 
and  this  statement  is  indeed  in  a  striking  manner  corresponding  with  the 
place  given  by  the  coins  to  Azilises. 


760  Lassen  on  the  History  traced  [No.  104. 

name  Soter  of  the  Greek  kings,  maintained  itself  up  to  the  pe- 
riod of  the  Parthian  relations  with  India. 

The  monogram  of  the  nameless  king,  and  the  epithet  of  deli- 
verer, recurs  as  well  on  the  coins  of  Kadphises  as  on  those 
above  described  ;  it  occurs  last  on  those  of  the  Kanerkis.  Azes 
has  not  this  monogram  ;*  it  seems  therefore  to  be  the  mono- 
gram of  the  Yuetchis.  In  all  of  them  are  probably  to  be 
recognized  successors  of  the  nameless  king  of  the  Yuetchis, 
but  it  remains  doubtful,  how  we  have  to  place  them  before  and 
after  the  Parthian  epoch  of  those  provinces,  and  whether  they 
succeeded  to  the  same  throne,  or  reigned  at  the  same  time 
in  neighbouring  countries. 

Ptolemy^s  description  of  Indo-Scythia,  like  that  in  the  Peri- 
plus,  shows  a  smaller  Scythian  empire  on  the  Indus,  together  with 
which  more  than  one  kingdom  may  have  subsisted  in  western 
Cabulistan.  The  author  of  the  Periplus  mentions  besides  those, 
an  independent  kingdom  of  the  very  warlike  Bactrians  (p.  27) ; 
the  Yuetchis  alone  can  be  understood  by  this.  These  intima- 
tions point  to  a  Scythian  monarchy  in  a  dismembered  condition 
at  the  period  to  which  they  refer. 

We  may  assign  Yndopherres  with  more  confidence  to  the  Par- 
thian period.  On  a  general  view  we  run  no  risk  of  ascribing 
Kadphises,  the  Parthians,  and  Yndopherres,  to  the  last  half  of 
the  first  century  (a.  d.  ),  but  to  give  more  exact  definitions 
would  be  too  dangerous. 

Lastly,  the  Kanerkis,  who  are  allied  to  Kadphises,  and  who 
are  the  last  of  these  leaders  of  hordes,  probably  belong  to  the 
commencement  of  the  second  century ;  but  they  rather  represent 
a  new  horde  of  the  Yuetchis,  advanced  from  Bactria,  than  a  direct 
continuation  of  the  former  hordes,  for  they  are  distinguished 
from  them,  as  well  as  Kadphises  from  still  earlier  tribes,  by  his 
position,  represented  as  going  in  a  carriage,  while  previously  to 
him  the  Scythian  kings  were  represented  as  horsemen.  The 
Yuetchis  are  indeed  said  to  have  ridden  in  a  carriage,  however 
it  is  added,  in  one  drawn  by  oxen. 

We  have  already  observed,  that  the  Chinese  identified  the  end 
of  the  power  of  the  Yuetchis  in  India  with  the  beginning  of  the 
*  R.  R.  II.  p.  48. 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Indo-Bcythian  coins.  761 

Sassanians,  and  we  have  had  no  reasons  to  assign  to  the  Kaner- 
kis  a  later  period.  If  they  be  referred  to  a  later  date^  they  must 
be  ^^  the  Little  Yuetchis,,^^  who  founded  a  new  empire  in  Gan- 
dhara  in  the  fifth  century^  but  such  a  great  interval  between 
Kadphises  and  the  Kanerkis  would  hardly  be  admitted. 

Other  monuments  seem  to  belong  to  ^'  the  Little  Yuetchis,^^ 
on  an  examination  of  which  we  cannot  however  enter.  The 
history^  like  that  of  the  Sassanians  in  Cabul,  of  the  white  Huns 
in  India,  mentioned  by  Cosmos,  and  lastly  of  the  Murundas,  of 
whom  Indian  inscriptions  from  the  Sassanian  time  bear  witness, 
would  require  new  preparations  far  beyond  the  scope  of  this 
essay. 

Here  we  shall  therefore  add  only  this,  that  Fahian  being  in 
the  year  400  in  these  countries,  mentions  the  power  of  the 
Yuetchis  as  having  passed  away  (S.  Foe.  K.  p.  766.) 

If  we  be  not  mistaken,  the  inquiry  leads  without  compulsion 
to  the  probable  result,  that  between  the  empire  of  Azes  and  the 
renewed  power  of  the  Scythians  under  the  king  of  the  Yuetchis, 
an  interval  took  place  in  the  dominion  of  the  countries  on  the 
Indus.  This  has  been  already  previously*  deemed  to  be  a 
corroboration  of  the  Indian  account,  according  to  which  the 
epoch  of  Vikramaditya,  which  commences  with  the  year  56  b.  c. 
was  founded  on  the  occasion  of  a  victory  over  the  Saces  gained 
by  this  king.  In  this  case  Indian  tradition,  which  may  certain- 
ly adduce  in  its  favour  the  use  still  existing,  and  to  be  traced 
to  a  very  early  period,  of  counting  from  that  epoch,  would  be  in 
perfect  correspondence  with  what  has  been  the  result  of  our 
inquiry  into  the  Scythian  history.  Vikramaditya  reigning  in 
Ujjajini,  and  therefore  a  direct  neighbour  of  the  Scythian  empire, 
which  under  Azes  extended  to  the  boundaries  of  Malwa,  would, 
on  this  supposition,  have  repelled  the  successors  of  Azes  to  the 
Indus.  After  Vikramaditya  we  hear  nothing  of  the  empire  in 
Ujjajini,  and  this  silence  finds  its  explanation  in  the  growing 
power,  soon  after  the  commencement  of  our  era,  of  the 
Yuetchis,  whose  kingdom  Ptolemy  described  as  still  extending 


•  As.  T.  VI.  p.  63. 


762 


Lassen  on  the  History  traced 


[No.  104. 


on  the  Indus  to  Guzerat.     By  this  power  Malwa  must  accord- 
ingly have  been  confined  to  narrow  limits.* 

It  would  be  rather  imprudent  to  venture  any  conjecture  on 
the  distribution  of  the  countries  on  the  Indus  and  Cabul  among 

*  Having  given  this  explanation,  I  leave  it  to  the  judgment  of  tlie  reader, 
whether  there  be  a  reason  in  the  account  of  the  Periplus,  of  the  empire  of 
the  Indo-Scythians,  to  bring  down,  according  to  the  view  of  M.  K.  O.  Mueller, 
by  some  centuries,  the  epoch  of  Vikramaditja.  If  he  takes  the  Vikra- 
maditja,  now  known  to  us  by  old  Indian  coins,  for  the  real  conqueror 
of  the  Scythians,  his  choice  is  evidently  very  unfortunate,  as  this 
king  belongs  to  the  dynasty  of  the  Guptas  in  Kanoje,  contemporaneous 
with  the  Sassanians.  If  there  be  any  correspondence  in  the  accounts 
on  Vikramaditja,  it  is,  that  he  reigned  in  Ujjajini.  I  have  already 
discovered  a  reference  to  the  empire  of  Vikramaditja  in  the  passage  of 
the  Periplus  on  the  Ozene,  viz.  that  the  ancient  royal  residence  was 
there  (de  Pentap  p.  57),  being  at  that  time  in  a  very  declining  state  ; 
and  I  have  no  reason  whatever  to  change  my  view  there  set  forth.  It 
is  well  known,  that  Vikramaditja  afterwards  became  the  hero  of  a  great 
number  of  fabulous  tales  ;  he  has  become  the  Carolus  Magnus  of  Indian 
poetry,  and  is  as  far  removed  from  firm  historic  ground  as  Carolus 
Magnus  would  be  if  we  had  to  take  our  information  of  him  merely  from 
the  chivalrous  novels ;  but  for  Vikramaditja,  save  poetry,  no  prose,  on 
chronicle,  has  been  preserved  to  us.  The  early  adoption  of  the  epoch  of 
Vikramaditja  by  the  ancient  astronomers,  might  be  here  of  far  greater 
importance  than  all  those  tales  from  which  Wilford  has  endeavoured 
to  construe  a  history  of  Vikramaditja,  and  of  the  second  founder  of  an 
Indian  epoch,  lalivahana.  To  render  complete  this  confusion,  it  must 
be  added,  that  the  name  was  afterwards  often  adopted  by  Indian  kings  ; 
one  of  them  seems  even  to  have  waged  war  with  the  Scythians.  The 
annalist  of  Kashmir,  who  had,  so  to  say,  sufficiently  respectable  au- 
thorities, is  doubtful  whom  of  two  Vikramaditjas  he  must  take  for  the 
real  Sakari  (enemy  of  the  Saces)  Raj.  Tar.  II.,  5.  Ill,  125.  He  decides  him- 
self on  the  second,  (not  to  put  down  the  epoch,  which  is  clear  to  him)  but 
because  in  order  to  follow  the  Cashmerian  chronology  for  the  Buddhist 
part  of  his  history,  he  is  necessitated  to  carry  back  some  centuries  all 
ancient  dates,  and  even  to  admit  afterwards  a  great  gap  in  the  series  of 
the  kings.  We  must  therefore  accede,  contrary  to  the  view  of  the  annalist, 
to  the  opinion  represented  as  the  common  one,  in  holding  the  first- 
Vikramadijta  as  the  founder  of  the  epoch.  It  is  now  a  curious  fact,  that 
between  him  and  the  second,  the  reigns  numbered  together,  fill  out  286 
years.  The  second  reigning  236  a.  d.  would  coincide  with  the  end  of 
the  Yuetchi  empire  and  the  commencement  of  the  Sassanians,  it  is  there- 
fore probably  founded  on  a  historic  date,  if  the  second  Vikramaditja  is 
likewise  represented  as  fighting  with  the  Saces. 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Indo- Scythian  coins.  763 

the  different  dynasties  of  the  Scythians  and  Parthians,  as  neither 
historic  accounts  assist  us,  nor  are  the  coins  so  completely 
put  together,  and  explained,  that  the  several  families  can  be 
properly  arranged.  This  is  perhaps  a  fact,  that  a  frequent 
change  of  dynasties  happened,  and  a  speedy  decomposition  of 
the  greater  into  smaller  kingdoms.  This  fact  is  supported  by 
the  nature  of  those  countries,  the  lawless  manners  of  the  nations, 
and  the  analogy  of  Turkish  and  Mogul  history. 

Another  part  of  the  history  of  these  Scythians  is  left  in  the 
dark.  The  Chinese  annals  describe  to  us  the  Yuetchis  as  zealous 
Buddhists,  hence  rises  the  question,  whether  there  still  exist 
with  the  Yuetchis  monuments  of  this  religion.* 

We  can  now  take  it  for  granted,  that  from  Azoka^s  period 
Buddhism  was  widely  diffused  through  Cabul  •  the  fathers  of  the 
Church  also  know  the  Samaneans  in  these  countries  ;t  and  the 
Chinese  pilgrims  as  eye-witnesses,  speak,  of  the  great  number  of 
Buddhist  cloisters  and  monuments  found  there ;  Buddha  images 
are  likewise  lately  dug  out  in  Cabul  itself.  There  is  accor- 
dingly no  want  of  Buddhist  monuments,  but  it  is  the  question, 
whether  we  must  attribute  them  to  the  Yuetchis. 

We  must  here  refer  to  the  coins,  and  one  class  of  them,  that 
of  Behat,  must  indeed  be  considered  as  Buddhist.  However 
it  is  only  probable  that  those  with  duplicated  legends  belong  to 
a  Scythian  dynasty,  but  to  this  are  limited  the  Buddhist  nu- 
mismatological  monuments  of  the  Yuetchi  kings  ;  and  of  Azes, 
Kadphises,  the  Kanerkis,  no  really  Buddhist  coin  has  been 
discovered.  It  must  therefore  be  left  undecided,  whether  the 
Chinese  reports  did  transfer  to  all  Yuetchis  what  was  only  cor- 
rect to  maintain  as  of  a  part  of  them.  J  But  while  I  must  leave 
this  point  undecided,  I  am  reminded  at  the  same  time  that  I 
have  given  all  that  from  the  examination  of  the  coins  appears  to 

*  Thus  the  passage,  As.  T.  VI.  63.  At  the  period  when  all  these  king- 
doms belonged  to  the  Yuetchi,  the  latter  put  their  kings  to  death,  and 
substituted  military  chiefs.  They  enjoined  all  their  people  to  practise 
the  doctrine  of  Fuh-too-chi, 

t  See  my  treatise,  in  the  Rhenish  Museum,  for  Philology,  1832.  vol.  I.,  p.  171. 

I  From  Professor  Ritter's  book,  the  Stupas,  etc.  Berlin,  1838,  which  I 
received  when  printing  my  book,  I  fully  understood  his  view  on  those 
monuments,  and  its  reasons.  I  am  sorry  to  say,  that  I  cannot  be  persuaded 
into  the  Buddhist  origin  of  the  topes.    I  have  already  above  separated 


764  Lassen  on  the  History  traced,  [No.  104. 

me  a  certain  or  a  probable  result.  The  field  of  conjecture  is 
already  too  richly  cultivated^  for  me  to  add  arbitrarily  to  what 
has  been  done  therein.  In  conclusion,  I  shall  sum  up  in  a  table 
the  historic  results  of  my  investigation.  I  need  hardly  tell  the 
reader,  that  although  in  the  table  the  facts  are  placed  together 
with  apparent  claim  to  equal  authenticity,  they  occupy  in  the 
book  itself,  and  in  reality,  all  the  different  places  which  on  a 
large  scale  are  intermediate  between  certainty  and  conjecture  in 
its  various  degrees,  according  to  individual  views. 
Separation  of  Bactria  from  Syria  under, 

Theodotos  I.  soon  before  256  b.  c. 

Theodotos  II.  his  son  and  successor,        

Euthydemos  expels  the  family  of  Theodotos,   and 
himself  ascends  the  throne  of  Bactria 

before, 209 

Concludes  peace   with   Antiochus   the 
Great,  205,  makes  conquests  in  Ariana 

and  India  after 200 

Agathokles  founds  an  empire  in  eastern  Cabul,  about  190 
Demetrios  succeeds  his  father  in  Bactria,  about  . .  185 
Eukratides  takes  possession  of  Bactria.     Demetrios 

maintains  himself  in  Arachosia,  . .      175 

Pantaleon  succeeds  Agathokles,       170 

Eukratides  dethrones  Demetrios,  and  conquers  the 

Indian  empire  of  Pantaleon,  about  . .  165 
the  inquiry  into  the  nature  of  the  topes,  from  the  examination  of  the 
coins,  and  postponed  it  to  another  time  ;  I  maintained  at  the  same  place, 
that  as  yet  no  Buddhist  coins  had  been  discovered  in  the  topes.  Mr.  Ritter 
on  the  contrary  states,  that  they  are  met  with  (p.  207).  But  he  erroneously 
says,  that  Mr.  Prinsep  has  recognised  among  the  coins  from  Manikyala 
some  Buddhist ;  in  the  passages  quoted  he  certainly  mentions  nothing 
of  this  kind.  Then  continues  Mr.  Ritter  (p.  238)  "  As  we  now  possess 
ascertained  chronological  determinations  of  the  Buddhist  religion  in  the  Mo- 
kadphise's,  Kanerki's,  and  Azes'  coins."  The  four  Buddhist  coins  alluded 
to  by  Mr.  Ritter,  occur  As.  T.  III.  pi.  XXII.  No.  28.  till  No.  32.  They 
are  coins  of  the  Kanerki  dynasty,  therefore  Mithra  gods  on  Buddhist 
coins?  Then  III.  pi.  XXVI.  No.  2,  No.  3,  IV.pl.  XXII.  No.  12,  No.  13,  or 
with  him  plate  VIII.  No.  2 — 4.  Therefore  Siva  on  the  obverse,  while 
Azes  is  represented  as  Buddha  seated  on  the  reverse  ?  If  Mr.  Ritter  does 
not  know  any  other  coins  out  of  the  topes  which  escaped  my  knowledge, 
I  shall  not  be  necessitated  to  give  up  my  previous  assertion,  which 
was  here  my  only  purpose  to  vindicate. 


1840.]  from  Bactrian  and  Indo-Scythian  coins,  765 

Foundation  of  a  Grecian  empire  in  Drangiana  by 

Antimachos,,  about 165 

Murder  of  Eukratides  by  his  son,  about         . .      . .      160 

His  son  (Heliokles)  succeeds  him  in  Bactria, 
Antialkides  founds  an  empire  in  Ara- 
chosia  and  western  Cabul,  Menandros 
a  large  kingdom  in  India,  after  . .      160 

Philoxenos  succeeds  in  Drangiana,  Lysias  in  Ara- 
chosia,  afterwards  Apollodotos  in  India, 
Archelios  and  Amyntas  succeed  in  the 
western  empires,  

Mithridates  I.  of  Parthia  conquers  Drangiana  about     145 
Destroys  the  Grecian-Bactrian  kingdom,     139 

Succession  of  Diomedes,    Agathokleia    and    Her- 

maios  in  the  Greco-Indian  empire  to         120 

Inroads  of  the  Saces  and  Tochares  in  Bactria         . .      126 

The  Saces  occupy  Drangiana,  the  Tochares  Bac- 
tria, the  Grecian  empire  of  Hermaios 
subverted  by  Kadaphes  about  . .      120 

Great  empire  of  the  Saces  under  Azes  after  . .      1 16  b.  c. 

Azilises  his  son,  succeeds  about, . .        90 

Expulsion  of  the  Saces  from  the  Indus   countries 

by  Vikramaditya  king  of  Malwa        . .        56 

Division  of  the  empire  of  the  Saces,         

Khieoutsieouhi  unites  the  tribes  of  the  Tochares  and 

conquers  the  possession  of  the  Saces  after      40  b.  c. 

Yeukaotching  his    son,    makes   great   conquests   in 

India  about      20  a.  d. 

Under  Volagases  conquests  of  the  Parthians  in  Cabul, 
and  inroads  into  the  countries  on  the 
Indus,  after  50 

Kadphises^  empire  on  the  Indus  and  in  upper 
India  to  the  Ganges,  the  dynasty  of 
the  Kanerkis  succeeds  in  his  empire,         100 

Downfall  of  the  Arsacians  in  Parthia,  conquests 
of  the  Sassanians  in  Cabul ;  restoration 
of  Indian  power  in  Upper  India  by  the 

dynasty  of  Kanoja,  after     226 

5  E 


766 


Ancient  Land  Grants  in  Assam. 


[No.  104. 


Paper  on  Ancient  Land  Grants  on  Copper ^  discovered  in  Assam. 
Communicated  hy  Major  F.  Jenkins,  Governor  General's  Agent 
N.  E.  Frontier. 

A  putter  of  three  copper  plates,  joined  by  a  large  copper  ring  to 
a  seal,  containing  within  a  raised  rim  a  figure  of  Ganesh,  was  lately 
dug  up  near  the  station  of  Tezpore,  in  the  Durrung  division,  and 
I  have  the  pleasure  to  enclose  a  copy  of  the  inscription. 

A  similar  grant  of  two  plates  was  lately  produced  by  a  Brahmin  in 
the  Kamroop  Courts,  to  substantiate  a  claim  to  some  Lakhiraj  lands 
at  the  time  it  was  first  brought  up,  there  was  no  person  in  the  pro- 
vince who  could  read  the  inscription,  but  having  given  to  a  Pundit 
the  alphabets  of  ancient  forms  of  Sanscrit  writing,  published  by  Mr. 
James  Prinsep  to  illustrate  his  discoveries,  he  was  soon  able  to  make 
out  the  inscription. 

It  was  a  grant  of  land  as  Burmuttur,  by  Durmpal,  in  the  year* 
36,  without  any  mention  what  era,  to  three  Brahmins,  and  detailed  the 
boundaries  of  the  grant.  That  inscription  was  not  very  legible,  the 
letters  in  some  places  being  much  rubbed,  but  the  letters  in  the  present 
Putter  are  quite  distinct,  and  I  hope  they  have  been  correctly  copied. 

The  Dewali  which  was  formed  by  this  grant,  viz.  Maha  Kudra 
Dewali,  is  still  in  existence,  though  in  a  very  dilapidated  state,  and 
has  given  its  name  to  the  Mowza  on  which  it  stands. 

Of  the  extent  of  the  country  under  the  Pal  dynasty  on  this  frontier, 
or  of  any  particulars  of  their  family  or  history,  I  fear  we  are  not  likely 
to  find  any  records  in  Assam.  The  only  mention  of  the  Pal  Rajahs  that 
I  have  met  with,  is  a  very  ancient  looking  chronicle  possessed  by  a 
Brahmin,  the  first  leaf  of  which  is  apparently  lost.  It  now  begins 
thus : — 

Lakhipal, 
Subabu, 

His  minister  Sumati, 
Then  follow  the  names  of 


As  being  the  Ra- 
jahs or  rulers  of 
"  Burcherides,"  Per- 
haps the  present  dis- 
tricts of  Chooteya, 
Chardoar,  Noadoar, 
Chudoar. 


Khetrijetari, 
His  son  Subalik, 

and  seven  names,  ending  in  Narain,  and  after 
them  is  the  name  of  Ramchandra,  then  inter- 
venes the  word, 
Jaintee, 

probably  meaning  the  country  we  call  Jain- 
teah ;  and  after  it  follows  the  names  of  the  follow- 
ing Pals  : — 
Japandu  Pal, 
Hari  Pal, 
Dhamba  Pal, 
Ram  Pal, 
Pakhya  Pal, 
Chandra  Pal, 

*    Note.    Capt.  Jenkins  had  the  kindness  to  send  me  subsequently  the  plates 
themselves,  which  were  exhibited  at  a  recent  Meeting.  |]Ji 


1840.]  Ancient  Land  Grants  in  Assam.  767 

Narain  Pal, 

Amar  Pal, 

Mantri  Pal, 

Haina  Pal, 

Syama  Pal, 

Mactya  Pal, 

See  Pal, 

Gandha  Pal, 

Madhrub  Pal, 

Lahikya  Pal, 
After  these  follow ; — 

Minangka, 

Gujangka, 

Sukanangka, 

Mrinangka, 

Phinjua, 
and  others. 
These  are  the  names  given  in  page  117  of  Prinsep's  Tables,  but  in 
a  different   order;  but   no  further  notice   is  taken   of  any  of  the 
Pal  race. 

There  is  little  doubt  but  these  last  named  Rajahs  were  rulers  over 
a  part  of  the  north  bank,  of  which  Beshnath  was  probably  the  centre, 
as  some  very  extensive  lines  of  fortification  are  universally  attributed 
to  them;  and  the  Pals  preceding  them,  notwithstanding  the  word 
Jaintee  alluded  to,  were  likely  Rajahs  over  the  same  country.  They 
may  have  been  a  branch  of  the  family  of  Bupal,  who  reigned 
over  a  district  of  the  empire  formerly  governed  by  their  ancestors. 
The  succeeding  Rajahs  were  probably  Chooteah  Cocherees,  who  are 
supposed  in  Assam  to  have  been  of  the  Shan  race. 


(^^)  ITW?:^^^^%^^^fT^^5"^ 


768  Ancient  Land  Grants  in  Assam.  [No.  104.  fl 

^  ^^^T^^PT^tT^^    lien    ^W^^^'^TiT^fT:    JT^lfT^'^'S^I 

f5Tf^fTJ^5TiTraT^t^^f%I^1%5ft  i?f?fr^^2f   ^i?r  Tf^  5TR 
^TfTT^^    ^^FTHra    Tf^T'ST^^    ||\  V^ll    'T^^T    ^Tf?r  »T%H^ZT 


J  840.]  Ancient  Land  Grants  in  Assam.  769 

t%8RiTTf%5TT  I  "^^  ?:TW^3ra^3T^^fn^^^Tftf^^^^^^^T  II 

ff^1%^^^'    H^^iTT^^TTi^^TT^^^:'^    ||\cfLI|   TTWT^^^t^ 
^  IR«II  ^^imt   ^T^^rTHnrili^T^KWT^^   ^f^int  WT^fl1[ 

fl^^^^»r^TTm«TTm?^w^^g^i?^Tffr^T^5Tf^?:5TTTf5T^ 


770  .  Ancient  Land  Grants  in  Assam,  [No.  104. 

iTcr:  ^^^^21^^^  I  ^fiT^^^T^^^^^^«TRftW^  II  ^ 
ft^H^^TT  I  ^f^tiTtTf^^^  ^^^ftt^^H^tHT  tr1%^^^^T 

^HrtJTT  II  ^Tr^wi!T?3i^tn^^H^3TT  ^^^ftmwftw^;  ii 


1840.]  Ancient  Land  Grants  in  Assam,  77  ^ 


^iTfl^  lTt%l  ^fWrf  '^  ftPTTl^^rr^Tft  II 


772  Ancient  Land  Grants  in  Assam,  {No.  104. 

Literal  Translation,  by  Fimdit  Saroda  Prosad  Chuckerbutty. 

SUCCESS. 

1.  May  the  Louhetya  Sindha,  (Brahmaputra  river)  wherein  the 
fish  are  abundantly  supplied  with  water,  and  whose  stream  is  ruddy 
with  the  dashing  spray,  turbid  with  golden  mud  mingled  with  ice, 
splashing  up  as  the  waves  fall  on  the  golden  rocks  of  the  beautiful 
Kailasha  mountain,  ruddy  too  with  the  heavenly  flowers  dropped 
from  the  hair  and  hands  of  the  goddesses  who  come  down  to  sport 
therein,  protect  you  ! 

2.  May  the  Pindkapdm  C  Siva  J  on  whose  head  the  Gangd  waters 
cast  up  by  the  wind,  are,  as  it  were,  the  stars  on  the  firmament, 
sanctify  you ! 

3.  The  first  Baraha  (the  incarnation  of  the  Boar)  had  a  son 
named  Naraka,  from  the  Earth  (his  wife),  at  the  time  of  her  de- 
livery ;  who  (Naraka)  robbed  Aolite  of  her  earrings,*  and  Hari 
(Indra)  of  his  power. 

4.  Krishna  having  slain  him  (naraha)  felt  excessive  grief  by 
the  lamentations  of  his  wife,  and  could  not  therefore  refrain  from 
creating  his  two  sons,  named  Bhagadatta  and  Vajradatta. 

5.  Bhagadatta ;  who  was  modest,  having  succeeded  to  the  guddee  of 
Prdgjyotisha,  (Kamroop)  devoted  himself  to  the  adoration  of  him 
(Krishna)  the  supreme  Deity. 

6.  Krishna  being  pleased  with  him,  made  him  master  of  another 
good  territory ;  but  in  time  the  sovereignty  of  Prdgjyotisha  was  after 
him  governed  by  his  posterity  alone. 

7.  From  his  line  was  born  Prdlambha,  whose  name  was  won- 
derful to  all.  He  was  the  Lord  of  Pragjyotisha,  and  destroyer  of  his 
enemies.  His  footstool  was  illuminated  by  the  light  of  the  crest- 
jewels  of  all  Rajas. 

8.  He  was  against  those  who  were  enemies  to  his  ancestors  from 
Sdlastambha  down  to  Sriharisha,  who  are  all  deceased,  and  who, 
with  all  their  noble  and  royal  qualities,  delighted  all  the  extreme  regions. 

9.  His  (Prdlambhd's)  brother,  greatest  of  all  Rajas,  abandoned 
his  valour  with  indignation,  but  not  his  car  (?  indignantly  re- 
signed the  fight,  yet  left  not  his  car  ?  ) 

10.  His  queen,  named  Jwadd,  was  dearly  beloved  by  him  ;  like 
Prabhata  Sandhyd,  (morning  twilight)  she  was  vdndydf  of  all,  and 
the  source  of  great  tejas-X 

11.  From  her  he  (Prdlambhd)  had  a  son  named  Hajara,  who  was 
the  king  of  kings,  and  was  embraced  by  Lakshmi  (the  goddess  of 
fortune)  herself,  and  whose  feet  were  worshipped  by  every  Raja, 

12.  He  (Hajara)  was  VikeYudhisthira  in  truth ;  like  Bhima  to  his 
enemies;  and  like  Jishnu  (Arjuna)  in  battle;  who,§  though  alone, 
yet  was  victorious  over  all  his  rivals  that  stood  against  him. 

*  Note.— Particularly  described  in  the  Sreemutt  Bhagavut,  ch.  59. 

t  The  word  Vandyd  when  connected  with  morning,  means  adorable,  and  praise- 
worthy, as  applied  to  the  queen. 

X  Tejas  has  two  meanings ;  the  light  and  spirit,  or  vigour,  or  vigourous  persons ;  the 
former  relates  to  the  word  morning,  and  the  latter  to  the  queen. 

§  This  sentence  is  applicable  to  both  Arjuna  and  the  Kaja. 


1840.]  Ancient  Land  Grants  in  Assam.  77^ 

13.  Lakshmi  being  as  it  were  disliked  by  Vishnu  (her  husband) 
whose  mind  was  in  love  with  the  Gopas  (the  wives  of  the  cowherds) 
forsook  his  breast  and  came  down  to  this  individual  with  all  the  per- 
sonal beauty  of  her  sex. 

14.  This  Lakshmi,  as  it  were,  determined  in  her  mind  that 
"  because  this  conqueror  is  possessed  of  all  personal  beauty,  as  well  as 
noble  qualities  of  my  husband  (Vishnu),  who  has  matchless  might 
and  a  car- wheel  or  his  hand,  I  shall  surely  become  his  chief  queen, 
though  I  shall  undergo  degradation." 

15.  Lakshmi  having  ascertained  this,  as  above,  transformed 
herself  into  his  chief  and  beloved  queen,  whose  name  was  Tdrd,  and 
who  was  like  a  jewel  of  superior  quality  among  all  the  females  of  her 
time. 

16.  From  her  (Tara)  he  (Hajara)  had  a  son  named  Vanamdla, 
the  king,  who  was  prosperous,  renowned,  like  the  moon  the  source  of 
the  universal  delight,  and  adorned  with  the  jewel- wreath  of  all 
noble  and  royal  qualities,  and  his  footstool  was  borne  by  the  crowns 
of  numerous  Rajas. 

17-  Because  he  was  the  worthy  master  of  the  territories  that 
extended  as  far  as  the  Vanamala  (lines  of  forest)  near  the  seashore, 
the  Creator  caused  him  to  be  named  Vanamala. 

18.  He  (Vanamala)  resembled  the  Sun  in  the  field  of  battle,  by 
reason  of  his  driving  forth  the  darkness  of  the  furious  elephants  of  his 
vanquished  foes. 

19.  Further,  he  was  like  the  moon  on  the  clear  sky  of  the  Naraka 
line,  from  which  were  sprung  many  kings,  by  removing  the  dark- 
ness of  his  enemies. 

20.  He  (Vanamala)  who  had  by  the  force  of  his  mighty  scymetar 
been  expelling  all  the  Rajas,  who  were  like  thunder  to  the  mountains 
of  the  powerful  army  of  their  respective  enemies,  made  Sree  (Lakshmi) 
the  wife*  of  one  husband. 

21.  Some  Rajas,  who  though  they  were  conquerors  of  their  many 
rivals,  yet  from  the  fear  of  Vanamala's  power  took  refuge  with  pre- 
cipitation in  extreme  regions,  and  others  in  the  heavenst. 

22.  The  rest,  who  were  forward  to  throw  their  sharp  shafts  over 
him  in  battle,  far  abandoned  their  lands  in  consternation. 

23.  The  enemies  who  were  gallantly  forward  in  battle  with  their 
elephants,  were  subdued  by  him. 

24.  He  who  was  devoted  to  (the  gods.^)  bore  the  burthen  of  Na- 
kusha  (a  Raja  of  antiquity)  by  his  faithfully  repairing  the  fallen  and 
the  HimdlaAike  lofty  palace  of  Hetuka  Sulin  (the  Siva  of  destruction) 
whose  feet  are  worshipped  by  the  multitude  of  gods,  at  Kdldntara — 
and  further,  by  adorning  it  with  the  images  of  domesticated  elephantsj 
and  fair  women. 

25.  His  fame,  which  is  whitest  of  all,  exists  in  the  regions  of 
the  serpents    (Tragaloka)    ever  laughing  to  scorn  (even)  its  eternal 

*  Solely  dependent  on  one,  i.  e.  the  kingVanamala  himself;  the  meaning  being,  that 
he  stayed  the  fickleness  of  fortune  (Lakshmi)  by  the  continuance  of  his  success, 
t  Departed  their  lives. 
X  Note.— Literally  "village  elephants." 

5    F 


774  Ancient  Land  Grants  in  Assam.  [No.  104. 

splendour,  in  extreme  regions  (surpassing  in  whiteness)  the  water 
cast  off  from  the  trunks  of  elephants  with  their  long  breathings, 
and  in  the  firmament  (deriding)  the  spotless  and  pleasant  beams  of  the 
moon  full  in  her  digits. 

26.  He  by  his  truth,  gravity,  greatness,  power,  liberality,  and 
might,  had  far  overcome  the  Dharmay  (Yudhisthera)  the  sea^ 
the  mountain,  the  sun,  Kama  the  king,  and  the  son  of  Maruta 
(  Bhima). 

28.  The  moon  finding  this  world  whitened  by  the  moon  of  his 
fame,  takes  her  rise  as  if  with  shame*  even  to  this  day. 

29.  The  wifet  of  Abja  (Brahma)  whoj  is  like  an  oblong  pond  on 
the  firmament,  as  it  were,  sings  his  extended  fame  (praise)  in  Devene 
temples,  to  the  sounds  of  musical  instruments  and  songs,  and  in  groves 
by  the  utterance  of  prayers  and  hymns  of  sacrificers. 

30.  Large  quantities  of  gold,  elephants,  horses,  lands,  wives, §  silver, 
and  jewels  were  his  usual  gifts  :  and  he,  though  very  moderate 
of  speech,  yet  was  himself  Vahubak.|| 

Because  he  gratified  the  appetites  of  the  people  of  all  classes, 
and  was  himself  in  company  with  the  learned,  numbers  of  most 
mighty  Rajas  had  been  constantly  coming  to  him,  mounted  on  their 
various  elephants,  horses,  and  litters,  to  pay  the  respects  due  to  his 
highness.  To  Vanamala,  who  was  skilful,  the  king  of  kings,  very  rich, 
and  devoted  to  the  feet  of  his  parents,  and  whose  mind  was  attached 
to  the  supreme  Deity,  was  Louhitya  Sindhu  the  sagelF  as  a  friend. 

Its  water  was  made  fragrant  with  the  scent  arising  from  the 
flowers  dropped  from  the  creeping  plants  moved  by  the  long  drawn 
breathing  of  the  serpents,  startled  at  the  cries  of  the  wild  peacocks 
and  various  other  birds  reposing  on  the  lofty  trees  of  the  eastern 
mountain,  while  all  sides  were  occupied  by  the  numerous  elephants, 
horses,  and  foot  soldiers  of  Vanamala. 

Further,  its  streams  were  intermixed  with  the  odorous  water  of  the 
clouds,  composed  of  the  gashes  of  the  Kalaguru  trees  (black  aloe  wood) 
burning  by  the  conflagration  of  its  adjacent  groves. 

The  inhabitants  near  its  banks  were  all  delighted  with  the  smell 
arising  from  the  musk  of  the  deer,  which  were  in  diiferent  places  col- 
lected, grazing  on  the  fragrant  pastures  of  the  Eastern  mountain,  and 
further  of  those  that  were  in  many  places  killed  by  the  wolves,  as  well 
as  by  NatU7'e,  and  were  left  unconsumed  thereon. 

Further,  its  streams  were  more  sacred  than  those  of  others,  from  their 
continually  washing  the  sides  of  the  mount  Kdmakutay  which  is  inha- 
bited on  its  tops  by  Kdmeswara  (a  Siva)  and  Mahd  Gouri  (his  wife) 
whose  footstools  are  brightened  with  the  crown  jewels  of  all  the  Suras 

*  The  black  spots  that  are  generally  visible  in  her,  are  usually  described  by  poets 
as  the  marks  of  her  disgrace  and  shame. 

t  Saraswati. 

:^  I  cannot  conceive  what  the  poet  means  by  this  metaphor, 

^  By  his  giving  wives,  is  meant  that  it  was  his  custom  to  assist  those  with  expenses 
whom  the  want  of  money  rendered  unable  to  marry. 

II  This  word  is  of  two  meanings,  one  who  talks  much,  and  of  whom  men  speak  much. 

IT  Here  the  river  is  personified  as  a  sage.  In  Sanscrit  the  river  Brahmaputra  is  said 
to  have  been  a  male  river. 


]  840.1  Ancient  Land  Grants  in  Assam.  77^ 

(gods)  and  the  Asuras.  And  moreover  it  was  turbid  with  the  odorous 
substances  which  were  besmeared  over  and  washed  from  the  high 
breasts  of  the  bathing  lovely  females,  and  adorned  on  both  the  banks 
with  boats  or  ships;  which  (boats  or  ships)  were  like  the  Velxa* 
females,  adornedt  with  various  ornaments ;  like  female  children  orna- 
mented  with  sonorous  kiukinii  (a  girdle  set  with  small  bells)  ; — like 
Varastris  (courtezans)  holding:}:  chamara  (chowrees)  ; — like  the  wives 
of  Dashavadana  (Ravana)  bearing  the  marks  of  Dashana§  (teeth)  round 
them; — like  the  Kaminis  (wives)  of  Pavana  (the  god  of  wind)  pos- 
sessed of  Vega||  (swiftness) ; — like  the  women  of  Danuhanga  (a  nation) 
attractive  of  all  minds  ;1[  and  like  Devapalis  (inferior  gods)  ever  existent 
above,*  and  whose  (boats)  Vega  is  samvardhita,  (augmented  or  in- 
flamed) like  that  of  the  Carnatic  females  by  KaMinabhighataf. 

Further,  their  U'tkampaX  is  augmented  like  that  of  the  girls  danc- 
ing with  their  male  companions. 

There  was  a  person  named  Bhijjata,  who  was  the  illuminator  of  the 
Sandelya  line, — liberal, — pious, — devoted  to  the  gods,  and  studious 
in  Yajurveda,  and  its  angas§  (subordinate  parts.)  His  wife  named 
Sabhrdyekdj  who  was  pious,  endowed  with  all  the  Brahmanical 
qualities,  and  descended  from  a  respectable  family,  was  married  to 
him  according  to  the  Brahma  Vidhi, 

To  their  son,  who  was  himself  a  priest  studious  in  the  Vedas, 
possessed  of  noble  qualities,  and  superiority,  and  whose  name  was 
Indoka,  the  king  Vanamala  has  granted  the  village  named  Abhissura^ 
vdtaka,  which  is  furnished  with  fertile  lands,  and  the  reservoirs  of 
water,  and  the  undermentioned  eight  boundaries  on  the  west  of 
Trisrota  (the  Ganga-river)  for  the  virtue  of  his  parents. 

*  Name  of  a  tribe.  This  Veshisana  (adjective)  is  to  be  applied  to  both  the  boats  and 
the  females. 

t  Oars  at  that  time  were  generally  bound  with  Kinkinis  round  them,  as  are  now  the 
paddles  of  snake  boats. 

X  Boats  and  ships  had  always  been  at  that  time  beautified  with  chamaras  and  flags, 
&c. 

§  The  persons  of  the  wives  of  Ravana,  who  had  ten  mouths,  bore  the  marks  of  as 
many  lines  of  teeth.  This  when  relating  to  the  boats  means  that  the  earrings  thereon 
were  visible  like  the  marks  of  teeth. 

II  This  is  applicable  to  both  the  boats  and  the  wives  of  Ravana . 

II  The  boats  were  so  beautiful  that  they  were  pleasing  to  all. 

*  Here  the  word  a6ove,  means  above  the  surface  of  water  when  connected  with  the 
boats,  and  sky  when  with  the  gods. 

f  Here  the  words  Vega  and  Kathindhhighdta  are  both  of  two  meanings.  The  former 
means  amorous  lustre  and  speed — and  the  latter  strong  embrace  and  haste^  when  they 
are  in  turn  connected  with  the  females  and  the  boats. 

X  V'tkampa,  when  relating  to  the  girls,  means  a  motion  used  in  dancing ;  and  tremu- 
lous motion  when  relating  to  the  boats  ;  i.  e.  when  the  boats  are  danced  on  by  men, 
they  appear  as  it  were  dancing  themselves  too  by  the  pressure  of  those  moving  on 
them. 

§  The  Angas  are  as  follow  : — Sikshd,  or  the  science  of  pronunciation,  and  articula- 
tion J  Kalpa  the  detail  of  religious  ceremonies  ;  Vydkarana  or  grammar ;  C'hhandas 
prosody  ;  Jyotish  or  astronomy  ;  and  Nirukti  or  the  explanation  of  the  difficult  or  ob- 
scure words,  or  phrases  that  occur  in  the  Vedas. 

A  mode  of  marriage,  the  presentation  of  the  bride,  elegantly  adorned,  by  the  father 
to  the  bridegroom  whom  he  has  invited. 

It  is  bounded  on  the  west  hy  Dashalangasabha;  on  the  south-east  by  Chandra, 
on  the  west  by  Nakuvasava,  and  on  the  north-east  by  Dashalangala  Sabhasa. — Sam- 
vat.  19. 


776  Ancient  Land  Grants  in  Assam.  [No.  104. 

Abstract  Lineage  of  Vanamala.   By  Pundit  Kamalakanta. 

The  first  Baraha  had  a  son  named  Naraka  from  the  earth  (his  wife  ;)  Naraka  had  two 
sons  named  Bhaga-datta  and  Vajra-datta,  and  was  himself  slain  by  Krishna,  who  being 
affected  by  the  mournings  of  his  wife,  made  Bhaga-datta  her  son  king  of  Pragj  yotisha. 

From  his  line  descended  Pralambha,  who  also  succeeded  to  the  Guddee  of 
Pragj  yotisha. 

From  his  queen,  whose  name  was  Jivada,  was  born  Hajara,  who  also  had  named 
Vanamala  from  Tdrd  his  wife. 

Note    5yPMwdi^  Kamalakanta. 

Three  letters  of  the  third  quarter  next  to  the  words  Armbhakrirat  of  the  first  Sloka, 
which  is  in  the  Sragdhara  C'hhanda,  have  been  obliterated,  the  three  letters  Subhusha 
are  placed  in  lieu  of  them. 

Here  the  reason  of  inserting  ra  in  the  place  of  rha  is,  that  the  inhabitants  of  that 
place  (of  Assam)  can  not  with  ease  pronounce  the  latter,  and  therefore  they  are  liable 
to  make  use  of  the  former  {ra)  both  in  their  speaking  and  writing. 

At  the  end  the  word  Tresrotdyd,  which  is  the  mistake  of  the  writer,  should  be  Tres- 
rotasa,  as  Vanamala  was  himself  master  of  even  the  territories  situated  on  the  banks  of 
Ganga  [it  is  probable]  he  personally  went  there,  and  after  performing  sacrifices  granted 
lands  to  YdgneJcdchdrya  on  its  western  bank. 

Granting  lands  with  Tamrasasana  is  said  to  have  been  reward  of  y^ga  [ceremonies.] 

All  this  is  described  also  in  Sisupdlavadha  [the  work  in  which  the  death  of  Sisupala 
is  described.] 


Note  on  the  above. 

The  early  history  of  those  tracts  on  the  banks   of  the  Brahmapootra 
which  lie  to  the  north-east  of  Bengal,  and  which  are  now  for  the  most 
part  either  forest  land,  tenanted  only  by  wild  animals,  or  wastes  partially 
reclaimed  and  inhabited  by  tribes  nearly  as  wild  as  the  beast  of  the  forest, 
is  unfortunately  involved  in  singular  obscurity.     The  soil  of  Assam  Proper 
is  of  great  fertility,  its  products  are  numerous,  and  the  results  of  the  indus- 
try of  the  inhabitants  and  of  settlers,  encouraged  and  fostered  by  the  equi- 
table rule,  and  efficient  protection  of  the  British  Government,  prove  that 
the  land  is  capable  of  supporting  the  densest  population.    The  character 
of  the  extensive  hilly  country  between  Assam,  and  Cachar,  and  Munipore, 
would  appear  to  be  not  dissimilar  ;  and  we  in  fact  have  the  strongest  proof 
that  the  whole  of  these  tracts  were  at  a  former  period  thickly  inhabited  by 
a  people  far  advanced  in  civilization.     The  immense  earth  works  which 
traverse  Assam  forming  at  once  dams  for  the  retention  of  water,  and  com- 
modious roads  across  the  flooded  country,  the  extensive  ruins  in  Chardwar, 
(Jour.  As.  Soc.  vol.  iv.  No.  40,  April  1835,)  the  remains  of  the  ancient  city 
of  Dhemapoor,  in  the  Naga  country,  are  not  the  only  proofs  extant  of  the 
power,  wealth,  and  energy  of  the  former  inhabitants  of  these  tracts.     It 
is  however  very  unfortunate  that  among  the  numerous  remains  already 
discovered,  no  inscriptions  have  been  found,  which  could  lead  to  conclusions 
as  to  their  real  history.  Capt.  Westmacott  (formerly  Assistant  to  the  Gover- 
nor General's  Agent  on  the  North  East  Frontier)  has  indeed  in  the  able  pa- 
per above  alluded  to,  sketched  from  tradition,  and   such  records  as  are 
extant,  a  history  of  the  early  monarchs  who  ruled  at  Pora  in  Chardwar ; 
but  as  regards  the  general  history  of  the  country,  we  have  little  that  can  be 
looked  upon  as  authentic.  "  The  very  numerous  remains  of  stone  temples," 
says  Major  Jenkins  in  a  letter  to  me,  "  all  completely  overthrown  (except 
some  of  quite  modern  date,  erected  out  of  the  ancient  structures)  speak 
of  long  periods  of  prosperity,  and  great  revolutions  of  which  we  are  entirely 
ignorant.     From  one  of  the  temples  at  Hajoo  being  frequented  by  pil- 
grims from   all  parts   of  Thibet,   and   Tartary,    I  imagine   the  Boodhist 
faith  formerly  prevailed  in  Assam,  and  this  may  account  in  part  for  the 
destruction  of  the  temples.     That  faith  was  succeeded  perhaps  by  the 


1840.]  Ancient  Land  Grants  in  Assam.  777 

Brahminical  under  the  Pals  (i.  e.  the  Pal  dynasty) ;  they  were  swept  away 
by  the  Koches,  who  probably  were  not  Hindoos  till  they  ceased  to  be  con- 
querers,  as  was  the  case  with  the  Ahoms,  who  with  the  Mahometans  then 
contended  for  Kamroop,  and  both  perhaps  destroying  the  temples  which 
fell  into  their  power."  I  am  strongly  inclined  to  concur  with  Major  Jenkins 
in  the  opinion  he  expresses  as  to  the  probable  prevalence  of  Boodhism  in 
Assam  at  an  early  period ;  its  supercession  by  Hindoo  invaders  ;  and  the 
consequent  destruction  of  the  temples  now  extant.  The  following  extracts 
from  the  Mahabharat,  and  Roghuvanso,  are  of  authority,  as  proving  the 
early  power  of  the  Rajas  of  Prajyotisha,  and  their  early  wars.  I  owe  both 
these  quotations  to  Pundit  Sarodhaprosad. 

The  following  slokas  as  quoted  from  the  4:th  chapter  of  Roghuvanso. 

"  81st.  While  Roghii  crossed  the  river  Louhitya  Sindhu  (Brahmaputra)  the  king 
Pragjyotisha  (Kamroop)  as  well  as  the  kalaguru  trees*  to  which  were  tied  the 
elephants  of  Roghii trembled. 

82nd.  How  could  he  (the  king  of  Pragjyotisha)  stand  forth  against  the  advancing 
army  of  Roghu,  when  he  could  not  withstand  the  rising  vast  dust  of  his  cars  which 
entirely  covered  the  sun,  and  were  like  a  day  dark  with  clouds,  but  without  shower. 

83rd.  Him  (to  Roghu)  who  surpassed  Akhandala  (Indra)  in  power,  the  king  of 
Kamarupa  visited  with  all  his  elephants,  which  were  exuding  juice  from  their  temples, 
(i.  e.  they  were  in  a  state  of  fury)  and  which  he  invaded  others  with.  The  king  of 
Kamarupa  worshipped  the  shadow  of  the  feet  of  Roghu,  the  ruling  deity,  of  his  footstool 
with  the  flowers  of  valuable  jewels. 

Mahabharat  Bhishmavahda  Parava,  Section  75. 

O  superior  to  man,  the  king  of  Pragjyotisha  is  on  the  centre  of  the  entrenchment 
attended  with  Madra,  Souvera^  and  Kekaya,  and  his  numerous  army. 

Section  112. 

Then  the  Raja  of  Pragjyotisha  cut  off  the  large  bow  of  Madhava  with  his  sharp 
bhalla  (a  species  of  spear). 

Amid  the  uncertainty  1  have  described  above,  it  is  gratifying  to  find 
something  in  the  shape  of  documentary  evidence,  speaking  to  a  direct 
historical  fact,  as  in  the  case  of  the  copper  plate  which  Captain  Jenkins 
has  enabled  me  to  present  to  the  readers  of  the  Journal.  With  this,  and 
the  other  plate  purporting  to  be  a  grant  by  Dhurmpal,  we  have  two 
documents  bearing  respectively  the  dates  19  and  36  of  an  unknown  aera. 
I  will  endeavour  to  prove  that  this  sera  must  have  been  the  one  adopted 
by  the  Hindoo  conquerors  of  Assam  as  their  own ;  a  fact  which  would 
strongly  corroborate  the  more  than  plausible  supposition  that  the  former 
possessors  of  the  land  whom  they  subdued,  were  Boodhists,  or  at  any  rate 
of  a  different  faith  from  their  own. 

For  this  purpose  however  I  must  in  the  first  instance  express  my  reason 
for  differing  with  the  opinion  which  would,  I  think,  destroy  the  local 
application  of  the  aera,  the  idea  namely  that  the  grant  now  before  us  rela- 
ted to  lands  on  the  hanks  of  the  Ganges,  or  real  Gunga,  an  opinion  which 
it  will  be  seen  is  held  by  Kamalakanta,  as  also  by  other  capable  authori- 
ties whom  I  have  consulted.  My  views  could  not  be  better  expressed  than 
in  the  following  extract  from  a  note  addressed  to  me  in  answer  to  a  refer- 
ence on  the  subject  by  one  of  our  members,  Baboo  Prosunno  Comar 
Takoor : — 

*  The  black  aloe  wood. 


n^  Ancient  Land  Grants  in  Assam.  [No.  104. 

"m^*^^  ''^^'^^■^"ce  ^'^  your  note  with  its  enclosures  on  the  subject  of  the  Assam 
t  )  \5"f^^5|         Tamba  Putur,  (1)  containing  grants  of  land  on  the  banks  of  the 

(2)  ct^i  Ganges,  (2)  I  have  much  pleasure  in  communicating  my  thoughts 
'"ti              on  the  subject,  and  which  I  hope  will  clear  up  the  mystery, 

namely  how  the  Rajah  of  Assam  could  grant  lands  on  the  banks  of  the  Ganges. 

"  It  appears  from  Captain  Jenkins'  letter,  that  the  grants  were  discovered  near  the 
station  of  Tezpore,  in  the  Durrung  division,  and  that  those  grants  specified  the  lands  as 

(3)  ^TSjTg^  '  Burmutter'  (3)  by  '  Dharmopala' ;  (4)  and  each  grant  with  the 
.      v*.^     •            prefix  of  the  figure  of  Ganesa(5).     You  will  find  on  referring  to 

(4)  ^fsST^tSI  JDr.     M' Cosh's    Topography    of  Assam,    page   93,   that   'the 

(5)  ctr  «•  northern    central  Assam,  or  Durrung,  or  Tezpore,  (the  place 
9Tc«i*r             of  the  discovery  of  the  grants)  is  bounded  from  Nowdowar  on 

the   east  by   the  river  BurilL*     Here  is  the  mystery.     The   river  Burili   is   called 

(6)  TSfafgy  in  the   language  of  the  country  Bhurili(6),   and   the  sacred 

^    \t  name  for  the  same  river  is    Vasishty   Gunga,(7)   or   Ganges, 

^^  "^tf^fl^^^l  which  you  will  be  able  to  ascertain  from  the  learned  people  of 

that  country  through  Captain  Jenkins.   Thus  the  land  alluded  to  in  the  grant  must 

be  on  the  banks  of  this  Ganges ;  and  not  of  ours.     Gunga,  corruptly  called  Ganges, 

is  not  the  exclusive  name  for  our  river.     For  instance,  the  latter  should  properly  be 

(8)  'vS1'«?t'Z9?t'«ts1  called  Bhagiruity-Gunga.(8)     And  there  are  others,  such  as 

''''^'^'   ''^'  Shutu-Gunga(9j  in  Orissa,  Boory- Gunga, (10)  at  Dacca,  Tool- 

^^^^^^        see-Gunga(ll)    at    Rungpore,   and  so   on,   in  various  places. 
THstff^       ^^^  ^^^  Sanscrit  writers  of  the  grants  and   Sanscrit  authors, 
/■j^N       ^^.  particularly  on  the  occasion  of  compiling  poetical  compositions, 

'SSfjft^Wl  *or  the  sake  of  metre,  emphatically  omit  the  proper  epithets  ap- 
plied to  the  word  Ganges.  This  may  account  for  the  word  Ganges  being  used  in 
the  grants  with  the  omission  of  the  adjective  Vasishty. 

"  The  inference  of  the  grants  of  the  land  being  on  the  banks  of  the  Vasishty  Gunga, 

and  not  on  ours,  is  further  supported  by  the  name  of  the  granter,  namely,  Dharmapala. 

This  sovereign  of  Assam  was  distinguished  for  having  embraced  the  Bhraminical 

(12)  7t^Ci  religion,  and  invited  Brahmins (12)  from  Gour(13)  to  his  court 

-      -^V^  north  of  the  Burramapooter,  and  also  from  Mithela(J4)  to  co- 

(^3)  ^^"vg  Ionise  in  his  country.     Thus  it  is  quite  natural  that  from  the 

C14)  fVr^J  veneration  in  which  he  held  the  ministers  of  his  new  religion, 

^     ■'  T'l'T^^  he  granted  to  them,  and  generally  to  colonists  of  the  same  sect, 

lands  free  of  rent,  which  accounts  for  the  three  grants   discovered  near  Durrung, 

situated  likewise  on  the  north  side  of  the  Burramapooter ;  and  many  others  may  be 

found   in  time.    It  may  be   conjectured  that  the  monarch  had   his  capital  situated 

in  the  vicinity  of  Tezpore,  perhaps  in  some  place  near  or  at  Chardwar,  being  one 

of  the  four  divisions  of  Durrung,  as  we  still  find  the  ruins  of  ancient  temples  and 

other  edifices  on  that  spot  (vide  Journal  of  the  Asiatic  Society,  April  1835,  page  185.)" 

I  perfectly  concur  in  thinking  that  this  explanation  relieves  us  of  the 
necessity  of  supposing  Vanamala  to  have  possessed  lands  on  the  banks 
of  the  real  Gunga,  (carrying  thus  into  Bengal  Proper  the  name  of  a  ruler, 
and  an  sera  unknown  there),  and  further  of  being  compelled  to  admit  a 
violation  of  the  rule,  which  all  experience  of  the  discovery  of  ancient 
copper  grants  teaches  us,  namely,  that  the  Tamba  patur  is  invariably  found 
upon  the  land  to  which  its  contents  relate. 

Taking  Hujara,  or  Vanamala,  as  a  Raja  ruling  only  in  Chardwar  and  its 
vicinity,  we  have  next  to  trace  his  existence  with  reference  to  what  of 
history  is  still  extant  as  regards  the  ancient  Assamese  dynasties.  The 
late  Captain  Pemberton,  whom  I  consulted  on  this  point,  was  of  opinion 
that  what  Mr.  James  Prinsep,  (Useful  Tables,  p.  118)  calls  the  Induvansa 
dynasty,  "though,"  to  use  Captain  Pemberton's  words,  "it  should  have 
been  the  Ahom,  or  Ahong  dynasty,  and  not  Indu,"  was  to  be  found  in  the 
list  composing  the  Pal  dynasty,  commencing  with  Chukapha  in  1230  a.  d. 
"  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  this  race  of  kings  by  whom  the  conquest  of 
Assam  was  effected  in  the  thirteenth  century  crossed  the  mountains  known 
as  the  Pal  hole,  or  Pal  mountains,  which  separate  Assam  from  the  moun- 
tainous region  on  the  western  frontier  of  China,  near  the  sources  of  the 
Irawaddee  river  of  Ava,  and  we  may  fairly  conclude  that  the  term  Pal  has 


1840.]  Ancient  Land  Grants  in  Assam.  779 

been  applied  to  them  from  the  circumstance  of  their  having  first  poured 
down  upon  the  plains  of  Assam  from  the  passes  of  the  Pal  mountains. 
Certain  it  is,  that  they  were  a  branch  of  the  great  Shan  tribe  which 
under  various  modifications  occupies  the  whole  tract  of  country  between 
Munipore  and  Yunon,  extending  down  to  Siam." 

There  is,  I  think,  little  doubt  but  that  the  so-called  Induvansa  dynasty 
were  the  Ahom  conquerors,  (though  not  a.  d.  1230)  of  Assam ;  but  they 
cannot  be  identical  with  the  Pals,  because  we  have  before  us  evidence 
of  Dhurmpal's  being  a  Hindoo  Raja,  and  we  know  that  neither  were  the 
Ahoms  in  fact  Hindoos,  nor  could  they  be  so,  coming  whence  they  did  ;  there 
is  moreover  no  trace  of  Hindoo  religionism  among  their  descendants. 
Putting  this  supposition  therefore  aside,  I  will  take  up  Captain  Jenkins' 
list  of  the  Pal  Rajas,  which  Mr.  James  Prinsep  seems  to  have  considered 
in  a  great  measure  apocryphal,  as  he  does  not  insert  them  in  his  tables, 
and  indeed  notes,  with  marked  incredulity,  the  tradition  of  Dhurmapala 
having  brought  Brahmins  into  Assam  from  Gaur,  a  fact  however  proved  by 
the  plate  granting  the  Maha  Rudra  Dewalee,  and  proved  further  to  have 
been  a  practice  with  his  predecessors  by  Vanamala's  grant.  In  Captain 
Jenkins'  list  we  have  after  Ramchundra  (a  Hindoo  ?),  the  word  jaintee^ 
which  Captain  J.  suggests  may  allude  to  the  country  of  Jainteah,  but 
which  I  am  inclined  to  think  has  reference  to  the  conqueror  {Jynti,  or  Jytari 
jy — victory)  who  is  noted  by  Captain  Westmacott,  (Journal  Asiatic  Society, 
vol.  IV.  No.  40)  as  follows,  "  Shribahu,  ninth  sovereign  of  the  second 
dynasty,  was  vanquished  by  Vikramaditya,  and  was  succeeded  by  Jytari, 
a  pious  Chhatri  from  the  Dekhan,  who  overcame  Kamroop,  and  on  ascending 
the  throne  assumed  the  title  of  Dharma-pala."  Now  there  is  nothing  more 
natural  than  that  a  Hindoo  leader  of  the  military  class,  successful  in  his 
attack  on  a  foreign  land,  should  be  emphatically  called  jytari,  "  the  con- 
queror," or  that  having  established  the  religion  he  professed(?)  in  the 
country,  he  should  take  a  title  (Dharma  pala)  expressive  of  his  fosterage 
of  the  true  faith,  giving  thence  a  title  to  his  dynasty,  were  it  not,  as  I  shall 
show,  already  peculiar  to  one  whence  he  sprang.  A  descendant  of  his, 
according  to  Capt.  Westmacott's  authority,  by  name  Rama  Chundra 
began  his  reign  a.  s.  1160,  (a.  d.  1238-9)  "  and  is  the  first  prince  the 
date  of  whose  accession  is  commemorated  in  the  volume,"  whence  the 
authority  is  taken,  and  which  makes  him  twenty-fourth  sovereign  of  part 
of  ancient  Kamroop,  and  the  eleventh  of  the  third  dynasty  of  its  kings. 
Chundra  Pal,  the  seventh  from  Jytari  in  Capt.  Jenkins'  list,  may  be 
identical  vdth  this  sovereign,  and  the  notice  of  the  date  of  his  accession, 
according  to  the  ordinary  sera,  may  have  been  consequent  on  his  having  been, 
the  first  to  abandon  the  custom  of  dating  by  what  we  may  call  the  Pal  cera, 
two  dates  of  which  we  find  on  the  Assam  copper  plates,  and  which  must 
certainly  have  fallen  into  disuse  at  no  remote  period  after  its  establish- 
ment, the  dates  on  the  grant  being  the  first  notice  we  have  of  its  ex- 
istence. Now  it  is  worthy  of  remark,  how  well  these  dates  seem  to  apply  to  the 
list  of  Rajas  in  Capt.  Jenkins'  Pal  dynasty,  allowing  the  fair  average  of 
12  years  to  a  reign,  and  beginning  with  Jytari,  its  founder.  We  have  after 
his  immediate  successor,  Japandu  Pal,  (Prulumbha?  v.  7.  Sloka  of  the 
inscription),  the  name  of  Hari  (Hujara?)  Pal,  in  whom  we  may  reason- 
ably recognise  the  Raja  surnamed  Vanamala,  who  in  the  year  19  of  the 
dynasty  of  which  he  is  third,  granted  lands  to  Brahmins  on  the  Vashishty- 
Gunga;  he  is  immediately  followed  by  Dhumba,  or  Dhurma  Pala,  one 
of  whose  grants  has  been  found  with  the  date  36  of  the  Pal  sera.  Thence 
to  Rama  Chundra,  or  Chundra  Pal,  we  have  only  two,  instead  of,  as  should 
be  the  case  by  Capt.  Westmacott's  authority,  six  Raja's  names,  and  from 


780  Ancient  Land  Grants  in  Assam,  [No.  104 

Rama  Chundra  (a.  d.  1238)  to  Sukanangka,  or  Sukrank,  son  of  Gujanka, 
or  Gujank  according  to  Capt.  Westmacott,  with  whom  the  Jytari  dynasty- 
expired  (a.  d.  1478),  we  have  13  Rajas  occupying  a  period  of  240  years, 
at  an  average  reign  of  21  years  and  a  fraction,  which  is  rather  above  the 
ordinary  admitted  chronological  average.  It  may  however  be,  that  names 
after,  as  well  before,  Ram  Chundra,  or  Chundra  Pal,  may  have  been  omit- 
ted. In  any  sort,  the  assignment  of  a  date  to  the  Pal  sera  in  our  own 
must  be  mainly  conjectural ;  but  taking  Major  Jenkins'  list  as  correct,  at  the 
average  of  12  years  to  each  reign,  from  about  the  death  of  Jytari,  when  I 
suppose  the  Pal  sera  to  begin,  to  the  accession  of  Chundra  Pal  in  a.  d. 
1238,  we  should  have  it  commence  at  about  a.  d.  1178,  or,  if  four  addi- 
tional reigns  be  admitted,  according  to  Capt.  Westmacott,  a.  d.  1130.  It 
remains  for  my  readers  to  consider  whether  they  would  suppose  it  likely  that 
Hindooism  had  been  established  prior  to  that  in  Assam  (as  the  apparently- 
fabulous  tradition  would  go  to  prove),  or  whether  it  is  not  more  correct  to 
conclude,  that  it  made  its  way  into  the  country  about  that  period. 

I  need  not  remark  on  the  confusion  of  the  lists  of  Rajas.  Shubahu, 
whom  Jytari  succeeded  by  conquest,  according  to  one  account,  is  possibly 
the  Suhahu  of  Major  Jenkins'  list,  between  whom  and  the  conqueror  10  names 
intervene.  It  is  much,  in  such  absence  of  authenticity,  to  arrive,  as  I  trust 
we  have  done,  at  even  some  approximation  to  the  truth. 

I  should  howcA'er  omit  one  most  remarkable  point  regarding  the  Pal 
Rajas  of  Assam,  did  I  fail  to  note  that  the  Rajas  of  Bengal  (having  their 
capital  at  Gaur)  were  themselves  a  Pal  dynasty,  and  that  the  name  Dhurma 
Pala  has  been  found  on  two  copper  plates,  the  Monghir  and  Dinajpor 
plates,  which  record  kings  of  that  race,  both  evidently  referring  to  the 
same  individual.  The  date  of  this  potentate  is  given  by  Abul  Fuzl,  a.  d. 
1027,  which  differs  as  regards  Dhurma  Pala  from  our  calculation,  and  thus, 
independently  of  the  discrepancies  of  other  names  in  our  present  and 
the  former  plates,  disproves  the  identity  of  our  Dhurma  Pala  with  him 
of  Gaur.  Still  however  it  is  very  plain  that  a  Pal  Hindoo  conqueror  of 
Assam,  who  brought  Brahmins  from  the  capital  of  that  country,  must  have 
belonged  to  that  family,  though  he  was,  it  would  I  think  appear,  but  a 
junior  branch,  or  off-shoot  from  it. 

Boodhism  therefore  was  expelled  from  Assam  by  Hindoos  from  Bengal, 
but  I  cannot  help  adding  a  few  more  words  on  the  subject  of  the  history  of 
Assam,  in  order  to  show  that  the  subsequent  Koche  and  Ahom  invasions 
must  have  so  wholly  destroyed  the  Hindoo  dynasties  above  noted,  as  to 
lead  to  the  belief  generally  entertained  among  the  people  of  the  country 
of  the  introduction  of  that  religion  into  it  at  a  period  so  recent  as  the  last 
century.  The  following  comparatively  modern  inscriptions,  which  the 
Society  owes  to  the  kindness  of  Lieut.  P.  H.  Sale  (Engineers)  are  printed 
without  literal  translations  (although  I  took  care  to  have  them  made),  as 
Lieut.  Sale's  abstract  of  their  contents  is  quite  sufficient  for  all  purposes 
required.  I  should  mention,  that  I  found  Lieut.  Sale's  letter  among  the 
papers  made  over  to  me,  when  I  took  charge  temporarily  of  the  Secretary's 
duties.  His  communication,  though  long  unnoticed,  has  not  been  made  in 
vain,  and  its  publication  will,  I  trust,  lead  to  his  again  addressing  the 
Society.     His  letter  is  as  follows  : — 

"  I  beg  to  send  you  the  accompanying  facsimiles  of  inscriptions,  which  I  took  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Gowahatty,  when  I  passed  through  that  city  in  January,  1838.  They 
can  lay  no  claim  to  antiquity,  and  I  doubt  not  that  I  have  been  forestalled ;  however, 
they  throw  light  on  the  period  when  Hindooism  first  extended  into  the  province  of 
Assam.  The  Kamakhshya  temple  is  said  to  be  the  first  Hindoo  place  of  worship 
erected  in  these  parts ;  the  renown  of  its  great  sanctity  extends  far  and  wide,  and  many 
pilgrims  seek  the  purification  of  their  souls  at  this  shrine.  The  temple  is  situated  on 
a  hill,  about  40U  feet  high ;  on  the  ascent  to  it  is  a  colossal  figure  of  Betal  carved  upon 


1840.]  Ancient  Land  Grants  in  Assam,  781 

a  large  piece  of  rock,  and  on  the  top,  near  to  the  great  temple,  is  a  figure  of  Hunooman. 
At  the  foot  of  the  hill  a  small  figure  of  Gunaish  is  cut  on  a  boulder,  by  the  side  of 
which  is  the  inscription  marked  No.  1.  I  perceived  no  inscriptions  on  the  other  stones. 
No.  2  is  an  inscription  on  the  Dhol  Mundip  of  the  temple  named  Asakrunta,  on  the 
opposite  or  right  bank  of  the  Burrumpooter.  No.  3  was  taken  from  a  stone  by  the  side 
of  a  tank,  about  two  miles  from  Gowahatti,  on  the  Nowagaon  road.  The  copies  on  the 
English  paper  are  the  inscriptions  within  the  temple  of  Kamakhshya,  to  which  I  had 
no  access,  and  were  taken  for  me  by  the  Suddur  Ameen,  Juggoo  Kam  Phookaw ;  all 
the  inscriptions,  I  believe,  are  in  the  Assamese  character. 

"  I  might  enter  into  a  long  description  of  the  picturesque  situationof  these  Mundurs, 
but  it  might  be  out  of  place,  and  I  shall  rest  perfectly  satisfied,  if  the  copies  may  prove 
of  the  slightest  use." 

**  If  we  leave  out  the  ornamental  parts  of  the  poetry  (being  praises  of  the  princes  and 
the  goddess)  the  inscription  informs  us  that  the  principal  temple  of  Kamakhya  has 
been  built  by  Shukla  Diva  and  Shukla  Dhwaja,  the  vounger  brothers  of  Malladiva 
(the  king  of  Behar)  in  1487.   Equivalent  to  1566  a.  d.''^ 


782  Ancient  Land  Grants  in  Assam,  [No.  104. 

"  This  inscription  states,  that  by  order  of  Shwurgu  Diva  Pramatta  Singha,  the  king  of 
Assam  (his  viceroy  or  Navab)  Taruna  Duvara  Bara  Phukkan,  built  the  Doljatra 
mandap  of  Kamakhya  in  Shakabon  1672.   Equivalent  to  1751  a.  d." 

"This  inscription  (near  Ganesha)  informs  us  that  by  order  of  Pramatta  Singha,  the 
Raja  of  Assam,  (his  viceroy  or  Navab)  Taruna  Duvara  Bara  Phukkan,  did  dig  up  the 
Durga  Sarobara  (or  tank  of  the  goddess  Durga)  in  Shakabon  1666.  Equivalent  to 
1747,  A.  D. 

The  similarity  of  the  name  (No.  1.)  ShuMa,  to  that  of  ChuTcra  Dwaja 
(noted  in  Useful  Tables  as  Raja  of  Assam  in  1621)  would  lead  me  to  con- 
clude that  the  persons  are  identical,  especially  as  the  descent  of  the  late 
Assamese  reigning  family  from  that  of  Cooch  Behar  is  well  known,  were  it 
not  that  Mr.  Prinsep's  date,  attested  by  dates  on  coins,  and  that  of  the 
inscription,  differ  by  fifty-five  years. 


ft 


783 


Memoir  on  the  Hodesum  (improperly  called   Kolehmi.)—By  Lieut- 

TiCKELL. 

(Continued  from  page  709.) 

The  Hos  villages  are  in  general  unpicturesque,  owing  to  their 
building  on  high  barren  spots,  where  the  trees  attain  no  size;  they 
are  very  irregular,  each  house  being  separated  and  hedged  in  by  itself, 
with  its  own  little  plot  for  planting  maize,  til,  or  tobacco;  a  street  for 
suggers,  generally  runs  through  the  village,  and  in  the  centre,  an  open 
space  of  turf,  shaded  by  two  or  three  tamarind  trees,  contains  the 
slabs  of  stone  under  which  the  "  rude  forefathers  of  the  hamlet  sleep." 
On  these  stones  the  people  assemble  daily  to  talk  or  lounge,  when 
there  is  no  work  to  do  in  the  fields.  They  scarcely  ever  build  by 
rivers,  preferring  the  vicinity  of  some  small  spring.  The  beautiful 
Byturnee,  every  wind  of  whose  stream  would  be  a  subject  for  the 
artist's  pencil,  or  the  poet's  pen,  runs  its  crystal  waters  through  regi- 
ons of  deserted  forests,  where  the  vastness  of  canopying  trees,  and  the 
luxuriance  of  wild  vegetation,  show  the  richness  of  the  soil ;  while  four 
or  five  miles  inland,  the  country  is  populous  and  well  cultivated.  I  have 
never  satisfactorily  ascertained  the  reason  of  this  bad  taste ;  but  among 
other  causes,  I  have  been  told  it  was  for  fear  of  their  little  children 
tumbling  into  the  water  !  Whatever  it  may  be,  the  open,  barren  spots 
they  select  are  more  healthy  than  those  selected  for  beauty  would  be. 

A  Hos  if  he  be  worth  three  or  four  ploughs,  lives  in  a  very  comfort- 
able manner.  The  houses  of  the  Moondas  and  Mankees  are  substan- 
tial and  capacious,  built  so  as  to  enclose  a  square.  The  walls  are  of 
stout  and  well  joined  stockading  work,  covered  with  mud,  and 
neatly  "  leeped"  or  plastered  with  cow-dung,  or  chalk  and  water. 
The  principal  buildiog  is  commonly  ornamented  with  a  verandah 
(Pindegee,)  supported  on  carved  wooden  pillars,  and  covered 
with  an  excellent  thatched  roof.  It  is  divided  into  three  compart- 
ments— a  sleeping  room,  an  eating  room,  and  one  for  general  stowage. 
Opposite  this  house,  and  about  thirty  paces  off,  is  another  of  ruder 
construction,  for  servants,  travellers,  or  guests,  and  the  flanks  are 
joined  by  "  Byres,"  or  cow-houses,  a  granary,  and  often  a  pig-stye.  In 
the  centre  of  the  square  generally  stands  a  pigeon-house,  built  of  logs, 
on  high  timbers,  neatly  thatched  over.  None  of  their  villages  are  ex- 
tensive, owing  to  the  dislike  they  have  to  congregate  together,  for  fear 


784         The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  Kolehan),       [No.  104. 

of  fire  or  contagious  diseases ;  so  that  the  crest  of  almost  every  rising 
ground  throughout  the  country,  is  occupied  by  a  few  scattered  houses. 
The  nomad  tribes  of  Hos,  who  inhabit  the  hilly  tracts,  are  obliged  to 
move  every  third  year,  to  make  fresh  clearings  in  the  forest.  The 
soil  in  these  places  is  very  rich  for  the  first  sowings,  but  not  being 
manured,  gets  exhausted  in  three  or  four  years. 

The  Hos  wear  very  little  clothing ;  even  the  most  opulent  among 
them,   who  have  quantities  of  cloth  and  ornaments,   prefer  keeping 
their  finery  shut  up  at  home,   for  the   purpose   of  adding   to   the 
pageantry  of  their  funerals.      Their  raiment  consists  of  a  doputta, 
(which  is  gladly  thrown  off,  unless  on  state  occasions)   and  a  neat 
narrow  dhotee,  called  "  Botoe."     They  wear  the  hair  oiled  and  comb- 
ed backward,  and  fastened  in  a  "  toupee"  behind,   but  unlike  the 
Oraous  and  Moondas  of  Chota  Nagpoor,  adorn  their  heads  with  no 
ornaments.      The  men  however  are  fond  of  earrings  and  small  beads, 
or  plaited  necklaces  and  bracelets  ;  most  of  them  also  wear  charms 
against  snakes,  tigers,  or  diseases,  tied  round  their  necks.     These  the 
Hindoos  in  the  neighbourhood  make  a  profitable  trade  of,  in  selling 
to  them.     The  women  of  the  lowest  order  go  about  in  a  disgusting 
state  of  nudity,  wearing  nothing  but  a  miserably  insufficient  rag 
round  the  loins,  at  the  same  time  their  breasts  and  necks  are  loaded 
with  immense  bunches  of  bead  necklaces,  of  which  they  are  extrava- 
gantly fond.     They  perform  the  hardest  duties  in  the  fields,  digging, 
shovelling,  weeding,  drawing  water,  and  getting   in  wood  from  the 
jungles.    Constant  exposure  and  work  renders  them  prematurely  shri- 
velled  and  ugly;  the  young  women  and  girls  of  the  better  classes 
are  however  a  striking  exception.     They  are  well,  and  at  times  hand- 
somely dressed,  with  a  tasteful  proportion  of  ornaments,  without  the 
stupid  shyness   and  false   modesty  thought   proper  among   Hindoo 
women ;  they  are   becoming   and  decorous  in  their  manners,  most 
pleasing  in  their  looks,  and  doubly  engaging  from  the  frank  and  con- 
fiding simplicity  which  true  innocence  alone  gives  ;  some  few  of  them 
are  very  pretty,  although  more  roughly  cast  than  Hindoo  girls.    Their 
open,  happy  countenances,  snowy  white  teeth,  and  robust,  upright 
figures,  remind  one  of  Swiss  peasant  girls.     Prostitution  is  quite  un- 
known among  them,  and  no  more  restraint  is  placed  on  females  than 
in  our  own  country. 


1840.]         The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  Kolehan) ,  785 

The  men  are  fine  powerful  fellows,  and  while  young,  very  handsome. 
The  early  use  of  the  bow  expands  the  chest  and  sets  the  muscles  while 
yet  mere  boys,  and  their  passion  for  the  chase,  which  they  pursue  over 
their  steep  and  rugged  hills,  brings  their  lower  limbs  into  a  state  of 
training  which  the  best  "  Phulwan"  of  the  plains  of  India  might  envy. 

The  Hos  are  keen  sportsmen,  a  fact  which  the  *'  Saheb  Log"  at 
Chyebassa  soon  found  to  their  cost ;  their  Manton's  and  Purdey's, 
and  Westley  Richard's,  might  as  well  have  been  left  unpurchased,  for 
scarcely  a  living  thing  in  the  shape  of  game  could  show  itself  in 
the  neighbourhood,  without  the  country  being  up  in  pursuit.  In  the 
quail  season,  when  the  "  d'han"  is  cut,  every  herdsman  tending  his 
cattle  has  his  hawk  on  his  fist,  besides  large  parties  of  youngsters  from 
the  villages,  who  keep  close  ahead  of  the  cattle,  and  the  instant 
a  quail  or  partridge  rises,  the  nearest  "  Reechee"  or  ''Chikra"  cuts 
short  his  existence.  I  have  frequently,  returning  home  with  an  empty 
bag,  met  parties  of  them  with  provoking  bunches  of  dead  quail  in  their 
hands.  On  these  occasions  they  would  laugh  heartily  at  the  success  of 
their  system  over  mine,  but  generally  end  by  offering  me  half  of  their 
spoils.  My  retaliation  used  to  be  in  the  snipe  (khets.)  These  birds, 
they  confessed,  their  hawks  could  not  overtake,  and  a  successful  right 
and  left  shot  would  restore  the  credit  of  the  "  Boondookoo." 

From  the  burning  of  the  grass  till  the  new  crop  becomes  too 
high,  i.e.,  between  January  and  June,  they  scour  the  jungles  in 
large  parties,  and  at  uncertain  periods,  for  wilder  game,  surrounding 
and  driving  to  a  centre  the  deer  and  other  animals.  But  the  grand 
meeting  is  in  May,  about  the  "  Cheyt  Purub,"  when  people  of  all  sects 
and  classes  repair  to  the  hills  north  of  Singbhoom.  The  prelimi- 
naries of  the  "  Hankwa"  are  arranged  by  ambassadors  and  emissaries 
from  Singbhoom,  the  Kolehan,  and  the  Jungle  Mehals,  and  vast 
multitudes  draw  in  from  every  quarter,  from  Sikrbhoom,  from  near 
Bankoorah,  and  Medneepoor,  on  the  east,  and  from  the  borders  of 
Chota  Nagpoor  on  the  west.  On  the  given  day,  these  crowds,  extended 
in  lines,  draw  towards  a  common  centre,  sweeping  the  Jankeebooroo 
hills  and  other  ranges  which  reach  from  Chota  Nagpoor  to  the  Soobern- 
rekha river,  separating  Tamar  from  Singbhoom;  as  the  lines  approach 
each  other,  the  slaughter  commences.  The  uproar  is  difiicult  to  des- 
cribe, and  the  scene  the  wildest  imagination  can  picture.     Those  deep 


786         The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  Kolehan).       [No.  104. 

secluded  vallies,  those  barely  pervious  dells,  the  huge  solitary  hills 
tops,  buried  in  one  vast  sheet  of  pathless  jungle,  which  except  on 
this  annual  occasion  are  never   visited  by  man,   now  swarm  with 
countless  hordes.       In  front  of  them  the  different  animals  pass  and 
repass,  bewildered  by  opposing  hosts.      The  huge  gowers  rouse  from 
their  noon-day  retreats,  and  stalk  with  stately  steps  along  the  hill  side, 
till  infuriated  by  the  increasing  din,  they  rush  through  the  forest, 
heedless  of  rock  or  ravine,  and  rending  the  branches  in  their  ponde- 
rous  flight — the  wild  buffaloes  thunder  across,  brandishing  their  im- 
mense horns,  stamping  and  wheeling  round  their  young  ones  ; — the   I 
neel  gyes  gallop  past  like  a  charge  of  cavalry.     The  stately  saumer, 
the  beautiful  axis,  the  barking   deer  or  muntjac,  dash  along,  clear- 
ing the  copse  wood  with  flying  bounds,  and  suddenly  stopping  with 
erect  ears  and   recurved  neck,  as  the  tainted  gale  warns  of  danger  J 
a  head.     The  fairy-like  ^^Orey,"  or  small  red  deer,  with  noiseless  feet  I 
comes  skimming  over  the  tangled  underwood,  skipping  in  wild  starts  I 
to  the  right  and  left,  and  sorely  bewildering  a  host  of  t'hakoors,  rajas, 
and  their  body  guard,  who  perched  upon  mechans,  (scaffolds)  in  vain 
try  to  bring  their  lengthy  matchlocks  to  bear  ; — with  snort  and  puff  a 
*  sounder'  of  pigs  scurry  through.  The  redoubled  uproar  from  without, 
draws  the  attention  to  something  which  has  excited  the  beaters.     The 
reeds  and  grass  are  seen  to  wave,  as  if  some  bulky  form  were  sliding 
through  them,  and  at  length,  loath  to  leave  the  haunts  which  had  con- 
cealed him  so  long,  out  comes  the  tiger,  with  a  lumping,  stealthy  trot, 
crouching  to  the  earth,  with  ears  quivering  and  turning  to  catch  every 
sound.     He  has  soon  passed  on  into  the  leafy  depths,  from  which  his 
hollow  growl  may  be  occasionally  heard.      And   last  of  all,  as  tht 
peacocks  begin  to  mount  into  the  air,  and  the  jungle  fowl  with  noisy 
cackle  take  wing,  a  loud  sonorous  grunt  or  shout  ushers  in  the  sturdy 
old  "  Bhaloo,"  who  forced  from  the  friendly  shelter  of  rocks,  comeg 
bundling  over  the  ground,  and  shaking  his  sides  in  a  heavy  gallop, 
oft  stopping,  wheeling  round,  and  threatening  his  enemies.   The  reports 
of  matchlocks  ;  the  ''  click"  of  the  arrows  striking  against  trees ;  th( 
shouts   of  the   multitude;   the   roars,    screams,  and   groans    of    th( 
animals ;    the  piping  of  flutes ;  the  beating  of  drums ;    the  braying 
of  trumpets,  reach  their  climax,  and  the  multitude,  composed  of  all 
classes  and  sorts,  meet  near  the  raja's  mechan  to  compare  notes  of  the 


1840.]        The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  Kolehan),  7B7 

sport.  Here  are  the  ever-dancing  and  singing-Sontals,  dressed  out  in 
flowers  and  feathers,  with  flutes  ornamented  with  streamers  made 
of  pith  ;  the  wild  Kurrias,  or  hill  men,  from  the  Luckisinnee  hills  in 
Borahbhoom  ;  the  Koormees,  Taunties,  Soondees,  Gwallas,  Bhoo- 
mijes,  &c,  with  sonorus  '  dammas'  or  kettle  drums,  and  other  uncouth 
music,  armed  with  swords,  bulwas,  and  bows  and  arrows  of  every 
description  ;  the  Hos,  simple  and  unpretending,  but  with  the  heavi- 
est game  bags  ;  the  little  ill-featured  Tamarias,  with  spears,  shields, 
and  matchlocks ;  the  Nagpoor  Moondas,  with  huge  ornaments  stuck 
through  their  ears,  indifferently  armed  with  bows  and  arrows,  clubs,  or 
bulwas;  the  southern  Koles,  and  the  far  comer  from  Sarnda  with 
their  chain  earrings  and  monstrous  pugrees ;  the  Bhooians  with 
their  long  bows  ornamented  with  horse  tails,  or  the  feathers  of  the 
blue  jay,  and  their  immense  barbed  arrows ;  the  Pykes  of  the  rajas, 
koonwrs,  thakoors  and  other  zemindars  with  their  shields,  tulwars, 
powder-horns,  and  immense  matchlocks  with  rests,  dressed  out  in  all 
colours  ;  lastly,  the  rajas,  thakoors,  &c.  themselves,  with  guns  of  Delhi 
manufacture,  prodigious  scimetars,  or  an  occasional  *^  Angrezee  bun- 
dook,"  the  gift  of  some  sahib  long  passed  from  the  scene,  seldom 
fired,  but  kept  for  show  in  a  venerable  clothing  of  rust.  Mid  great 
shouting  and  gabbling  the  parties  claim  and  carry  off  their  several 
heads  of  game,  or  wrangle  for  the  arrows  sticking  in  the  carcasses  and 
elsewhere  about ;  all  then  repair  to  the  banks  of  the  nearest  stream, 
where  they  form  their  temporary  camps ;  fires  are  lighted,  the  game 
is  cut  up,  bundles  of  provisions  unpacked,  and  for  a  mile  or  upwards 
along  the  wooded  vista,  the  clear  bright  water  reflects  innumerable 
groups,  which  on  either  bank  are  cooking,  eating,  drinking,  sleeping, 
laughing,  or  dancing. 

Such  is  the    faint  description  of   a  scene  in   which  I  have  often 
mingled,    and   look   back   to   with  much   regret; 

"  'Tis  merry,  'tis  merry  in  good  green  wood," 
and  the  sports  of  these  simple  people  in  their  sylvan  retreats  must 
afford  the  highest  excitement  and  pleasure  to  all  in  whom  to  a  passion 
for  field  sports  is  joined  a  love  for  the  beauties  of  nature,  here  seen 
in  her  wildest  and  most  striking  attire. 

These  people  have  no   amusements,  with    the   exception  of  their 
hunting  and  fishing  excursions,  and  the  dancing  and  singing  during 


788         The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  Kolehan),       [No.  104. 

their  festivals.  The  youngest  boys  stalk  about  birds  nesting,  armed 
with  a  small  bow  and  arrow,  or  employ  themselves  fishing.  Though 
cheerful,  they  are  as  manly  as  their  fathers  in  appearance,  and  I  have 
never  seen  them  engaged  in  any  game,  nor  am  I  aware  that  any 
are  known  by  them.  In  Hindoo  villages,  groups  of  children  may 
be  seen  constantly  engaged  in  some  puerile  amusement,  such  as 
trap  and  ball,  prisoner's  bars,  peg-top,  mock  processions,  &c. ;  and  the 
older  ones  in  fighting  cocks,  quail,  or  rams.  But  these  appear  to 
afford  no  pleasure  to  the  Hos;  on  calm  summer  evenings  they  are 
fond  of  assembling  at  their  doors  to  listen  to  the  flute,  the  girls  sing  in 
concert,  the  younger  ones  go  through  the  quiet  demure  dance  of  the 
country,  and  papa  and  mamma  sit  aloof  looking  approvingly  on, 
and  solacing  themselves  with  a  little  "  Eely"  ;  while  twilight  lingers, 
their  happy  laughing  voices,  or  the  wild  humming  melody  of  their 
songs  is  heard ;  but  no  squabbling,  no  abuse  or  high  words,  no  "  Gallee," 
none  of  the  vile  traits  of  common  Hindoostanee  life,  ever  offend  the  ear. 

The  language  of  their  songs  is  poetical  and  pleasing  ;  it  would  not 
however  bear  translation.  Ideas  which  in  the  English  idiom  would  be 
dull  and  stupid,  and  words  which  would  be  common  place,  in  the 
smooth  mellifluous  accents  of  their  dialect  sound  interesting,  and  often 
beautiful.  A  few  of  their  songs  I  have  copied  and  translated  at  the 
end  of  the  vocabulary,  &c. 

Their  dances  are  almost  similar  to  those  of  the  Dhangurs,  Santals, 
and  other  jungle  people.  The  men  and  musicians  are  generally  in  the 
centre  of  a  large  circle  composed  of  women,  locked  with  their  arms 
round  each  other  ;  the  circle  is  headed  by  the  eldest  matrons,  and 
brought  up  by  the  smallest  girls,  a  space  being  left  between,  they 
chassez  backwards  and  forwards,  keeping  exact  time,  and  going  slow- 
ly round  the  men  in  the  centre.  Sometimes  another  large  circle  of 
men  forms  outside  them,  but  all  step  with  the  greatest  exactness  to 
the  tune,  and  the  effect  is  most  singular  and  pleasing.  The  "  Magh 
Purub"  dance,  when  they  go  scampering  through  the  villages  four  or 
six  abreast,  and  in  close  column,  is  very  like  our  "  Gallope,"  and  when 
the  performers  are  well  dressed,  I  have  seldom  seen  any  thing  prettier. 
Marriage  Ceremonies. 

When  a  young  man  has  seen  a  girl  who  pleases  him,  he  goes  home 
and  calls  together  four  or  six  respectable   men  of  his  acquaintance, 


1840.]         The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  KolehanJ.  7B9 

to  whom  he  communicates  his  wishes  respecting  her.  They  in- 
stitute inquiries  regarding  the  means,  wealth,  and  respectability  of 
the  family,  and  if  accounts  are  good,  they  set  off  to  the  girl's  parents' 
house,  taking  a  brass  kutorah  or  a  p'hool  one  a  present,  and  tell  the 
parents  the  young  man's  wishes.  On  their  way  to  the  house  they 
note  carefully  all  the  signs  that  occur,  as  the  flight  of  vultures,  the 
song  of  the  "  ooi  oe"  or  Mindanao  thrush,  and  the  appearance  of  jackals, 
taking  care  they  should  remain  on  the  same  hand  they  were  met 
with.  Should  the  conference  terminate  favourably,  the  deputation  is 
feasted  and  kept  one  day  at  the  house,  and  the  signs  they  have 
noticed  on  the  road  are  recounted  and  carefully  expounded  by  men 
versed  in  augury.  The  next  day  the  deputation  returns  again, 
noting  the  signs  on  the  road  ;  and  in  this  manner  they  pass  and 
repass  between  the  houses  of  the  parties,  bearing  messages  and  settling 
the  marriage  terms.  These  go-betweens  are  called  "  Dootams."  People 
also  from  the  girl's  side  go  to  the  bridegroom's,  taking  note  in  their 
journeys  likewise  of  the  signs  on  the  road. 

Should  the  omens  be  interpreted  to  be  very  bad,  to  portend  death, 
or  disease,  &c.,  they  determine  to  break  off  the  match  for  a  time,  and 
appoint  a  meeting  the  next  day,  with  "  Eely"  and  fowls,  to  have  a  sacri- 
fice  on  the  road,  half-way  between  the  bride  and  bridegroom's  houses. 
The  next  day  they  accordingly,  to  the  number  of  four  or  six  on  each 
side,  meet  halfway,  and  go  through  the  sacrifice  to  the  "  Singbonga," 
after  which  they  tear  a  saul  leaf  in  two  between  them  and  declare  the 
marriage  null  and  void.  The  whole  ceremony  is  concluded  by  a  prayer 
to  "  Singbonga,"  begging  that  if  the  parties  still  wish  to  be  united,  he 
will  vouchsafe  to  give  them  better  omens  the  next  time  they  negociate. 

After  some  time  the  Dootams  from  the  bridegroom  go  again  to  the 
bride's  house,  this  time  there  is  no  notice  taken  of  tokens ;  they  give 
notice  that  the  bridegroom  with  his  father  and  mother  are  coming  on 
a  visit.  A  day  or  two  afterwards,  the  young  man  with  his  parents  set 
off,  and  are  received  at  the  bride's  house,  when  mutual  inquiries  as  to 
property,  possessions,  and  the  desire  of  the  parties  for  wedlock,  are  again 
set  on  foot.  All  being  satisfactorily  answered,  the  parents  settle  the 
price  to  be  paid  by  the  bridegroom's  father.  This  is  generally  twenty, 
thirty,  forty,  or  fifty  head  of  cattle,  according  to  the  old  gentle- 
man's means  ;  sometimes,  when  the  requisite  number  of  cattle  cannot 


790         The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  KolehanJ,       [No.  104. 

be  paid,  rupees,  goats,  sheep,  or  dhan,  are  given  to  make  up  the  num- 
ber. For  every  thirty  head  of  cattle,  one  plough  of  bullocks  and  a 
buffalo,  also  a  few  brass  pots,  &c.  are  given  over  and  above  the  bar- 
gain. 

After  this  visit,  people  from  the  bride  also  go  to  see  the  bridegroom, 
along  with  the  girl's  parents,  and  a  feast  is  given  them,  after  which 
the  cattle,  and  such  other  things  as  were  agreed  on  are  produced,  and 
the  parents  of  the  bride  settle  the  day  they  are  to  bring  her  to  her 
husband. 

On  the  day  fixed,  the  bride  is  led  to  the  bridegroom's  house,  in 
procession,  with  a  numerous  retinue  playing  on  flutes  and  drums, 
and  dancing ;  on  approaching  the  bridegroom's  house,  he  meets  her  in 
like  fashion,  and  leads  her  towards  his  house.  The  bridegroom  is 
mounted  on  a  man's  shoulders,  with  a  drawn  sword  in  his  hand. 

When  the  whole  party  have  come  in  front  of  the  bridegroom's 
house  they  halt,  the  bridegroom's  mother,  or  aunt,  or  the  nearest 
female  relations  bring  a  low  wooden  stool  ''  Gandoo,"  on  which  they 
wash  the  bride's  feet,  and  her  party  then  retire  with  her  to  where 
they  have  taken  up  their  quarters  for  the  night.  Provisions  are  then 
sent  to  the  whole  party,  and  to  the  bride  a  cock,  on  account  of  her 
being  about  to  enter  the  house ;  this  is  called  "  Dooartaioom  seem ;"  also 
''  Chindee  seem"  or  a  fowl,  for  the  bandage  of  her  hair,  which  is  to  be 
untied  and  dishevelled  the  first  night;  also  four  pye  of  dhan,  and  a 
handia  of  Eely,  called  "  Ajee  hanar,"  which  is  for  the  bride's 
sister ;  also  at  midnight  Eely,  called  ^'  Talla  needa  eely"  is  sent  to  the 
party,  and  dancing  and  singing  is  kept  up  till  morning. 

The  next  morning  the  bride  presents  to  the  bridegroom  for  every 
head  of  cattle  that  has  been  given  in  price  for  her,  a  handia  of  eely, 
a  pye  of  dhan,  and  a  pye  of  rice;  this  is  called  "Doob  gandoo  eely, 
Baba,  and  Chowlee,"  being  given  because  the  bride  is  to  be  seated 
on  a  mora  of  dhan,  (a  seat  is  called  Doob  gandoo) ;  of  all  this,  one 
half  is  sent  back  by  the  bridegroom,  also  a  goat  called,  "  Jdm  is  sie 
merom ;"  also  a  rupee's  worth  of  necklaces,  "  Jom  issin  hissir" ;  also 
one  rupee  of  cloth  for  her  mother,  called  "  Enga  bage  lijjia". 
after  feasting  and  drinking,  the  bride's  party  rise,  and  with  singing 
and  dancing  bring  her  to  the  bridegroom's  house  and  seat  her  on 
a   mora  of  dhan,  where  oil  is  poured  on  her  head,  and  a   leaf  dish 


1840.]         The  Hodesum  f improperly  called  Kolehan) ,  791 

of  boiled  rice  and  meat,  dressed  in  the  bridegroom*s  house,  called 
''  Jom  issin,"  is  brought  her,  which  she  touches  with  her  hand,  and 
thereby  declares  herself  of  her  husband's  caste.  She  is  then  left  in 
charge  of  the  bridegroom's  female  relations,  and  the  ceremonies  end 
by  all  the  parties  dispersing  home,  and  leaving  the  happy  pair  to 
themselves. 

Signs  and  Omens. 

If  a  vulture,  crow,  Mindanao  thrush,  Indian  magpie,  oriole,  wood- 
pecker, partridge,  jackal,  fox,  deer  of  kinds,  hare,  bee,  sna?|e,  espe- 
cially the  Covra,  pass  behind  the  Dootam,  or  messenger,  he  will  die. 

If  a  Cadis,  "  toorpoo  cheedoo,"  cross  in  front  of  the  Dootam  .or 
messenger  (negociator),  it  portends  the  death  of  the  bride  in  child- 
birth. 

Should  an  ichneumon  fly,  ''  koonkal  ho,"  drag  a  large  spider 
''  bindee  ram,"  across  the  road,  it  portends  the  bride  will  be  carried  off 
by  a  tiger  the  very  first  time  she  goes  to  fetch  wood  or  water. 

The  same  omen,  if  a  hawk  or  kite  of  any  kind  stoop  and  carry  off 
a  bird,  fowl,  or  lizard,  from  any  side. 

A  syrus  "  hoor,  or  vulture,  deedee"  crossing  the  road  flying  singly 
in  front,  portends  the  death  of  the  father  or  mother,  according  to 
the  sex  of  the  bird — of  the  bride  if  near  her  village,  of  the  bridegroom 
if  near  his. 

If  the  great  wood-hawk,  ^'  booroo  queed,"  hover  over  head,  it  fore- 
tells the  death  of  mother  and  son  at  childbirth. 

If  the  deputation  meet  a  toad,  "  roto  poto  chokey,"  it  portends 
that  the  bridegroom's  father  will  be  bewitched. 

If  a  flying  squirrel,  ''  oral,"  call  out  on  the  right  or  left  hand, 
before  or  behind,  the  marriage  is  stopped  directly.  The  same  if  a 
parakeet,  "  meerov,"  (large  ringed  kind)  scream. 

Should  a  branch  fall  from  a  tree  without  apparent  cause,  such  as 
being  cut,  or  rotten,  or  worm-eaten,  it  portends  the  certain  death  of 
the  parents  of  both  parties. 

If  the  tumble  dung-beetle,  "eeooroo,"  be  met  with  rolling  dung 
along,  it  threatens  poverty  and  unrequited  hard  labour. 

If  two  large  lizards,  "  kaka,"  are  met  chasing  each  other  to  copulate, 
it  is  a  sign  that  the  bride's  sister,  or  sisters,  will  commit  some  faux 

5   H 


792         The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  Kolehan) .       [No.  104. 

pas.    If  a  pair  of  little  lizards,  "  reta  kaka,"  do  the  same,  it  foretels  in- 
trigue among  the  bride's  female  servants. 

If  birds  copulate,  it  portends  that  the  intended  bride  is  in  love,  or 
intriguing  with  some  one  else. 

A  jungul  cat,  *'  bow,"  crossing  the  road,  signifies  the  bride  will  be 
a  lazy  good-for-nothing  person. 

In  anointing  the  bride's  head  with  oil,  should  a  drop  trickle  down 
her  nose,  it  is  a  good  sign ;  should  it  go  down  her  temple  or  cheek, 
it  shows  she  will  be  inconstant. 

If  a  Mindanao  thrush,  "  ooi/'  Indian  magpie,  "  hoorlee,"  or 
oriole,  "  bocho,"  perch  on  a  kuhar  tree,  *'doorlee  daroo,"  in  front  or 
on  either  side,  it  portends  the  bride  and  bridegroom  and  their  chil- 
dren will  have  ulcers.  If  they  perch  behind,  the  Dootam  will  have 
them. 

If  one  of  these  birds  are  seen  flying  up  and  turn  back,  it  threatens 
the  bride's  parents  refusing  to  give  her. 

The  voice  or  cry  of  the  queen  of  the  white  ants,  "  boonoom  enga," 
is  a  bad  sign.* 

If  a  number  of  "  sarooses"  or  vultures,  pass,  it  is  a  good  sign. 
If  a  magpie,  woodpecker,  vulture,  Mindanao  thrush,  oriole,  crow, 
or  other  bird  settle  on  the  summit  of  a  large  assun  tree,  "  hatna 
daroo,"  it  foretels  riches. 

If  two  dhamna  snakes,  "  jamboo  bing,"  cross,  it  also  foretels  wealth. 
If  the  bee  in  wandering  through  the  woods  searching  for  honey  settle 
upon  a  man,  it  foretels  wealth,  and  that  he  will  be  very  hospitable. 

The  same,  and  longevity,  if  a  number  of  crow  pheasants,  "  sengel 
topo,"  cross  over. 

A  troop  of  hannooman  monkeys,  "  sarra,"  crossing,  promises  great 
herds  of  cattle.  ; 

If  any  bird  sit  on  a  keond  tree,  ''  tirril  daroo,"  it  denotes  the  bride 
will  be  a  vixen. 

Meeting  women,  young  or  old,  carrying  water  in  ghurras,  is  a  good 
sign. 

If  the  spotted  eagle,  "  doomoor  kivid,"  settle  on  the  right  side,  it 
bodes  imprisonment  to  the  traveller. 

*  This  may  allude  to  the  low  stridulous  sound  emitted  from  ant  hills,  during  the 
sultry  hours  of  noon,  which  ceases  on  near  approach. 


1840. J  The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  Kolehan).  793 

Rites,  Sfc.  at  Childbirth. 

When  the  pangs  of  childbirth  are  coming  on,  the  husband  procures 
some  widow  as  midwife,  to  whom  a  fee  of  eight  annas  is  given.  Dur- 
ing the  wife's  illness  the  husband  alone  cooks  for  her,  and  also  for 
the  midwife,  who  is  unclean,  as  well  as  the  husband ;  for  eight  days 
all  the  children  and  servants  are  excluded  from  the  house,  and  sent 
with  provisions  to  live  for  the  time  at  some  relation's ;  very  little 
children  are  allowed  to  remain  with  the  father. 

Should  the  pangs  be  very  violent,  and  the  women's  life  in  danger, 
divination  is  had  recourse  to,  to  discover  the  afflicting  divinity,  to 
whom  a  cock,  goat,  or  sheep  is  sacrificed. 

For  eight  days  the  husband  cooks  his  own  dinner,  remaining  apart 
from  all  friends  and  relations ;  during  this  time  these  latter  prepare 
Eely,  which  they  brew  on  the  fourth  day,  so  that  it  may  be  upon  the 
eighth  and  place  it  in  the  husband's  house.  On  the  eighth  morning 
the  father  shaves  the  child's  head,  and  gets  his  own  shorne  by  a  taunty, 
or  by  his  own  servants.  He  then  bathes  and  washes  his  clothes, 
and  the  wife  does  the  same.  They  then  go  and  partake  of  the  Eely 
which  has  been  set  apart  for  them,  and  the  relations  finish  the  re- 
mainder, taking  it  away  to  drink. 

The  unclean  state  of  the  husband  and  wife  still  continues  till  the 
new  moon,  or  the  moon's  first  quarter,  according  to  the  time  of  the 
child's  birth,  and  the  expiration  of  the  eight  days.  Finally,  there  is  a 
grand  feast  at  the  house  of  the  husband  and  wife,  and  they  are  held 
clean  from  that  date. 

Naming  the  Child, 

When  the  child  can  begin  to  stand  or  waddle  about,  the  parents 
think  of  naming  him.  For  this  purpose  they  procure  a  pan  of  water 
in  which  they  put  four  grains  of  Oorid,  then  take  them  out,  and  rub 
them  in  the  palms  of  their  hands  until  they  are  well  softened.  The 
father  then  cries  out  a  name,  saying  he  will  adopt  it  if  the  grain  of 
Oorid  floats  in  the  water,  but  not  if  it  sinks.  Four  names  with  the 
four  seeds  are  thus  tried,  and  the  name  to  which  the  seed  floats  is  as- 
sumed and  given  to  the  child. 

Should  all  four  seeds  by  any  chance  sink,  the  ceremony  of  naming 
is  abandoned  for  six  months,  or  a  year,  when  the  same  operations  are 
resumed. 


794         The  Hodeswn  (improperly  called  Kolehan),       No.  104. 

It  is  common  among  the  Koles  for  a  friend  of  the  family  to  wish 
to  stand  namesake  to  the  child,  but  when  this  occurs,  the  grain  of 
Oorid  is  still  had  recourse  to,  and  if  it  sink  at  the  godfather's  name, 
he  is  rejected. 

The  namesake,  or  "  sakee",  binds  himself  to  help  the  child  in  sick- 
ness, distress,  or  poverty ;  by  sending  goats,  fowls,  &c.  to  sacrifice  in 
the  former  case,  or  by  lending  him  rice,  &c.  to  be  repaid  without  in- 
terest in  the  latter,  and  this  sponsorship  ends  in  unbroken  friendship 
between  the  two,  throughout  after  life. 

No  kind  of  religion,  or  rites,  or  ceremonials  are  taught  the  children, 

but  they  pick  them  up  as  they  can,  by  observing  their  elders.     If 

a  child  die  unnamed,  it  is  not  thought  any  particular  misfortune  on 

that  score.* 

Funeral  Rites. 

When  a  person  is  dead,  the  people  of  the  house  set  up  a  howling, 
or  "  keening,"  which  continues  till  the  news  has  been  given  to  all 
the  relations,  and  the  pile  prepared,  which  it  is  in  the  yard  of  the 
house;  first  thick  logs  are  placed,  then  smaller  transverse  faggots, 
on  this  a  wide  plank,  along  the  edges  of  which  sticks  are  laid ; 
when  this  is  prepared,  the  corpse  is  brought  out  foot  foremost,  bed 
and  all,  with  all  its  ornaments  on,  male  or  female,  by  the  women  of 
the  village  and  of  the  house. 

It  is  then  placed,  amid  crying  and  howling,  on  the  pile,  the  head 
to  the  northward;  rupees,  to  the  amount  that  can  be  spared,  are 
put  into  the  mouth,  a  lota  on  each  side  the  body,  a  brass,  or  "  p'hool," 
kutora  on  the  head,  and  one  at  the  feet.  Another  board  is  then  put 
on,  and  above  it  more  wood,  by  the  women,  who  amid  redoubled  la- 
mentations, set  fire  to  the  pile. 

When  the  whole  is  consumed  it  is  sufi'ered  to  remain  all  night, 
people  going  to  and  fro  to  watch  it;  next  morning  water  is  poured  on 
the  ashes  through  peepul  branches,  and  women  pick  out  all  the  half- 
consumed  bones,  which  are  dried,  then  sifted  in  a  sieve,  and  then 
put  into  a  ghurra  and  covered  with  leaves,  after  which  it  is  hung  up 
to  the  eaves  at  the  back  of  the  house.    Eely  is  brewed  on  this  day,  and 

*  The  youngest  born  male  is  heir  to  the  father's  property,  on  the  plea  of  his  being 
less  able  to  help  himself  on  the  death  of  the  parents  than  his  elder  brethren,  who 
have  had  their  father's  assistance  in  settling  themselves  in  the  world,  during  his  life- 
time. 


1840.]         The  Hodesmn  (improperly  called  Kolehan).  7^^ 

when  it  rises  on  the  fourth  day  all  assembled  to  bathe,  wash  their 
clothes,  and  shave,  and  then,  anoint  themselves  with  the  blood  of  a  pig, 
after  which  they  feast  and  drink  up  the  Eely. 

That  same  evening  the  ceremony  is  gone  through  of  calling  the 
spirit  of  the  departed.  All  the  company,  except  four  people,  the 
father,  mother,  and  two  women,  or  brother  and  sister  and  two  women 
or  men,  sit  outside  in  the  back  yard  ;  some  boiled  rice  and  a  pot  of 
water  is  then  placed  within  the  inner  room  of  the  house,  and  ashes 
sprinkled  from  thence  to  the  threshold ;  the  father  and  mother,  or 
brother  and  sister,  as  it  may  be,  then  go  out;  taking  two  ploughshares 
in  their  hands — the  other  two  people  are  left  in  the  house  to  watch. 
Those  who  have  gone  out  proceed  to  the  spot  where  the  body  was 
burnt,  and  where  (in  some  parts  of  the  country)  a  clay  horse  and 
rider,  and  an  earthen  pot  on  a  tripod,  with  the  mouth  closed,  are 
placed;  round  this  spot  the  two  relations  walk,  beating  together  the 
ploughshares,  and  calling  out  in  a  plaintive  wild  strain, 

K'alleeng  erankedmia  K'alleeng  enkakedmia  Hoojoorooameu 

"  We  never  scolded  you,  never  wronged  you  ;  Come  to  us  back ; 

Booqite   'leengposakeamia  assooladmia     Essoodinmidte  leeng  tykena 
"  We  ever  loved  and  cherished  you,  and  have  lived  long  together 

miadoare   leen  tykena  na  do  alum  bageea !  gama  needa  ko 

"  under  the  same  roof;  desert  it  not  now  !  The  rainy  nights, 

Rabang  rabang  poio  dinko  dara  nendre  do  alum  honorbya 

'*  And  the  cold  blowing  days,  are  coming  on ;  do  not  wander  here. 

Atarkedjang  japarre  alum  tingoona  '  Hoojoo  rooamen 

"  Do  not  stand  by  the  burnt  ashes  ;  come  to  us  again  !     You 

Hesa  soobare  umdo  ka  ty  dya  gama  hoojooredo 

*'  cannot  find  shelter  under  the  peepul,  when  the  rain  comes 

Rabang  hoiore  sarjum  do  Boogite  ka  doimiai 
"  Down.    The  saul  will  not  shield  you  from  the  cold  bitter  wind. 

Oate  hoojoomen  Umnangente  oa  do  boogikidalle  !         alleeng  do 

"  Come  to  your  home  !  It  is  swept  for  you,  and  clean  ;  and  we 

Moonooite  heating  metanna,  alleeng  ddleeng  minna,  umnangente  mandeeleeng 
"  are  there  who  loved  you  ever  ;        and  there  is  rice  put  for  you; 

doikia,  dahleeng-doikia  Hoojoomen  o§,te hoojoomen  Dooirimen  alleeng  tar! 
'And  water;  come  home,  come  home,  come  to  us  again! 


796         The  Hodesum  fimproperly  called  KolehanJ,       [No.  104. 

They  then  return  to  the  house  door,  and  call  for  a  light,  and 
commence  searching  for  traces  of  the  return  of  him  they  have  been 
invoking ;  they  look  in  silence  along  the  ashes  for  the  supposed  mark 
of  the  footstep  of  the  spirit ;  they  examine  the  rice  to  see  whether  the 
grains  have  been  disturbed — the  water,  to  detect  any  drops  thrown 
on  the  ground  ;  should  any  of  these  signs  be  discovered,  it  is  announced 
that  the  spirit  is  come  back  to  the  house,  and  they  sit  down  apart, 
shivering  with  horror,  and  crying  bitterly,  in  which  they  are  joined 
by  all  without,  who  come  and  weep  long  and  loudly,  and  then  depart. 

The  ceremony  of  going  out  and  calling  is  persevered  in  till  some 
signs,  or  fancied  signs  of  the  return  of  the  departed  to  his  home  have 
been  discovered. 

The  relations  assemble  once  more  to  settle  the  terms  and  time  of 
burying  the  bones.  Rice  is  given  to  people  to  fetch  a  stone,  as  large 
as  the  means  of  the  family  admit  of,  which  is  to  be  put  over  the  grave. 
Into  the  grave,  which  is  two  cubits  broad  and  chest  deep,  and  in  the 
public  burial  place  of  the  village,  rice  is  put,  on  this  the  pot  of 
bones,  over  this,  rice,  clothes,  money,  brass  ornaments,  and  every  thing 
they  can  afford. 

The  whole  is  then  covered,  and  the  stone  or  rock  placed  over  it  ; 
on  this  a  goat  is  sacrificed,  and  the  blood  and  heaps  of  salt  sprinkled 
all  over  the  stone,  also  oil  is  spread  over  the  gravestones  of  all  the 
dead  relatives  who  are  lying  around,  to  awaken  them  to  receive  the 
new  comer. 

They  also  tie  a  strip  of  cloth  to  a  branch  of  the  tree  above  the 
gravestone,  to  show  all  passers  by  the  quality  of  the  cloth  which 
was  buried  with  the  bones. 

Besides  the  gravestone,  another,  a  cenotaph  stone,  is  buried  up- 
right to  commemorate  the  name  of  the  deceased,  at  the  edge  of  the 
village,  or  side  of  the  road,  and  the  departed  spirit  is  supposed  to 
love  to  come  and  sit  beneath  its  shade,  when  going  to  and  from  his 
house. 

The  Koles  suppose  the  spirit  to  walk  about  in  the  day,  and  to  keep 
in  the  house  all  night,  for  which  purpose  they  preserve  a  little  space 
clean  for  it,  on  which  they  place  a  small  mechan,  called  ^'  Tantara", 
underneath  which,  in  every  Pooja  or  Purub,  a  small  portion  of  the 
sacrifice  is  placed. 


1840.]  The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  KolehanJ .  ^97 

Role  History  of  the  Creation  of  the  World. 

Their  following  idea  of  the  creation  of  the  world,  and  of  castes, 
&c.  was  communicated  to  me  by  some  of  the  Mankees  orally,  and 
copied  almost  verbatim.  In  the  commencement,  Ote'  Boram  and 
Sirma  Thakoor,  alias  Sing  Bonga,  or  God,  were  self-created.  Sing 
Bonga  is  the  sun.     After  them  the  moon  was  self-created. 

Ote'  Boram  and  Sirma  Thakoor  then  made  the  earth ;  after  that 
they  clothed  it  with  grass,  trees,  rocks,  water;  they  then  made  cattle, 
which  were  first  born  in  "  Bogo  Bochee  ;*"  after  them  all  wild  animals. 
They  then  made  a  little  boy  and  a  little  girl,  at  the  bottom  of  an 
immense  ravine,  and  as  they  had  no  houses  to  live  in,  the  gods  told 
them  to  inhabit  a  huge  crab's  cave  (Katkomoa.)  They  grew  adult, 
and  Sing  Bonga  came  to  see  them  every  day,  and  called  them  his 
grandchildren ;  but  at  length  seeing  no  hopes  of  any  progeny,  from 
their  extreme  simplicity,  he  taught  them  the  art  of  making  *'  Eely," 
(rice  beer)  the  use  of  which  caused  those  sensations,  which  were  in 
due  time  the  means  of  peopling  the  world. 

After  the  creation  of  man.  Sing  Bonga,  or  the  sun,  married  Chandoo 
Omol,  or  the  moon,  from  whence  sprung  four  sons  and  numerous  daugh- 
ters. Now  the  four  sons  kept  with  their  father,  and  the  daughters  lived 
with  their  mother,  and  as  the  sun  rose  every  day,  with  his  four  hot, 
fiery  sons  in  addition,  the  whole  world  began  to  burn;  and  all  the 
animals  and  man  perishing  with  heat,  entreated  the  moon  to  save 
them  ;  so  the  moon  resolved  within  herself  to  destroy  the  sun's  sons, 
and  went,  and  accosting  the  father,  said,  ^'Our  children  do  much 
harm  to  the  world,  and  will  soon  destroy  your  labour.  I  am  deter- 
mined to  eat  mine ;  do  you  also  devour  yours."  The  sun  promised  he 
would  follow  the  moon's  example ;  and  so  when  she  hid  all  her  daugh- 
ters, and  came  and  told  him  she  had  devoured  them,  he  destroyed  and 
eat  all  four  of  his  children ;  after  which  the  moon  released  her  daugh- 
ters from  confinement.  This  artifice  so  enraged  the  sun,  that  he  drew 
his  sword  and  cut  the  moon  in  half,  but  repenting  afterwards  of  his 
anger,  allowed  her  to  get  whole  in  certain  days,  though  she  still 
remained  condemned  to  be  in  half  at  others,  and  so  she  remained,  and 
all  her  daughters  with  her,  which  are  the  stars. 

*  I  could  never  leai'n  what  place  this  alhules  to. 


798         The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  KolehanJ,        [No.  104. 

Now,  some  time  after  the  first  man  and  woman  had  lived  together 
and  known  each  other,  Sing  Bonga  came  down  and  asked  them  what 
progeny  they  had  ;  they  say  unto  him,  "  Grandfather,  we  have  twelve 
sons  and  twelve  daughters ;  these  twenty-four  lifted  up  their  voices  and 
said,  ''  great  grandfather,  how  can  we  brothers  and  sisters  all  live  to- 
gether ? — Sing  Bonga  said,  "  Go  you  and  make  preparations  and  make 
a  great  feast,  rice  and  buflfaloe's  flesh,  and  bullock's  flesh,  goats,  sheep, 
pigs,  and  fowls  of  the  air,  and  vegetables;"  and  they  did  so ;  and  when 
the  feast  was  prepared,  Sing  Bonga  said,  "  Take  ye  two  by  two,  man 
and  woman,  that  which  shall  please  you  most,  and  that  shall  ye  have 
for  share,  to  eat  all  the  days  of  your  life,  apart  from  the  rest,  so  that 
none  shall  touch  his  brother's  share." 

And  so  when  the  feast  was  prepared,  the  first  pair  and  the  second 
pair  took  buffaloe's  and  bullock*s  flesh,  even  as  much  as  they  could 
carry,  and  these  became  the  Kole  (Ho)  and  Bhoomij  (Mootkan) 
race ;  then  a  pair  took  the  rice  ;  and  other  pairs,  male  and  female, 
rice  and  vegetables,  and  these  became  Bramins,  Rajpoots,  Chuttries 
and  other  Hindoos  ;  and  others  took  away  the  goat's  flesh  and  fish, 
and  became  other  kinds  of  Hindoos ;  the  Bhooians  took  the  shell  fish, 
lastly,  when  nothing  was  left  but  the  pig's  flesh,  came  two  pair  and 
took  it  away,  and  these  are  Sontals  and  Koormees  to  this  day  ;  and 
when  all  the  feast  was  cleared  away,  there  remained  one  pair  who  had 
nothing,  and  to  them  the  Koles  gave  of  their  share,  and  these  are 
Ghassees  to  this  hour. 

And  so  all  these  went  and  lived  separately,  and  peopled  the  world, 
and  multiplied  exceedingly,  and  Sing  Bonga  taught  those  who  lived 
in  far  countries  other  languages,  and  he  gave  people  of  different  trades 
their  implements. 

And  after  this  from  the  Koles,  from  their  senior  house,  sprung 
the  English,  who  also  eat  of  bulloL-k's  flesh.  But  they  are  the  senior 
children,  and  the  Koles  the  junior  ! 

And  after  the  world  was  peopled,  Sirma  Thakoor  destroyed  it  once, 
with  the  exception  of  sixteen  people,  because  people  became  incestuous, 
and  unmindful  of  God,  or  their  superiors.  (Some  say  he  destroyed  it 
with  water,  some  say  with  fire.) 

Wicked  men  are  born  again  as  dogs,  pigs,  or  lizards.  Those 
who  swing   at   churruck   poojas,    become,   some   kites,    others  flying 


1840.]         The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  Kolehan) .  799 

foxes.  Suttees  never  are  born  again,  but  remain  burning  for  ever  in 
their  pits,  and  come  out  at  night,  wandering  about,  still  burning  (so 
say  the  Ghassees.)  Good  people  after  death  are  born  again  in  some 
better  condition  in  life  than  formerly.  And  this  order  of  things  will 
remain  for  ever  and  ever.     There  will  be  no  last  day. 

When  men  die,  their  spirits  go  to  the  Sing  Bonga,  who  asks  them 
how  they  have  lived,  and  judges  them.  The  wicked  he  whips  with 
thorny  bushes,  and  sometimes  buries  them  in  great  heaps  of  human 
ordure,  and  after  a  while  sends  them  back  to  be  born  in  this  world  as 
dogs,  cats,  bullocks,  lizards,  &c.  The  good  man  he  sends  back  to  be 
born  a  still  greater  and  better  man  than  he  lived  before,  and  all  that 
he  had  given  away  in  charity,  Sing  Bonga  shows  him  heaped  up  in 
heaven,  and  restores  it  to  him. 


Gods  and  Spirits. 

Besides  Ote  Boram  and  Sing  Bonga,  or  Sirma  Thakoor,  there  are* 
Nage  Era  or  Garra  Nage,  Desa  Oolee,  Marang   Bonga — his  wife  is 
Pangoora  ;  these  are  village  gods. 

Chanala  Desum  Bonga,  also  his  wife  Pangoora,  belonging  to  married 
women. 

Horaten  Ko,  or  road  gods,  who  come  along  with  a  new  wife ;  also 
Mahlee  Bonga,  and  Chandoo  Omol. 

Nage  Era,  or  Garra  Nage,  or  Chandore,  is  worshipped  in  springs, 
rivers,  or  wells;  she  is  supposed  to  preside  over  cutaneous  diseases,  and 
deafness;  she  is  propitiated  with  eggs  and  huldee;  if  that  do  not 
do,  with  a  pig.  She  has  no  father  or  mother,  but  was  self-created.  She 
is  invoked  to  help  in  catching  fish.  Desa  Oolee  presides  over  diseases 
of  the  head  and  stomach  ;  he  is  the  guardian  of  the  village,  and 
invoked  to  prevent  infectious  diseases  coming  into  the  country,  also 
to  insure  rain,  good  crops,  no  diseases  in  the  cattle.  His  wife  is  Jaer 
Booree.  Desa  Oolee  is  worshipped  at  the  Mag  Purub ;  they  sacrifice 
goats,  buffaloes,  fowls,  Jaer  Booree  is  worshipped  at  Bah  Purub,  in 
March  and  April,  and  in  Batta  Oolee,  in  Assar.  The  same  things 
are  offered  to  her,  except  buffaloes ;  and  she  presides  over  the  same 
things.  Desa  Oolee  lives  in  a  grove  made  for  him  ;  Jaer  Booree  in 

5  I 


800         The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  Kolehan).      [No.  104, 

another.     They  were  from  the  first,  as  man  and  wife,  but  have  no 
known  progeny. 

Marang  Bonga  presides  over  sickness,  and  is  worshipped  according 
to  the  extent  of  the  sickness  and  means  of  the  patient.  He  lives  in  a 
grove  (small  one)  where  they  erect  a  post,  after  sacrificing  a  buffalo, 
and  sticking  its  horns  on  the  top. 

To  Pangoora  they  sacrifice,  on  account  of  sickness  and  fever,  fowls, 
goats,  or  sheep ;  she  lives  under  a  tree,  or  two  or  three  trees  near  an 
ant  hill ;  no  post  is  erected  for  her ;  she  is  the  wife  of  Marang  Bonga. 

Chanala  Desum  Bongo  is  worshipped  for  diseases  by  married  peo- 
ple alone,  as  he  comes  along  with  the  bride  from  her  village ;  Pan- 
goora, his  wife,  is  the  same. 

Horaten  Ko  are  the  spirits  of  the  forefathers  of  a  newly-married 
woman.  They  are  worshipped  on  the  road,  and  to  them  are  sacrificed 
fowls,  goats,  or  an  old  bullock ;  they  are  invoked  for  sickness. 

Mahlee  Bonga  is  invoked  by  cripples  or  blind  people  ;  he  lives  any 
,  where  indiscriminately.     They  offer  him  pigs  and  fowls.     Chandoo 
Omol  is  propitiated  by  a  pig  and  a  black  fowl,  for  sickness :  she  lives 
wherever  she  was  first  worshipped. 

None  of  these  spirits  have  an 3^  reputed  figure  or  description,  and  con- 
sequently are  never  represented  by  idols.  The  Hos  frankly  confess 
that  as  their  gods,  to  their  knowledge,  have  never  been  seen,  they 
cannot  be  described ;  they  also  know  nothing  of  the  origin  of  them. 
They  have,  moreover,  no  notion  of  a  devil  or  any  evil  spirit,  their 
opinion  being  that  he  only  who  created,  is  able  to  destroy  or  torment 
either  here  or  hereafter. 

They  have  but  four  Purubs  in  the  year,  and  these  are  not  fixed 
to  any  particular  date,  some  villages  being  two  or  three  months  per- 
forming their  poojas,  before  or  after  others.  Mag  Purub  takes  place 
about  February  and  March,  sometimes  in  January;  Bah  Purub  fol- 
lows a  month  after ;  Batta  Oolee  is  in  Assar  ;  and  there  is  also  sacri- 
ficing and  pooja  gone  through  before  eating  the  newly  cut  crops  of 
the  year,  called  the  "  Namagom." 

These  festivals  consist  in  little  more  than  singing,  dancing,  and 
immoderate  drinking,  besides  offering  up  a  goat  or  two,  or  a  few  fowls 
in  each  village.  The  people  seldom  adorn  themselves,  or  make  them- 
selves cleaner  than  at  other  times,  and  the  villages  do  not  unite  in 


1840.]         The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  Kolehan).  801 

these  merry  makings,  but  go  through  their  ceremonies  at  separate  times, 
and  at  their  own  sacred  groves.*  At  Mag  the  men  and  women  occasion- 
ally put  on  grotesque  finery,  and  their  songs  and  dances  are  wild  and 
pretty.  The  figures  and  airs  are  nearly  all  alike ;  the  women  form 
a  circle,  are  staid  and  demure,  and  sing  in  a  low  humming  strain, 
while  the  men  and  drummers  in  the  centre,  in  all  stages  of  intoxi- 
cation, twist  themselves  into  all  manner  of  contortions,  and  indulge 
in  violent  and  ludicrous  gestures.  During  one  ceremony,  at  the  Mag 
Purub,  the  Koles  abandon  their  usual  decent  behaviour  to  women,  and 
both  sexes  go  tramping  through  and  about  their  villages,  chanting 
the  most  odiously  filthy  recitative*  in  which  the  youngest  who  can  lisp 
are  allowed  to  join. 

But  if  their  public  Purubs  are  few,  they  make  up  amply  by  the 
number  of  private  sacrifices  which  they  carry  on  in  their  own  houses. 
On  account  of  sickness  in  any  member  of  the  family,  or  among 
their  servants,  the  most  trifling  indisposition,  as  well  as  the  gravest 
malady,  has  but  this  one  remedy  among  them.  They  never  attempt 
resorting  to  medicine,  an^  no  frequency  of  deaths,  no  extent  of  the 
ravages  of  any  contagious  disease,  can  shake  their  faith  in  the 
one  resource  of  offering  sacrifices  to  the  god  who  is  supposed  to  be 
chastising  them  with  the  visitation.  In  endeavouring  to  dissuade 
them  from  this  dangerous  folly,  in  which  the  father  of  a  family, 
with  unshaken  bigotry,  sees  his  household  swept  away  into  the  grave, 
and  the  whole  of  his  live  stock  destroyed  in  vain  efforts  to  check  the 
ravages  of  sickness,  by  sacrificing  to  the  gods,  we  have  as  yet 
signally  failed  ;  although  they  were,  by  dint  of  constant  entreaty  and 
admonition,  induced  to  come  to  the  Hospital  at  Chyebassa,  and 
although  many  cures  were  performed  upon  them,  it  has  proved  of  no 
eventual  benefit ;  the  Koles  now  never  make  their  appearance  to  seek 
for  medical  aid,  and  the  slight  temporary  reform  that  was  effected 
among  them,  has  altogether  ceased. 

The  most  gross  superstitions  still  prevail  among  this  people  with 
regard  to  witchcraft ;  but  the  dreadful  effects  of  this  belief,  to  which 
numbers  of  unfortunate  persons  have  fallen  a  sacrifice,  have  now, 
through  fear  ^i  our  laws,  almost  wholly  ceased.     The  Koles  believe 

*  These  sacred  groves,  or  plantations  of  saul  trees,  are  attached  to  every  village ; 
they  call  them  "Saer". 


802        The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  Kolehan).       [No.  104. 

that  by  certain  prayers  and  incantations,  a  person  can  obtain  sufficient 
power  to  produce  the  illness,  or  cause  the  death,  not  only  of  any 
obnoxious  person,  but  of  whole  families,  or  even  villages ;  and  that 
these  evil  arts  can  also  extend  to  the  crops,  the  cattle,  and  the  wea- 
ther ! 

Should  any  such  misfortunes  befall  them,  it  is  of  course  immediately 

referred    to   the   machinations   of  some  sorcerer,  and  every  means  is 

had  recourse  to,  to  discover  him.     This  is  effected  either  by  certain 

signs,  or  by  the  divination  of  some  augurer,  or  most  frequently  (in 

case  of  sickness)  by  the  declaration  of  the  patient  himself,  who  declares 

he  has  seen  the  wizard  in  a  dream,%tanding  on  him,  and  sacrificing  to 

the  gods,  to  procure  his  dissolution.    Such  is  the  inflexible  integrity  of 

the  Koles  in  speaking  truth,  that  I  firmly  believe  the  sick  man,  in  all 

such  cases,  does  dream  of   the  person  he  denounces.     Being  taught 

from    his  infancy   to  attribute     every   misfortune   to   preternatural 

agency,  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  that  when  in  his  turn  afflicted, 

his  apprehensions  rest  upon  some  one,  with  regard  to  whom  a  previous 

quarrel,  or  other  cause  of  ill-will,   suggests   the  fear   of  retaliation, 

and  these  thoughts,  long  nourished  while   waking,  would  naturally 

embody  themselves  in  sleep  in  some  dreadful  dream,  which  at  once 

substantiates  all  the  suspicions  of  the  sufferer  ! 

Should  these  proofs  however  be  wanting,  the  near  relations  of  the 
patient  have  recourse,  as  I  said,  to  a  diviner.  This  class  of  wretches, 
sources  of  all  evil,  are  not,  happily,  so  prevalent  among  the  Koles  as 
the  Hindoos  who  reside  in  the  vicinity.  To  these  the  poor  credulous 
creatures  resort,  journeying  to  great  distances,  and  parting  with 
almost  all  their  possessions  to  obtain  the  aid  of  the  sage,  who,  after 
collecting  such  information  as  he  requires,  pockets  his  fee,  goes 
through  some  absurd  ceremonies,  and  coolly  denounces  the  person  he 
may  consider  best  suited  for  the  distinction,  as  the  originater  of  all 
the  calamity. 

The  life  of  the  unfortunate  victim  so  pointed  out  was,  of  course  for- 
merly,  not  worth  an  hour's  purchase;  he  was  either  slain  openly  by 
the  party,  whose  kinsman  was  dead  or  dying,  murdered  in  cold  blood 
at  night,  or  in  some  cases,  demanded  from  his  clans  people,  to  undergo 
the  ordeal.  The  latter  have  seldom  been  known  to  refuse  such  a  re- 
quisition.    The  ordeal,  however,  was,  as  it  has  been  in  other  countries, 


1840.]  The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  Kolehan),  803 

merely  a  means  of  glossing  over  the  proceedings.  The  person  de- 
nounced had  either  to  dip  his  hand  into  boiling  ghee,  or  water,  or  stand 
upon  a  red  hot  Koolharee  (shovel)  when,  if  scalded  or  burnt,  he  was  de- 
clared guilty,  or  he  was  tied  up  in  a  sack  and  thrown  into  the  water, 
with  the  option  of  floating  on  the  top,  if  he  could. 

The  particulars  of  the  ceremonies  of  divination  and  ordeal  I  cannot 
describe,  having  no  longer  the  means  of  gaining  information  from  the 
natives.  Hitherto  I  have  been  writing  from  their  dictation.  The  ac- 
count of  the  creation,  and  of  their  marriages,  and  other  rites,  and  their 
mythology,  have  been  translated  almost  verbatim  from  their  lips.  Hav- 
ing now  left  them  and  their  courftry,  I  conclude  the  theme  from  me- 
mory. 

The  Hos,  although  totally  distinct  from  Hindoos  yet,  being  a  sim- 
ple race  have  suffered  that  crafty  people  to  lure  them  in  many  ways 
into  following  their  ceremonies,  rites,  festivals,  and  prejudices.     Those 
near  the  boundaries  have  become  as  subservient  to  Brahmins  as  any 
Hindoos  would  be  ;  but  on  this  subject  1  shall  speak  hereafter.     The 
"  curse  of  caste"  is  strongly  felt  by  them,  and  its  follies  strangely  mix- 
ed up  with  the  distinctions  of  relationship.     They  divide  themselves 
into  clans,  called  "  Keelies,"  of  which  there  are  a  great  number.   Who 
the  founders  were,  or  whence  they  take  their  names,  I  never  could  as- 
certain.  A  man  cannot  marry  into  his  keely,  as  it  is  looked  upon  as  a 
kind  of  brotherhood  ;  neither  can  he  eat  with  one  of  another  keely. 
They  have  separated  themselves  entirely  from  the  race  from  which  they 
sprung,  viz.  the  Mondas  of  Eastern  Chootia  Nagpoor,  although  Keelies 
of  similar  names  are  found  in  both.    When  the  separation  took  place,  it 
is  impossible  to  say,  but  it  has  become  marked  not  only  in  manners, 
dialect,  and  dress,  but  in  appearance.  The  Mondas  form  part  of  the  good 
tempered,  but  ugly  figured  Dhangurs  seen  in  Calcutta.  The  Hos  are,  on 
the  contrary,  eminently  handsome,  with  figures  like  the  Apollo  Belvi- 
dere.      These  last  shave  the  hair  off  the  forehead,  and  wear  it  tied  be- 
hind.    The  Mondas  wear  their  locks  dishevelled,  or  clubbed  at  the 
top  of  the  head,  transfixed  with  a  long  pin  or  comb,  and  are  at  once 
distinguished. 

The  Hos  are  particular  in  their  diet.  They  eat  beef  (all  but  the  bor- 
der and  half  Hindooised  ones),  mutton,  goat's  flesh,  fowls,  hares,  deer, 
and  fish.     The  poorest  classes  eat  pig,  but  unlike  the  Dhangurs,  San- 


B04        The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  Kolehan).       [No.  104. 

tals,  Bhoomijes,  and  other  tribes  inhabiting  the  jungles,  they  never 
touch  the  flesh  of  bears,  monkeys,  snakes,  and  other  wild  animals.  The 
Hos,  with  some  few  exceptions,  will  drink  spirits  (of  which  they  are  ex- 
travagantly fond)  from  wine  glasses  used  by  us ;  but  they  will  not  drink 
water  contained  in  any  earthen  vessel,  which  may  have  been  touched 
by  other  classes.  Many  of  them  believe  the  essence  or  soul  of  a  man  to 
lie  in  his  shadow,  and  consequently  will  relinquish  boiling  rice  or 
other  food,  while  preparing,  if  the  shade  of  a  different  caste  person  fall 
upon  it. 

Their  standard  dish  (as  it  is  both  meat  and  drink  to  them)  is  ^'  Eely," 
or  rice  beer.  It  consists  of  rice  and  water  boiled  and  mashed  together, 
and  then  left  to  ferment  for  three  days,  with  a  piece  of  "  Rannoo" 
(a  bitter  root)  to  aid  the  process ;  of  this  all  classes,  ages,  and  sexes, 
partake,  many  of  them  intemperately.  In  their  hunting  parties  it 
often  forms  their  sole  sustenance  for  two  or  three  days.  The  drink  is 
not  badly  flavoured,  and  use  would  make  it,  I  should  think,  just  as 
palatable  as  our  common  small  beer  ;  it  causes  moderate  inebriation? 
and  all  classes  appear  after  their  meals  slightly  *'  jollified"  by  it. 
They  seldom  drink  to  a  disgusting  excess,  and  quarrels  from  intoxica- 
tion are  not  of  common  occurrence.  The  Soondees,  a  spirit  manufac- 
turing class  of  Hindoos,  are  numerous  throughout  Singbhoom,  and 
make  a  strong  distillation  of  the  Mowhooa  berry,  called  by  the  Hos 
"  arkee ;"  of  this  the  latter,  left  to  themselves,  do  not  much  partake, 
preferring  their  own  beer. 

As  yet,  commerce  has  been  scarcely  at  all  introduced  into  the  Kole- 
han ;  the  people,  among  whom  poverty  is  unknown,  remain  contented 
with  the  spoils  of  the  chase,  and  the  limited  produce  of  their  fields, 
which  are  only  cultivated  in  sufficiency  to  meet  present  want.  They 
are  bad  husbandmen,  and  no  agricultural  works  on  a  large  scale,  such 
as  tanks  and  bunds  to  meet  the  exigencies  of  a  dry  season,  are  met 
with  in  the  country.  The  "  levelling  system"  obtains  so  much  among 
them,  that  there  is  no  farmer  or  landholder  in  the  country  with 
capital  sufficient  to  go  through  with  such  a  work.  The  former  lords 
of  the  soil,  the  "  Surawuks"  (Hindoos),  excavated  many  fine  tanks, 
the  traces  of  which  still  remain;  they  have  all  however  been  destroyed 
by  the  Hos,  who  let  out  the  water  for  the  sake  of  sowing  the  rich  mud 
at  the  bottom  ;  or  have  allowed  them,  through  superstitious  motives, 


1840.]  The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  Kolehan).  805 

to  fill  up  from  neglect.  Being  an  undulating  country,  their  rice 
cultivation  is  restricted  to  nullahs  and  water-courses,  over  which  they 
form  fields,  by  choking  up  the  stream  with  soil  brought  from  the 
''  Tarn,"  or  upland,  a  process  of  infinite  toil.  An  inferior  kind  of  rice, 
''  Gora  dhan,"  is  sown  in  the  uplands,  and  the  jungle  tribes  cultivate 
the  hills  up  to  their  summits  with  cotton,  moong,  oorid,  chunna,  til, 
surgoojia,  tobacco,  &c. ;  such  common  esculents  as  the  jingee,  khukra, 
cucumber,  pumpkin,  maize,  and  baugun,  are  grown  in  their  villages  ; 
also  vast  quantities  of  the  castor  oil  tree,  of  the  kut'hul,  or  *  jack*,  and 
mangoe  trees,  which  the  Surawuks  planted  in  numbers,  but  few 
now  remain.  The  Hos  prize  much  more  the  tamarind,  which  is  met 
with  in  every  village,  and  grows  in  great  luxuriance. 

Vast  quantities  of  the  Tusser  worm  are  reared  in  the  "  Assun"  jun- 
gles throughout  the  country,  the  proprietors  of  which  preserve  them 
with  great  jealousy  and  care.  The  cocoons  are  sold  to  bead  merchants, 
who  come  annually  to  barter  them  in  return  for  necklaces.  The  silk  is 
manufactured  at  Serykela,  Bankoorah,  and  Medneepoor,  that  from  the 
former  being  most  prized.  In  tending  the  young  worms,  much  the 
same  ceremonies  are  gone  through  as  by  the  people  in  the  Sunderbunds ; 
fasting,  continence,  and  cleanliness,  being  considered  indispensable. 
The  Hos  travel  all  the  way  to  Poory  for  the  sake  of  purchasing  salt  ; 
they  are  allowed  to  bring  it  laden  on  bullocks  through  Kewnjur,  by 
paying  toll ;  but  in  passing  through  Baumenghattee,  a  nearer  and  bet- 
ter road,  salt  on  bullocks  is  seized  and  confiscated  by  the  Mohenbunj 
Raja.  Bangy  loads  are  however  suffered  to  pass  on  payment  of  some 
douceur.  There  is  no  Government  gola  nearer  than  Medneepoor  or 
Bankoorah. 

Vast  numbers  of  cattle  are  bred  in  the  country  ;  the  Hos  do  not 
tend  them  themselves,  but  deliver  them  over  to  Gwallas,  with  whom 
they  keep  little  account,  until  the  cattle  are  required  as  payment 
on  marriage  occasions.  The  latter  accordingly  make  a  good  thing 
of  their  charge,  selling  the  milk  and  ghee,  and  often  the  cattle 
themselves.  Great  quantities  of  the  latter,  and  also  of  bufllaloes,  are 
sold  to  Tamarias  for  the  most  trifling  prices,  besides  numbers  stolen 
or  swindled  away  by  their  customers,  who  are  notorious  cheats 
and  robbers.  In  former  times,  when  the  Hos  used  to  make  ''  Raids" 
over  the  borders,  and  harry  the  cattle  of  their  neighbours,  these  little 


806        The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  Kolehan).       [No.  104. 

filchings  were  not  so  much  minded,  but  now  that  their  excursions  have 
been  put  a  stop  to,  the  owners  get  more  careful,  and  keep  a  better 
look  out  on  the  Gwallas.  The  sheep  also,  which  are  numerous  in 
some  parts,  have  been  pronounced  by  judges  to  be  equal  to  the  Patna 
mutton  for  the  table  ;  but  these  and  goats,  as  well  as  poultry,  the 
Hos  part  with  with  difficulty,  as  they  require  them  for  their 
sacrifices,  &c.  A  peculiarity  in  the  country,  is  the  immense  flocks 
of  pigeons,  which  breed  in  every  village,  and  aflford  the  poorest  a 
delicacy  at  all  seasons.  With  money  the  Hos  are  getting  pretty  well 
acquainted,  but  still  hold  copper  coin  in  great  disdain,  seldom  taking 
the  trouble  to  count  a  large  quantity,  but  reckoning  it  by  handfuls, 
to  the  unfeigned  astonishment  of  our  Hindoo  servants,  who  would 
squabble  for  the  tenth  part  of  a  cowree. 

In  summing  up  this  account  of  the  Hos  race  by  a  description  of 
their  general  character,  their  virtues  and  vices,  I  may  perhaps  fall 
into  the  error  of  a  little  partiality  in  their  favour;  three  years  constant 
intercourse  with  them,  in  which  their  love  of  truth,  their  honesty, 
their  obliging  willingness,  and  their  happy  ingenuous  disposition,  form- 
ed so  striking  a  contrast  to  the  mass  of  the  people  in  Hindustan, 
may  perhaps  have  induced  me  to  pass  lightly  over  faults  to  which 
they  are  but  too  liable  ;  but  this  error  (a  pleasing  one)  is  I  imagine 
shared  with  me,  by  all  the  European  residents  who  were  at 
Chyebassa.  Whether  the  duplicity  and  bad  propensities  of  Hindoos 
in  general,  be  owing  to  their  intercourse  with  us,  or  whether  it 
be  inherent  among  them,  is  a  point  at  present  mooted,  and  not  be  de- 
cided by  myself  But  among  this  simple  race,  the  reputed  evils 
of  civilization  have  not  yet  commenced  to  be  felt;  and  fervently  is 
it  to  be  trusted,  though,  alas,  the  hope  may  be  Utopian,  that  the 
introduction  of  our  Courts  of  Justice,  in  checking  the  lawless  tendency 
of  the  Koles,  may  not  destroy  those  virtues  which  are  inherent  to 
a  primitive  state  of  society.  The  unhappy  feuds  which,  handed 
down  through  generations,  formerly  existed  among  them,  were  owing 
rather  to  mistaken  notions  of  honour,  than  to  more  malignant  feelings ; 
and  the  best  proof  of  this,  is  the  ease  with  which  through  a  little  timely 
advice,  quarrels  a  I'outrance  of  the  oldest  standing  have  been  made 
up,  and  whole  clans  readily  reconciled  to  each  other.  After  the  first 
rough  settlements  of  this  country  had  been   made,  this  became  the 


1840.]  The  Hodesum  [improperly  called  Kolehan).  80/ 

especial  care  of  that  truly  wise  and  benevolent  man,  Major  Wilkinson, 
the  late  Political  Agent  of  the  South- West  Frontier,*  and  fortunate  was 
it,  that  his  excellent  arrangements  were  so  well  seconded  by  the 
inherent  good  feelings  of  the  people,  for  whose  welfare  they  were 
directed.  The  depredations  committed  by  the  Hos  formerly  on 
their  neighbours,  for  the  sake  of  driving  off  their  cattle,  were  chiefly,  if 
not  entirely,  at  the  instigation  of  the  Hindoo  Zemindars  around, 
who  employed  them  to  wreak  their  own  malice  on  their  neighbours, 
and  indeed  the  Hos  served  them,  in  a  manner,  as  mercenary  hordes. 
Their  forays  were  never  marked  by  cruelty  or  unnecessary  violence, 
nor  except  when  they  were  openly  resisted,  was  ever  life  taken. 
A  fearful  number  of  people  (among  themselves)  have  fallen  sacrifices  to 
the  horrid  superstitions  respecting  witchcraft ;  but  such  crimes, 
common  to  the  barbarous  ages  of  all  nations,  and  but  too  prevalent 
formerly  in  our  own,  must  be,  by  the  impartial  observer,  attributed 
more  to  the  depravity  of  the  judgment  than  the  heart.  The 
superstition  still  continues,  but  the  horrors  resulting  from  it  have 
almost  entirely  ceased.  But  cold  blooded  murder  for  the  sake  of  gain, 
robbery,  even  pilfering,  lying,  deceit,  dishonesty,  even  of  the  most 
venial  kind,  are  almost  unknown,  and  looked  upon  with  disgust. 
The  truth  and  integrity  of  a  Kole  are  well  known,  and  the  fidelity 
of  their  wives,  and  modesty  of  the  females  in  general,  proverbial. 

They  are  on  the  whole  a  light-hearted  and  good-natured  race, 
irascible,  though  quickly  appeased.  But  so  strong  is  their  sense 
of  injury,  that  a  harsh  word  suddenly  spoken,  will  produce  the  most 
serious  results  ;  for  this  reason  they  seldom  quarrel,  and  terms 
(epithets)  of  abuse  are  unknown  in  the  language ;  among  females  the 
mere  hearing  of  a  few  words  of  reproach  will  induce  them  to  commit 
suicide,  and  this  crime  among  both  sexes  is  so  frightfully  prevalent,  as 

!|to  afford  no  parallel  in  any  known  country.  The  mere  banter- 
ing a  lad  on  his  predilection  for  any  girl,  has  led  to  self-destruction  ; 
jokes  of  an  injurious  nature  they  do  not  understand,  and  indeed 
seldom  or  ever  indulge  in  them,  although  in  the  most  harmless  way. 
Beggars  are  scarcely  known  in  the  country,  but  the  Hos  are  charitable 

,  {to  those  deserving  aid,  and  hospitable  to  strangers  to  the  same  de- 


*  Now  Resident  at  the  Court  of  the  Raja  of  Nagpore  (Berar.) 

5  K 


808  The  Hodesum  (improperly  called  Kolehan,)       [No.  104. 

gree  as  Arabs  of  the  desert,  for  it  is  thought  a  sign  of  enmity  to 
stop  even  at  the  door- way  without  a  *  stirrup  cup'  of  Eely.  Among 
their  chief  faults  may  be  reckoned  indolence,  and  dirt.  The  poorer 
people  are  often  very  filthy,  and  unless  in  the  warm  season,  seldom 
touch  water.  The  lowest  classes  will  not  object  to  devouring  bullocks 
that  have  died,  from  disease,  out  in  the  fields,  even  though  far  ad- 
vanced in  decomposition,  and  will  devour  stale  eggs,  half-putrid  fish, 
&c.  &c.  But  these  filthy  customs  are  confined  to  the  very  lowest  and 
poorest  of  the  people. 


Memoir  of  Sylhet,  Kachar,  and  the  adjacent  Districts.     By  Captain 
7 ISB.EK,  formerly  Superintendent  of  Kachar  and  Jynta. 

The  provinces  of  Bengal  east  of  the  Brahmaputra,  though  among  the 
earliest  acquisitions  of  the  British  in  India,  attracted  but  little  attention 
for  a  long  time,  in  consequence  of  their  general  tranquillity  and  secluded 
position.  The  vast  mountain  regions  by  which  they  were  encompassed 
on  their  external  frontiers,  seemed  to  secure  them  against  the  chance 
of  serious  foreign  invasion,  while  the  incursions  of  the  wild  hill  tribe* 
had  but  slight  effects  on  their  internal  condition,  and  were  easily 
curbed  by  a  few  local  troops  retained  chiefly  for  that  purpose.  If 
Sylhet  excited  but  little  interest,  still  less  was  naturally  thought  of 
the  petty  independent  states  connected  with  it ;  and  it  was  only  after 
the  Burmans  had  conquered  Assam  and  Manipur,  that  a  wish  seems  to 
have  arisen  for  a  more  accurate  knowledge  of  their  condition  ;  though 
this  was  still  greatly  restrained  by  fear  of  giving  umbrage  to  their  chiefs. 
The  events  arising  out  of  the  Burmese  war  have  materially  altered 
the  relations  of  all  these  countries,  on  which,  however,  it  is  not  my 
purpose  here  to  enlarge,  but  simply  to  bring  to  notice  such  facts 
respecting  their  geography,  internal  condition,  resources,  and  traditional 
histor}',  as  in  the  course  of  a  long  residence,  and  the  prosecution  of 
various  inquiries,  I  have  been  able  to  collect ;  restricting  myself  however 
to  the  correction  of  current  errors,  and  the  notice  of  such  particulars 
as  have  not  hitherto  obtained  general  publicity. 

Geography. — The  survey  of  Sylhet,  though  unfinished,  has  yet  been 
prosecuted  far  enough  to  shew,  that  the  area  of  the  district  is  more 


1840.]     Memoir  of  Sylhet,  Kachar,  §•  adjacent  Districts.      809 

considerable  than  had  been  supposed.  As  the  external  boundaries 
towards  the  Tippera  hills,  Kachar,  and  the  Kasia  mountains  have  been 
traced,  and  the  outline  is  only  incomplete  on  the  western  side,  on  which 
it  is  not  likely  any  material  difference  from  the  old  delineation  would 
be  discovered,  it  is  likely  that  the  contents  (4500  square  miles,)  now 
assigned  for  it,  is  pretty  near  the  truth.  The  quarter  in  which  the 
most  considerable  error  has  been  found  in  the  old  map  is  the  southern, 
which  Rennell  does  not  seem  to  have  visited ;  and  here  many  of  his 
positions  have  been  found  from  ten  to  forty  miles  too  much  to  the 
north.  The  topography  too  of  this  part  has  been  amended,  the  chains 
of  hills,  or  rather  ridges,  having  been  ascertained  to  consist  of  several 
parallel  ranges,  separated  by  wide  and  fertile  vallies,  and  ranging  north 
and  south,  instead  of  east  and  west,  as  before  supposed.  Some  of  these 
ridges  also  are  found  to  be  partly  in  Sylhet,  and  partly  in  Tippera, 
Slid  in  two  or  three  instances  they  penetrate  deeply  into  the  former 
district. 

On  the  side  of  Kachar,  the  boundary  of  Sylhet  has  been  traced  south- 
ward to  Chatrchura,  a  conical  peak  on  the  Banka  range  of  hills,  the 
country  about  which  is  frequented  by  the  Pytu  Kukis,  a  wild  wandering 
tribe,  who  migrate  from  this  their  north-west  limit,  eastward  to  Tung- 
hum,  and  southward  to  an  unknown  extent,  their  cognate  tribes  being 
found  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Chittagong. 

In  Lower  Kachar  a  complete  survey  of  the  cultivated  tracts  has  been 
effected,  the  principal  rivers  traced,  and  in  particular  the  course  of  the 
Delaseri  from  the  southward,  followed  through  a  part  which  heretofore 
presented  only  a  blank  in  the  map.  This  tracing,  was,  however, 
executed  by  one  of  my  native  surveyors,  after  circumstances  had  put 
it  out  of  my  power  to  conduct  it  myself. 

Captain  Pemberton's  surveys  in  Manipur  fix  the  eastern  boundary 
of  Kachar,  but  points  of  junction  between  our  surveys  occur  at  Aquee, 
in  the  Naga  Hills,  and  on  the  Bohman  range. 

In  Upper  Kachar  a  line  has  been  traced  along  the  Jatingah  river 
to  its  source,  and  thence  to  a  point  on  the  Di-yung,  at  which  it  be- 
comes navigable  for  small  boats,  beyond  which  I  had  no  opportunity  of 
proceeding  northward,  but  the  remainder  of  the  route  into  Assam  was 
explored  by  Captain  Jenkins,  whose  valuable  Report  illustrates  the 
whole  of  this   country.     The  survey,   however,   in  this  quarter  was 


810  Memoir  of  Sylhet,  Kachar,  ^  adjacent  Districts,  [No.  104. 

carried  far  enough  to  fix  the  courses  of  the  great  streams  and  ridges, 
and  to  establish  a  relation  with  the  route  pursued  by  Captain  Pem- 
berton  from  Manipur  into  Assam,  the  great  ridge  crossed  by  him  being 
in  this  survey  traced  westward  to  its  termination  in  a  number  of 
ramifications  on  the  Modura  river.  The  fact  of  most  interest  ascer- 
tained by  this  part  of  the  survey,  is  the  facility  with  which  a  road 
could  be  formed  from  the  navigable  limit  of  the  Jotingah  to  that  of 
the  Di-yung,  by  which  the  intercourse  with  Upper  Assam  would  be 
greatly  extended,  and  its  communication  with  Calcutta  shortened.  So 
gentle  is  the  ascent,  and  so  few  are  the  obstacles,  that  there  seems 
no  reason  to  doubt,  a  road  for  carts  might  be  made  with  very  little 
trouble. 

Returning  westward,  the  survey  fixes  the  boundaries  of  Jynta,  and 
much  of  the  mountain  tract  immediately  north  of  Sylhet  and  Pondua, 
including  the  country  between  Chirra  Ponji  and  Nunklao.  It  i\^ 
traces  the  outline  of  Sylhet  at  the  foot  of  the  Kasia  Hills,  and  is 
prolonged  to  Sowara,  on  the  banks  of  the  Brahmaputra,  from  which  it 
follows  the  old  channel  of  this  river  to  Naraingunj  and  Dacca.  The 
object  of  this  last  portion  of  the  work  was  to  connect  the  survey  and 
a  series  of  astronomical  observations  made  for  longitude  at  the  town 
of  Sylhet,  with  a  position  which  had  been  well  fixed  by  Mr.  Walter 
Ewer  of  the  Civil  Service,  and  to  which  the  Assam  Survey  had  also 
been  referred.  For  many  of  these  observations,  which  were  made  on 
the  transit  of  the  moon  and  stars,  I  was  so  fortunate  as  to  obtain  cor- 
responding passages  at  Greenwich.  Dacca  was  included  also  as  a  well 
fixed  point,  but  chiefly  because  the  water  communication  between 
it  and  Sylhet,  was  found  to  be  very  erroneously  delineated  in  the  old 
maps,  in  consequence  apparently  of  changes  in  the  course  of  the  rivers 
below  Azmerigunj.  Correct  outlines  were  made  of  these,  though  they 
do  not  appear  in  the  new  printed  map,  for  which  it  is  to  be  supposed 
they  were  too  late. 

The  minute  operations  carried  on  in  the  prosecution  of  the  Revenue 
Survey  have  afforded  an  opportunity  for  acquiring  a  more  intimate 
knowledge  of  the  topography,  resources,  and  husbandry  of  the  interi- 
or, and  these  complete  the  list  of  the  several  inquiries  pursued. 

Aspect  and  Geology. — The  physical  aspect  of  this  vast  tract,  presents 
great  variety,   and  cannot  of  course  be  described   under  one  term. 


1840.]     Memoir  of  Sylhet,  Kachar,  ^  adjacent  Districts.      811 

Even  in  the  plains  there  is  less  of  uniformity  than  would  be  supposed 
on  a  casual  inspection,  and  the  experienced  agriculturist  well  knows 
that  the  lands  in  the  eastern  part  of  Sylhet,  and  in  Lower  Kachar, 
are  far  more  valuable  than  those  to  the  westward,  even  up  to  the  banks 
of  the  Megna.  This  is  explained  by  the  greater  elevation  of  those  parts, 
and  by  the  number  of  hill  streams  passing  through  them,  the  banks  of 
which  are  always  higher  than  the  adjacent  country.  The  vegetation,  as 
well  as  the  husbandry  of  these  tracts,  is  greatly  influenced  by  this  par- 
ticular, of  which  I  shall  take  more  notice  hereafter. 

The  hill  regions  may  be  conveniently  separated  into  two  divisions, 
distinguished  by  great  difference  of  elevation,  the  point  of  separation 
being  fixed  on  the  Soormah  at  Luckipuf  in  Lower  Kachar,  to  the 
south-west  of  which,  whatever  elevations  present  themselves,  are  under 
two  thousand  feet,  while  those  in  the  north-west  still  maintain  a  much 
greater  altitude,  and  even  tower  occasionally  above  six  thousand  feet. 
But  the  division  is  more  appropriate  on  account  of  a  decisive  differ- 
ence in  structure,  the  northern  mountains  forming  clearly  one  system, 
while  those  of  the  south  belong  to  another,  having  reference  to  high 
ground  in  the  central  parts  of  Tippera,  the  existence  of  which  cannot 
be  doubted,  though  it  has  never  been  unequivocally  proved.  In  sup- 
port of  this  opinion,  I  must  first  point  out  that  the  numerous  streams 
flowing  from  the  southward  into  the  Soorma  and  Kusiara  rivers,  and 
of  which  the  very  existence  was  scarcely  known  before  this  Survey  was 
made,  are  many  of  them  of  a  force  and  volume  indicating  a  long 
course,  and  shewing  them  to  be  the  drains  of  high  land,  from  which 
alone  they  would  draw  the  water  which  they  discharge,  for  the 
Delaseri,  the  Sungai,  the  Munu,  the  Khwa-hi,  and  the  Cognati  streams 
appear  to  furnish  during  the  rains  on  an  average  a  discharge  of  about 
25,000  cubic  feet  per  second ;  a  quantity  quite  inconsistent  with  any 
supposition,  but  that  of  long  courses  and  elevated  origins,  as  none  of 
these  rivers  are  more  than  fifty  yards  in  width. 

If  a  reference  be  now  made  to  some  of  the  older  maps  on  which  the 
other  rivers  of  Tippera  are  traced,  it  will  be  found  that  the  Gumti, 
which  emerges  at  Commilla,  has  an  east  and  west  course,  and  that  the 
Chingri  and  Kurumphuli,  which  debouche  at  Chittagong,  run  nearly 
southward,  while  the  Kola-dyng,  as  delineated  on  more  recent  maps, 
has  a  south-west  course,  and  the  river  of  the  Kungfui  Nagas  falling 


812  Memoir  of  Sylhety^achar,  t^  adjacent  Districts.  [No.  104. 

into  the  Manipur  river,  flows  to  the  south-east.  I  may  add,  that  the 
Tipai  river  which  falls  into  the  Barak  near  Soor,  has  like  the  Sonai  and 
Delaseri  a  northern  course.  Thus  these  considerable  streams  radiate 
from  land  in  the  unexplored  regions  of  Tippera,  somewhere  between 
the  23rd  and  24th  parallels  of  north  latitude,  and  91°  and  94"'  of  E. 
longitude,  which  is  unfortunately  still  a  blank  in  our  maps. 

I  have  enlarged  on  this  subject,  because  I  conceive  it  is  one  which 
when  attentively  considered,  will  be  found  of  great  interest,  involving 
the  condition  of  a  tract  of  country,  our  ignorance  of  which,  in  some 
conjunctures  we  might  have  occasion  to  deplore. 

-Both  the  hills  and  vallies  of  Tippera  are  thickly  wooded,  and  the  latter 
often  contain  extensive  grass  jungles,  the  resort  of  wild  elephants.  The 
most  eastern  portion  of  the  northern  range  of  mountains  is  occupied 
by  Upper  Kachar,  a  wild  and  thickly  wooded  tract,  the  mountains  of 
which  sometimes  attain  an  elevation  of  five  thousand  feet,  but  offer 
considerable  diversity  in  that  respect,  as  they  here  break  into  branches 
of  the  great  ridge  running  between  Manipur  and  Assam.  The  river 
Kupili,  flowing  into  the  Brahmaputra,  marks  the  limit  of  this  tract,  and 
the  termination  of  that  vast  system  of  hills  which  stretches  westward 
from  the  unexplored  country  to  the  north-  east  of  Manipur. 

The  Kasia  mountains  rise  immediately  from  the  valley  of  the  Kupili, 
and  range  westward  to  Laour,  near  which  they  are  bounded  by  the 
Patli  river,  the  hills  west  of  that  belonging  to  the  Garrows,  and  being 
distinguished  by  an  aspect  and  structure  of  their  own. 

Much  has  been  written  on  the  Kasia  mountains  during  the  last  ten 
years  that  they  have  been  visited  by  Europeans,  but  I  am  not  aware 
that  any  attempt  has  been  made  to  account  for  their  peculiarities,  nor 
would  I  now  undertake  the  task,  but  that  I  fear  it  will  be  left  undone 
by  those  who  could  perform  it  so  much  better.  The  physical  aspect 
of  these  hills  excites  the  strong  attention  of  the  observer,  as  being  so 
greatly  at  variance  with  that  of  the  whole  country  in  their  neighbour- 
hood. The  barrenness  of  the  table  land,  more  especially  in  its  southern 
portion,  where  not  only  does  nature  yield  but  little,  but  where  art  is 
found  unable  to  assist  her,  is  perhaps  unprecedented  in  such  a  climate. 
This  sterility  will,  I  think,  be  found  to  be  closely  connected  with  the 
character  of  the  rocks,  and  the  disturbance  of  the  strata,  but  more 
especially  with  the  latter,  for  where  these  are  horizontal,  there  is  an 


1840.]     Memoir  of  Sylhet,  Kachar,  ^  adjacent  Districts,       813 

absence  of  vegetation,  and  wherever  the  strata  are  inclined  to  the 
horizon,  symptoms  of  fertility  begin  to  shew  themselves. 

The  absence  of  any  well  marked  appearance  of  the  unstratified  rocks 
is  remarkable  in  the  Kasia  hills,  for  I  am  aware  only  of  one  instance  in 
which  they  are  said  to  shew  serpentine ;  having,  it  is  said,  been  seen  near 
Nungklao,  a  locality  which  however  I  had  no  opportunity  of  examining. 
It  is  true,  granite  is  found,  but  except  at  the  Okillon  hill,  always  in  boul- 
ders on  the  surface,  nor  has  it  ever  been  seen  in  peaks  or  amorphous 
masses,  to  the  protrusion  of  which,  the  dip  of  the  secondary  strata 
is  usually  referred.  Except  in  the  single  instance  of  the  limestone 
which  occurs  near  Musmai,  I  think  it  may  be  said  that  there  is  no 
appearance  of  a  disturbance  in  the  sandstone  bed  by  which  the  country 
between  that  place  and  the  Bogapani  is  filled,  and  of  which  the  thick- 
ness is  unknown ;  now  this  part  (and  others  similar  to  it)  is  remarkably 
sterile ;  but  wherever  the  level  of  the  strata  has  been  disturbed,  whe- 
ther by  internal  igneous  action,  or  by  any  force  of  a  more  limited 
range,  a  disintegration  of  the  rocks,  and  consequent  accumulation  of 
soil  at  the  foot  of  the  slope  formed,  has  taken  place>  and  vegetation  to 
a  greater  or  less  extent  ensued.  Thus  the  slopes  formed  at  the  out- 
crop of  the  sandstone  with  the  limestone  near  Musmai  are  all  well 
covered  with  wood,  which  disappears  as  the  slope  subsides  into  the 
ordinary  level  of  the  table  land.  And  in  general  throughout  the 
ascent  from  the  plains  to  Chirra,  after  the  limits  of  the  lower  bed  of 
limestone  have  been  passed,  it  may  be  observed  that  vegetation  is 
dense  only  on  the  slopes,  and  that  wherever  ledges  or  steps  occur, 
they  are  comparatively  barren. 

The  total  rise  between  the  foot  of  the  mountains  and  Chirra,  seems 
to  be  about  one  in  ten  feet,  but  subject  to  great  irregularity,  while 
between  Chirra  and  the  south  bank  of  the  Bogapani,  it  amounts  only  to 
one  in  forty,  with  comparatively  little  variation. 

All  the  vallies  on  this  side  terminate  in  precipitous  heads,  exhibiting 
the  horizontal  position  of  the  sandstone. 

To  the  northward  of  the  Bogapani,  the  aspect  of  the  country  changes, 
and  though  the  altitude  is  greater,  the  vegetation  is  also  more  consider- 
able, and  continually  increases  until  between  Myrung  and  Nungklao 
it  becomes  abundant,  though  it  does  not  yet  exhibit  that  excess  which 
prevails  further  to  the  north  and  west.    A  feature  will  be  here  found  to 


814  Memoir  of  Sylhet,  Kachar,  ^^  adjacent  Districts,  [No.  104. 

force  itself  on  the  attention,  to  which  unquestionably  the  increase  of 
vegetation  in  this  part  is  to  be  traced  ;  I  allude  to  the  numerous  and 
large  granite  boulders  which  are  scattered  in  such  abundance  over  the 
country  as  to  be  occasionally  mistaken  for  the  crust  or  surface.  The 
granite  has  however  never,  as  I  before  observed,  been  seen  in  any  form 
but  that  of  boulders,  nor  is  there  any  well  established  instance  of 
these  having  been  seen  otherwise  than  on,  or  partially  imbedded 
in  the  surface.  I  should  remark,  that  the  mass  of  granite,  well 
known  as  the  Okillon.  near  Nungun  and  west  of  the  Nungklao  road, 
may  be  considered  of  a  dubious  form,  for  though  the  dimensions  are 
enormous,  the  shape  of  the  exposed  part  is  that  of  a  boulder.  The  dis- 
integration of  these  boulders  has  of  course  largely  contributed  to 
the  formation  of  soil,  especially  when  favoured  by  the  configuration  of 
the  ground,  but  wherever  the  boulders  are  missing,  and  the  strata 
preserve  their  horizontal  position,  vegetation  remains  likewise  defi- 
cient. 

As  I  am  more  anxious  to  record  facts  than  to  broach  theories,  I  will 
not  indulge  in  speculations  on  the  variation  of  the  structure  of  these  hills 
from  those  around  them,  but  content  myself  with  observing,  that  there 
is  nothing  in  what  I  have  pointed  out  at  all  inconsistent  with  the  more 
recent  opinions  as  to  the  order,  classification,  and  superposition  of 
the  different  rocks ;  for  though  none  of  the  unstratified  rocks  have  been 
seen  in  the  positions  which  they  might  be  expected  to  occupy  in  the 
centre  of  the  mountains,  there  is  still  no  reason  why  they  may  not  occu- 
py a  place  under  the  sandstone,  and  have  thus  effected  its  up-lifting 
without  themselves  protruding  to  the  surface.  Further  inquiries  may 
throw  light  upon  this  subject,  which  is  worthy  of  very  great  attention, 
for  if  there  be  sufficient  ground  for  the  opinion  here  thrown  out,  the 
geology  of  this  country  will  furnish  a  strong  proof  of  the  igneous  origin  of 
the  unstratified  rocks,  and  their  more  recent  appearance  above  the  surface. 

I  have  already  remarked,  that  a  bed  of  limestone  extends  along  the 
foot  of  the  hills  near  Pundua,  having  its  out-crop  about  five  hundred 
feet  above  the  plains,  where  it  abuts  on  the  sandstone.  The  direction 
of  this  bed  is  nearly  east  and  west,  and  though  frequently  broken 
through  by  rivers,  it  is  continued  westward  (declining  however  in 
elevation  as  it  proceeds)  to  Bunsikura,  where  it  is  found  in  contact 
with  the  plain,  from  which  in  other  parts  it  is  always  separated  by  clay 


1840.]    Memoir  of  Sylhet,  Kachar,  §•  adjacent  Districts,       815 

and  sand  hills  of  alluvial  formation.  The  coal  found  at  Laour  rests  on 
this  limestone,  which  abounds  in  fossil  shells,  among  which  the  principal 
are  Terebratula  and  Producta.  The  cavern  of  Booban  is  situated  in  this 
limestone,  but  no  measures  have  been  employed  to  ascertain  if  it  con- 
tains any  fossil  remains. 

The  few  facts  which  I  am  able  to  add  on  the  geology  of  the  whole 
country  under  review,  may  not  improperly  find  their  place  here,  as  they 
can  be  of  value  only  when  taken  collectively  to  illustrate  the  general 
formation. 

In  Upper  Kachar  the  dense  woods  have  materially  impeded  obser- 
vation, and  I  can  only  say,  that  the  table  land  is  there  absent,  as  well  as 
the  granite  boulders,  and  that  the  formation  is  of  primary  sandstone, 
upon  which  an  alluvial  formation  is  posited.  No  fossil  remains  have 
been  procured  from  this  quarter. 

The  Tippera  hills,  in  the  more  elevated  parts  of  which  we  have  any 
knowledge,  exhibit  primary  sandstones  underlying  an  alluvial  formation, 
in  which  fossil  remains  are  found  in  sufficient  quantity,  but  no  great 
variety.  Those  within  my  own  observation  have  been  Madrepires  and 
fossil  wood.  The  alluvial  formation  over  the  eastern  part  of  Sylhet 
and  Lower  Kachar  is  of  the  same  nature  with  that  of  Tippera,  being 
similar  in  structure  and  material.  The  common  feature  is  a  kind  of 
breccia,  which  is  found  in  masses  varying  from  a  mere  pebble  to  enor- 
mous blocks  of  many  thousand  tons  weight,  and  these  are  imbedded 
in  the  clay  or  sand  hills  near  the  surface  (never  stratified),  often  m 
connexion  with  a  thin  stratum  of  a  substance  exhibiting  a  highly 
metallic  appearance,  and  which  seems  to  be  oxide  of  iron.  It  is  impos- 
sible to  examine  these  black  blocks,  which  on  fracture  display  numer- 
ous concavities,  without  entertaining  the  suspicion  of  their  volcanic 
origin ;  but  any  doubts  on  this  head  must  cease  on  looking  at  the  masses 
of  lava  by  which  they  are  often  accompanied,  for  that  the  shapeless 
lumps  to  which  I  allude  have  been  in  a  state  of  fusion,  admits  of  no 
question,  being  proved  by  their  vitrious  lustre,  close  and  brittle  texture, 
and  by  the  presence  of  blisters  formed  by  the  air  during  the  process  of 
cooling.  I  abstain  from  noticing  the  localities  of  the  coal  beds,  salt 
wells,  and  Petroleum  spring,  as  they  have  been  heretofore  described. 

It  must  be  acknowledged  that  our  geological  knowledge  of  this  quar- 
ter is  still  lamentably  defective,  and  that  the  materials  for  drawing  a 

5  L 


816  Memoir  of  Sylhet,  Kachar,  ^  adjacent  Districts.  [No.  104. 

section  of  the  rocks  in  their  exact  order  from  Thibet,  across  Assam, 
Sylhet,  and  Tippera,  are  still  to  be  collected.     • 

The  points  of  interest  remaining  for  examination  within  this  division 
are : — 

1  St.  The  course  of  the  Kupeli  river  from  its  source  to  its  confluence 
with  the  Di-yung,  in  the  valley  between  Upper  Kachar  and  Jynte.  It 
is  likely  to  pass  through  a  country  the  geology  of  which  must  deserve 
attention,  as  the  structure  of  the  opposite  sides  of  the  valley  must  be 
essentially  different,  the  one  upholding  a  table  land,  the  other  running 
up  into  peaks  and  ridges,  while  the  possibility  that  the  river  may  offer 
a  navigable  communication  with  some  point  easy  of  access  from  the 
side  of  Sylhet,  is  an  additional  reason  for  examining  it. 

2nd.  The  course  of  the  Patli  river  near  Laour.  This  river  divides 
the  Kasia  hills  from  the  Garrows,  and  its  valley  must  exhibit  similar 
diversity  in  the  structure  of  its  opposite  sides  with  that  of  the  Kupeli. 

3rd.  I  have  already  pointed  out  the  interest  that  attaches  to  the 
country  in  the  middle  parts  of  Tippera,  and  I  may  here  add,  that  the 
geology  of  this  quarter  must  be  valuable,  as  it  is  likely  to  be  connected 
with  the  system  of  mountains  which  separates  Arracan  from  Pegu,  and 
to  contain  the  extinct  craters  from  which  the  volcanic  remains  above 
noticed  have  issued. 

To  conclude  this  account  of  the  very  diversified  aspect  of  the  country, 
the  vast  semi-basin  enclosed  on  the  northern,  eastern,  and  much  of 
the  southern  side  by  the  mountains  above  described,  may  be  conveni- 
ently divided  into  two  tracts,  distinguished  from  each  other  by  differ- 
ence of  level,  and  by  dissimilarity  of  vegetable  and  agricultural  produce, 
as  well  as  by  their  capacity  for  commodious  habitations  and  occupa- 
tions. A  line  drawn  SE.  from  Chattak  passing  west  of  Taj  pur, 
through  Nubigunj,  and  thence  under  the  hills  southward  to  Turruf,  will 
serve  very  nearly  to  separate  these  tracts. 

That  to  the  westward,  extending  nearly  to  the  Brahmaputra,  is  in 
most  parts  always  marshy,  and  the  whole  is  subject  to  periodical 
inundations  of  long  duration,  being  in  general  under  water  from  April 
to  the  middle  of  November.  The  towns  and  villages,  which  in  some 
parts,  more  especially  to  the  southward,  are  numerous,  are  built  on 
mounds  raised  with  earth  dug  during  the  dry  season ;  the  houses  are 
in  clusters,  huts  for  men,  temples,  mosques,  and  sheds  for  cattle,  being 


1840.]     Memoir  of  Sylhet,  KachaVy  ^  adjacent  Districts,       817 

huddled  together  in  a  manner  that  gives  to  them  the  appearance  rather 
of  the  temporary  abode  of  fugitives,  than  the  settled  residence  of  a 
people.  This  tract  is  called  Bhatta,  apparently  from  its  lowness,  and 
seems  to  have  been  conquered  by  the  Mussulmans  before  the  rest  of 
Sylhet. 

The  eastern  division  is  on  a  higher  level,  and  rises  gradually  towards 
the  mountains  on  either  side ;  notwithstanding  this,  the  marshes  which 
occasionally  occur,  might  lead  to  a  different  belief;  but  these  are  very 
limited  in  extent,  and  occupy  distinct  hollows,  and  the  fact  of  general 
rise  is  proved  by  the  course  of  the  rivers,  which  without  it  could  never 
exhibit  those  strong  currents  for  which  they  are  remarkable. 

The  irregularities  of  the  surface  are  referable  to  three  distinct  causes : 
1st.  Several  ranges  of  the  alluvial  formation  crossing  it  run  up  into 
ridges,  from  one  to  three  hundred  feet  in  height. 

2nd.  The  vallies  formed  by  these  ranges  rise  from  the  centre  towards 
either  side,  where  the  land  being  above  the  level  of  ordinary  inundations, 
is  peculiarly  adapted  for  agricultural  purposes,  and  is  called  Do-fusilya, 
or  that  of  two  harvests. 

3d.  The  banks  of  the  Surma  and  all  the  hill  streams  are  occupied 
by  land  cultivable  for  two  yearly  crops,  which  however  here  owes  its 
origin  to  a  different  cause,  having  been  thrown  up  by  the  rivers  in 
working  their  channels  through  the  plain. 

I  have  here  much  satisfaction  in  bringing  to  notice  one  of  those  rare 
instances  in  which  the  interests  of  a  portion,  however  small,  of  the 
Indian  community  have  been  manifestly    benefited   by  the  adoption 
of  conclusions  emanating  solely  from  European  foresight  and  observa- 
tion.    A  causeway  constructed  by  the  Mogul  Government   along  the 
left  bank  of  the  Surma,  and  intended  to  restrain  its  inundations,  was 
kept  up  at  a  considerable  expence  by  the  British  Government,  until  the 
mischievous  consequences  which   have  followed  the   maintenance   of 
similar  erections  on  the  Po  and  Adige,  in  Italy,  having  been  brought  to 
notice,  it  was,  about  twenty  years  ago,  abandoned,  and  the  river  allowed 
to  take  its  natural  course.  Contrary  to  the  expectations  of  many,  no  harm 
followed ;  the  river  occasionally  rose  for  a  short  time  above  its  banks, 
but  the  inundation  ran  off  rapidly,  and  it  seldom  happened  that  any 
injury  was  done.     It  was  soon,  however,  observed,  that  wherever  the 
river  overflowed  its  banks,  a  sediment  was  left,  which  both  raised  and 


818  Memoir  of  Sylhet,  Kachar,  ^adjacent  Districts.  [No.  104. 

improved  the  land,  and  in  consequence  people  far  from  dreading 
the  inundation,  soon  learnt  to  turn  it  to  account ;  and  having  banked 
such  lands  as  were  fit  for  the  purpose,  led  the  river  to  them  by  narrow 
canals,  which  they  closed  after  the  flow  of  water  was  deemed  sufficient, 
and  re-opened  when  the  river  had  fallen  sufficiently  to  allow  it  to  run 
off.  This  practice  is  now  quite  common,  and  by  it  much  marshy  land 
has  been  reclaimed.  The  low  lands  in  the  Eastern  parts  of  the  country 
may  all  in  time  be  filled  up  by  the  sediment  left  by  the  inundations  of 
the  rivers,  but  these  are  in  reality  so  rare,  and  of  such  short  duration, 
that  more  will  be  effected  by  art  than  nature  in  this  way.  It 
must  be  remembered,  that  the  ordinary  inundation  which  fills  the 
marshes  does  not  proceed  from  the  rivers  but  is  furnished  by  the  rains, 
and  yields  no  sediment,  this  distinction  is,  of  course,  not  to  be  over- 
looked in  the  execution  of  the  operation  above  described. 

Husbandry. — The  agricultural  processes  in  the  Bhatta  are  very 
simple,  and  may  be  briefly  dismissed.  As  soon  as  the  inundation 
begins  to  subside,  or  in  the  beginning  of  November,  such  lands  as  are 
sufficiently  high  for  the  purpose,  are  ploughed  and  sown  for  rice  and 
millet,  the  crop  being  cut  in  April.  Gardens  and  orchards  are  unknown, 
and  the  cultivation  derives  the  smallest  possible  aid  from  the  labour 
which  in  other  parts  is  so  productive.  There  are  neither  sugarcane 
patches,  plantations  of  pan,  vine,  chillies,  nor  vegetables, — a  little 
sursoo,  and  hemp,  with  some  gourds  and  cucumbers  about  the  huts, 
appear  occasionally,  but  in  limited  quantity.  The  marshes  are  however 
filled  with  cattle,  from  which  profits  are  derived  sufficient  to  make 
the  occupation  of  these  desolate  tracts  desirable.  Ghee  and  cheese 
are  made  from  the  milk  of  buffaloes  and  cows,  and  the  upper  lands  are 
furnished  with  young  bullocks  for  the  plough  in  numbers,  being 
driven  to  bazars  and  fairs  in  the  spring  of  the  year,  before  the  return 
of  the  inundation  in  May  and  June,  after  which  months  they  are 
confined  to  their  sheds,  and  supported  on  green  fodder  brought  in 
boats  from  the  jhils.  The  people  here  are  extensively  concerned  in 
the  transport  of  grain,  being  the  carriers  between  the  high  lands  east- 
ward and  the  country  to  the  south-west.  The  husbandry  of  the 
eastern  quarter  is  of  a  far  more  elaborate  description,  though  it  has  not 
yet  exhausted  the  resources  of  art  on  the  one  hand,  nor  those  of  nature 
on  the  other.     A  fertile  soil,  renewed  continually  by  accumulations  from 


I 


1840.]     Memoir  of  Sylhet,  Kachar,  ^  adjacent  Districts.      819 

the  hills,  copious  supplies  of  rain,  with  immunity  from  excessive  inun- 
dation, are  among  the  advantages  enjoyed  by  this  favoured  tract.  The 
character  too  of  the  scenery  here  becomes  peculiar,  and  is  sufficiently 
marked  to  call  for  its  separation  from  that  of  India  generally.  Vast 
sheets  of  cultivation,  extending  for  miles  along  the  banks  of  the  Surma 
and  other  streams,  intersected  by  splendid  groves  of  trees  and  bamboos, 
forniing  shelter  for  extensive  villages,  and  occasionally  by  low  ranges 
of  wooded  hills,  and  backed  always  by  mountains  either  near  or 
distant,  form  an  endless  succession  of  gratifying  scenes,  on  which  the 
eye  rests  with  pleasure,  and  which,  whether  beheld  by  the  agricultural 
economist  estimating  the  resources  of  the  land,  by  the  philanthrophist 
rejoicing  in  the  welfare  of  his  fellow  men,  or  by  the  lover  of  the  pic- 
turesque, must  always  excite  the  most  pleasurable  emotions.  But  I 
must  not  wander  from  the  simple  account  which  I  proposed  to  furnish 
in  this  paper. 

The  ploughing  season  here  begins  in  the  middle  of  January,  when 
the  lower  descriptions  of  land  destined  for  the  Aumun  crop  are  first 
broken  up  ;  the  higher  soon  follow,  though  it  is  usual  to  reserve  such, 
on  account  of  the  hardness  of  the  soil,  until  the  first  showers  which 
fall  in  February.  Before  the  end  of  March  all  the  lands  are  sown,  and 
in  July  or  August  the  first  crop  is  reaped  from  the  higher  lands  alone, 
which  are  again  ploughed  and  sown  for  an  autumnal  crop  in  November 
and  December.  It  will  readily  be  understood,  that  the  aumun  lands 
are  subject  to  inundation,  though  not  commonly  to  the  extent  which 
would  endanger  the  crop,  and  I  must  here  more  particularly  explain 
their  position,  which  may  else  seem  not  very  reconcilable  with  parts 
of  the  foregoing  description.  I  have  said  that  the  western  division 
is  subject  to  excessive  inundation, — may  be  marked  by  a  line  running 
southward  from  the  neighbourhood  of  Chattak  ;  and  this  is  true  gener- 
ally, though  a  few  considerable  gulfs  cut  into  the  eastern  quarter, 
running  up  for  some  miles,  more  especially  between  the  courses  of 
the  great  rivers,  and  form  petty  jhils  of  great  depth,  which  are  un- 
culturable.  The  aumun  lands  are  situated  on  the  sides  of  these  and 
similar  jhils,  but  their  cultivation  is  very  different  from  that  of  the 
Bhatta  country,  the  crop  in  them  remaining  on  the  ground  throughout 
the  rainy  season,  and  being  in  consequence  very  abundant  and  rich, 
while  that  of  the  Bhatta,  grown  only  in  the  winter,  is  both  scanty  and  of 


820  Memoir  of  Sylhet,  Kachar,  §•  adjacent  Districts.  [No.  104. 

inferior  quality.  These  jhils  branching  from  the  Bhatta,  I  should 
observe,  obstruct  the  cross  communications  in  the  higher  country,  and 
render  it  impassable  for  travellers  from  about  April  or  May,  until  the 
middle  or  end  of  November,  but  do  not  affect  the  cultivation  materially. 

The  ordinary  products  are  dhdn,  dhal,  and  kulaie,  of  all  which 
there  are  many  varieties  :  the  grain  is  usually  divided  into  two  classes, 
called  from  the  situation  in  which  it  has  been  grown  Sayl,  and 
Aumun  ;  among  these  the  subdivisions  seem  to  be  infinite,  and  I 
should  add,  that  they  are  not  mere  fanciful  distinctions,  but  made  with 
reference  to  well  marked  peculiarities,  either  of  quality  or  fruition. 
Thus  among  the  Sayl,  which  grows  on  the  high  lands,  there  are  grains 
which  come  to  maturity  in  the  short  space  of  six  weeks,  while  there 
are  others,  as  the  Burwa,  which  can  be  raised  on  the  Aumun  lands  in 
the  winter.  It  may  not  readily  attract  attention,  but  the  careful 
inquirer  will,  I  think,  find  it  no  small  advantage,  that  there  are  so  many 
grains  whose  times  of  coming  to  perfection  are  unequal,  as  they  afibrd, 
under  proper  management,  a  sure  resource  against  the  loss  of  crops  of 
more  ample,  but  more  slow  growth.  All  the  Sayl  grains  are  raised  on 
seedling  land  and  transplanted,  and  this  practice  extends,  under 
favourable  circumstances,  to  the  Aumun,  the  increased  productiveness 
consequent,  being  well  known.  As  a  point  of  some  interest  in  Indian 
husbandry,  and  on  which  doubts  have  been  entertained,  I  may  state  from 
personal  knowledge,  that  manures  are  frequently  and  extensively  used. 
My  occupation,  as  a  Revenue  Surveyor,  gave  me  frequent  opportunities 
of  making  this  observation  in  the  most  unexceptionable  manner,  and 
that  the  practice  is  not  readily  avowed,  I  attribute  to  the  fear  on  the 
part  of  the  cultivator  that  any  practice  which  attracts  the  notice  of  a 
European  functionary,  will  be  made  the  ground  for  increased  assessment. 

Irrigation  is  never  found  necessary  except  for  the  winter  crops,  but 
if  wheat  was  cultivated,  which  experiment  has  shewn  to  be  perfectly 
feasible  in  the  cold  season,  water  could  be  had  in  abundance  for  the 
purpose,  and  in  the  same  way,  barley,  oats,  and  potatoes,  have  all  been 
raised  by  me  in  Kachar  on  terms  which  prove  their  culture  would  be 
highly  profitable. 

In  attempting  to  estimate  the  profits  of  agriculture,  and  the  condition 
of  the  people  employed  in  it,  I  should  premise,  that  the  minute  sub- 
division of  the  proprietory  right  to  land  which  obtains  in  Sylhet,  has 


1840.]     Memoir  of  Sylhet^  Kachar,  ^  adjacent  Districts.      821 

been  accompanied  by  those  consequences  which  have  been  observed  in 
other  countries  similarly  circumstanced,  and  that  while  the  industry 
exhibited  in  the  cultivation  of  the  petty  taluks  by  their  proprietors  is 
very  admirable,  the  want  of  capita],  by  which  their  capabilities  might 
be  increased,  is  but  too  apparent.  I  am  not  however  sure,  that  the 
physical  comfort  of  the  people  is  as  yet  diminished  by  this  circumstance, 
for  it  is  certain  that  the  means  of  subsistence  are  in  abundance,  and  I 
have  no  hesitation  in  saying,  that  I  have  no  where  seen  a  population 
among  whom  the  ordinary  wants  of  nature  were  so  easily  and  cheaply 
supplied.  But  though  there  is  an  efficient  and  permanent  demand  for 
produce,  the  want  of  capital,  or  rather  its  excessive  dissemination, 
effectually  prevents  the  adoption  of  means  by  which  the  cultivator 
might  derive  from  his  land  those  profits,  which  it  is  calculated  to  yield. 
I  must  here  meet  an  old  and  often  urged  objection,  that  it  is  the 
Government  exactions  which  check  improvement,  by  observing,  that 
this  is  one  of  the  lowest  taxed  districts  in  India,  the  average  rate  of 
assessment  being  somewhere  about  four  annas  per  head,  or  one  rupee 
one  anna  on  the  adult  males  alone,  while  the  wages  of  labour  are 
from  two  and  a  half  to  three  rupees  a  month.  A  rate  therefore  which 
exacts  on  an  average  the  value  of  ten  days  labour  from  each  man  in  the 
year,  cannot  be  considered  excessive,  at  least  when  compared  with  the 
average  for  all  India,  which  is  above  seven  times  higher.  It  is  there- 
fore to  the  dissemination  of  capital  that  the  absence  of  improvement 
is  entirely  attributable,  and  the  state  of  the  land  tenures  therefore  in 
this  district  is  well  worth  the  attention  of  the  Indian  financier,  shewing 
as  it  does  the  condition  to  which,  under  the  existing  laws  of  inheritance, 
every  province  in  India  is  tending. 

No  cultivator,  whether  proprietor  or  ryot,  ever  follows  agriculture 
here  as  a  speculation,  or  ventures  to  till  a  larger  quantity  of  land  than 
can  be  conveniently  managed  by  himself  and  the  members  of  his  family, 
and  if  he  raises  grain  sufiicient  for  his  annual  expenditure,  and  a  sur- 
plus equal  to  the  payment  of  the  Government  revenue,  his  operations 
are  considered  successful.  He  employs  the  spare  time,  of  which  he 
has  abundance,  in  other  pursuits  which  do  not  require  a  capital,  or  only 
a  very  small  one  in  money.  Thus  the  more  considerable  proprietors 
after  letting  the  portion  of  their  taluks  which  they  do  not  find  it 
convenient  to  cultivate  themselves,  often  engage  in  the  conduct  of 


822   Memoir  of  Sylhet,  Kachar,  S^  adjacent  Districts.  [No.  104. 

adventurers  to  the  woods  for  timber,  bamboos,  grass,  &c.,  or  they  clear 
land  on  the  hills  for  cotton,  build  boats,  and  convey  grain  to  the 
markets  in  the  south,  &c. ;  while  the  Ryots  act  as  boatmen,  coolies,  and 
the  like,  in  all  which  employments  little  or  no  cash  outlay  is  required ; 
but  they  subsist  on  grain  raised  in  their  own  fields,  while  their  wives 
and  children  maintain  themselves  by  making  cloths,  &c.,  for  home 
consumption,  or  sale,  carrying  the  produce  of  their  gardens  and  orchards 
to  market,  and  tending  cattle. 

There  is  nothing  very  remarkable  in  all  this  perhaps,  except  that  it 
exhibits  a  society  among  which  the  first  steps  in  economical  improve- 
ment have  hardly  been  taken,  the  advantages  of  the  division  of  labour 
not  having  yet  been  appreciated,  or  rather  the  introduction  of  that 
principle  having  been  prevented,  by  the  want  of  accumulated  capital,  to 
meet  the  expense  and  delay  that  must  precede  the  more  ample  returns 
which  it  ensures.  I  will  not  enter  into  any  estimate  of  the  expenses 
attending  the  cultivation  of  land,  and  its  return,  as  a  farming  specula- 
tion, although  I  have  by  me  details  on  the  point;  but  conclude  this 
subject  with  observing,  that  at  the  existing  rates  of  rent  and  labonr 
agriculture  would  return  the  former  (independent  of  any  improvements 
he  might  effect)  about  thirty  per  cent.,  on  his  capital.  The  common 
opinion,  confirmed  by  the  current  price  of  estates,  is,  that  money  in- 
vested in  land  yields  the  proprietor  from  12  to  15  per  cent. 

Hill  Agriculture. — Among  the  hill  tribes,  cultivation  is  very  imper- 
fectly practised,  and  many  therefore  depend  wholly  on  their  intercourse 
with  the  plains  ;  nor  can  it  be  said  that  any  of  them  are  at  all  times 
wholly  secured  from  want  by  their  own  resources.  The  nature  of  the 
country  in  the  south  part  of  the  Kasia  mountains  precludes  agriculture, 
but  in  the  central  and  northern  parts  rice  is  raised  in  considerable 
quantity,  particularly  in  the  little  glens,  and  on  the  sides  of  the  vallies, 
irrigation  being  practised,  and  the  water  brought  to  the  field  through 
narrow  canals,  and  conveyed  over  hollows,  or  up  heights,  for  short 
distances  by  hollow  trunks  of  trees  or  bamboos,  experience  having 
taught  the  cultivator  that  water  can  be  made  to  rise  in  tubes  to  the 
level  of  its  source.  The  labouring  season  is  in  the  spring,  and  the 
crop  is  cut  in  August  and  September. 

In  the  wooded  parts  of  the  mountains,  by  whomsoever  occupied, 
whether  Kacharies,  Nagas,  or  Kukies,  the  cultivation  is  of  a  mixed 


1840.]     Memoir  of  Sylhet,  Kachar,  ^  adjacent  Districts,      823 

description,  consisting  of  cotton,  rice,  and  sundry  vetches,  grown 
indiscriminately  together  in  one  large  clearing.  The  ground  for  the 
crop  is  first  prepared  by  the  dao  (or  bill),  the  jungle  when  dried  is 
burnt,  and  the  ashes  worked  into  the  soil,  which  is  then  broken  up  by 
the  hoe,  and  the  seed  planted  or  sown  in  March  or  April  for  a  crop  in 
September.  The  hills  on  the  Sylhet  and  Tippera  frontier  are  culti- 
vated in  a  similar  manner  by  the  natives  of  the  plains,  who  form  them- 
selves into  associations  periodically  for  the  purpose  of  a  trip  into  the 
hills,  on  a  joint  account,  to  cultivate  cotton  and  cut  wood  and  bamboos. 
The  cotton  thus  obtained  is  not  exported,  indeed  the  quantity  raised  is 
barely  sufficient  for  local  consumption.  It  is  short  in  the  staple,  but 
the  cloths  made  from  it  being  found  to  combine  warmth  with  lightness, 
are  in  great  esteem  among  the  people. 

I  proceed  briefly  to  notice  whatever  appears  peculiar  among  plants, 
vegetables,  and  fruits. 

Indigo  is  not  cultivated  in  Sylhet,  but  though  one  or  two  trials  have 
been  unsuccessful,  I  think  (with  men  of  some  experience)  that  with 
greater  attention  it  would  succeed.  The  climate  cannot,  as  it  has 
been  supposed,  be  wholly  unfavourable,  seeing  that  the  plant  grows 
wild  on  the  hills,  and  that  a  very  excellent  dye  is  obtained  from  it  by 
the  simple  processes  there  in  use.  The  certainty  of  having  rain 
for  the  spring  sowings,  and  the  possibility  of  choosing  the  ground  above 
the  chance  of  inundation,  are  among  the  advantages  which  I  anticipate 
for  the  cultivation  of  indigo  in  these  tracts. 

Poppy,  sugarcane,  safflower,  sursoo,  and  other  plants  yielding  oil, 
flax  and  hemp,  call  for  no  particular  notice,  they  are  all  cultivated  with 
success  in  Kachar,  Jynta,  and  (except  the  poppy)  in  the  Eastern 
division  of  Sylhet. 

Oranges,  together  with  the  arica  and  pan  vines,  for  which  this  coun- 
try is  famous,  are  all  the  produce  of  the  lower  parts  of  the  Kasia  hills, 
growing  only  on  the  limestone  strata.  Arica  of  an  inferior  quality 
is  indeed  found  all  over  Sylhet,  but  deteriorates  in  quality  to  the 
eastward,  until  in  Kachar  it  wholly  disappears.  Among  other  fruits, 
the  plaintain  is  peculiarly  fine,  but  the  mangoe  is  inferior,  and  is  not 
found  to  improve  to  the  eastward ;  the  lemon  is  found  wild  in  the 
Kasia  hills,  and  the  apricot  and  lichi  in  those  of  Kachar;  and  in 
general  the  vegetation  exhibits  so  much  variety,  and  there  are  so  many 

5  M 


824  Memoir  of  Sylhet^  Kachar,  ^  adjacent  Districts.  [No.  104. 

new  plants  offering  themselves,  as  we  advance  eastward,  that  this,  with 
the  similarity  of  climate  to  that  of  the  southern  parts  of  China,  led  to 
the  inquiries  originally  commenced  by  the  late  Mr.  Scott  for  the  tea 
plant,  which  if  it  has  not  yet  been  discovered  in  a  wild  state  so  far  to 
the  westward,  would  probably  succeed  on  some  of  the  soils  in  the 
alluvial  formations  of  Kachar  or  Tippera.  Several  cognate  plants  have 
been  found,  and  genuine  tea  plants  were  raised  in  my  garden  from 
seeds  in  1835. 

China  root  i(Rhubarb?)  and  lignum  aloes  are  mentioned  as  the  pro- 
duce of  Sylhet  in  the  "  Ayin  Akhbari,"  but  I  never  heard  that  either 
engaged  the  attention  of  the  trader. 

Land  Tenures  and  Revenue. — The  tenures  in  Sylhet  being  derived 
mostly  from  the  Mahomedan  government,  are  similar  to  those  of  Bengal 
generally ;  but  the  condition  of  the  land,  which  is  subdivided  to  an 
extent  elsewhere  unknown,  excites  the  attention  of  every  intelligent 
inquirer.  The  permanent  settlement  included  Sylhet,  and  about  that 
time  there  were  I  think  27,000  proprietors  enrolled  in  the  Collec- 
tor's books,  since  when,  in  consequence  of  subdivisions  which  have 
been  facilitated  rather  than  checked  by  the  law,  the  number  has 
more  than  trebled,  and  a  revenue  of  three  and  a  half  lacs  is  now 
collected  from  a  hundred  thousand  proprietors.  The  only  species  of 
holding  which  seems  unknown  in  Sylhet,  is  that  of  the  village  commu- 
nity, or  Bhya  chara,  and  this  is  the  more  remarkable,  as  something  very 
like  it  still  exists  in  Kachar  and  Assam,  and  there  seems  so  much  reason 
to  believe  that  it  attained  over  the  whole  of  Sylhet,  as  a  part  of  the 
ancient  Kamrup ;  indeed  I  think  it  will  be  found  that  it  is  to  the  break- 
ing up  of  these  communities,  by  admitting  the  individual  holders  to 
engagements  with  the  State  direct,  that  we  must  attribute  the  origin  of 
the  extraordinary  number  of  petty  holdings  in  this  district.  Notwith- 
standing the  existence  of  some  tenures  of  a  different  character  in 
Assam,  the  most  ancient  form  in  that  country,  apparently,  by  which 
land  was  held,  was  under  a  grant  from  the  prince  addressed  to  a  body 
of  proprietors,  who  by  it  were  erected  into  a  corporation,  called  a  Raj, 
and  who  possessed  the  land  on  terms  by  which  they  were  bound  each 
for  the  other,  and  for  the  revenue  of  the  whole  estate.  In  Kachar  this 
is  unquestionable,  and  indeed  up  to  a  recent  period  no  other  form  of 
tenure  was  known  or  acknowledged.      The  pecuniary  wants  of  the  late 


1840.]     Memoir  of  Sylhet^  KachaVy  ^  adjacent  Districts,       825 

Rajahs  led  to  the  introduction  among  the  Raj  of  titles  borrowed  from 
the  Musalmans,  such  as  Chrowdries,  &c.,  but  the  ancient  grants  were 
directed  only  to  the  Bur  Bhuyiah  and  Bhuyiah's,  names  which  clearly 
refer  to  the  soil  (^^)  though  they  are  not  current  beyond  these  coun- 
tries. In  every  Raj  were  certain  classifications  of  the  proprietors, 
made  however  without  reference  to  the  local  positions  of  their  estates, 
but  according  as  they  were  charged  with  the  payment  of  revenue  to  the 
prince  direct,  or  to  some  one  in  whose  favour  he  had  made  an  assign- 
ment. These  were  Called  Khels,  and  the  principal  among  them  was 
the  Khilmah,  which  paid  to  the  Rajah,  while  all  the  others,  as  the 
Sang-jurai,  Dekha-jurai,  &c.  after  paying  a  fixed  proportion  only  to 
the  prince,  accounted  for  the  balance  to  the  Ranni,  to  the  Jub  Raj,  or 
other  holder  of  the  assignment.  The  local  administration  and  execu- 
tion of  the  prince's  orders  were  anciently  intrusted  to  the  Raj,  subject 
only  to  an  appeal  to  the  Raja,  and  they  had  the  power  to  settle  land 
on  terms  similar  to  those  by  which  they  themselves  held,  transacting 
business  in  periodical  meetings. 

I  cannot  detail  the  steps  by  which  the  power,  consequence,  and  very 
nature  of  these  corporations  were  destroyed  ;  but  content  myself  with 
observing,  that  there  is  unquestionable  evidence  of  the  state  of  things  I 
have  described  still  extant  in  the  country,  while  it  is  certain  that 
the  late  Raja  completed  their  subversion,  and  left  to  the  Rajes  nothing 
valuable  but  the  name,  by  assessing  each  landholder  according  to  the 
full  extent  of  his  cultivation,  abolishing  all  local  jurisdiction  and  autho- 
rity, whether  in  judicial  or  fiscal  matters,  and  reducing  all  the  proprie- 
tors to  a  footing  of  equality ;  though  he  still  most  inconsistently  held 
them  responsible  collectively  for  the  revenue  of  their  Khels,  making 
over  the  estates  of  defaulters  to  their  management  after  they  had  in 
effect  ceased  to  be  a  corporate  body. 

Under  every  change  the  proprietors  still  retained  their  hereditary  right 
in  the  soil,  and  the  locality  of  each  holding  was  ascertained  from  time  to 
time  by  measurement,  as  the  shares  and  boundaries  of  individuals 
varied  continually  under  the  influence  of  the  laws  of  inheritance, 
though  the  boundaries  of  the  Raj  remained  unchangfed,  unless  by  a 
special  grant  made  by  the  authority  of  the  prince  to  a  new  corporation 
out  of  the  unoccupied  waste.  Much  of  the  cultivation,  at  least  since  the 
decline  of  the  kingdom  from  its  former  consequence,  was  performed  on 


826  Memoir  of  Sylhety  Kachar,  ^  adjacent  Distritcts.  [No.  104. 

the  smaller  Taluks  by  the  holders  themselves,  assisted  by  their  families, 
but  the  larger  proprietors  leased  their  lands  to  Packhastyuts,  retained 
some  portion  to  be  cultivated  by  their  slaves,  and  assigned  another 
to  their  hereditary  Ryots,  a  class  of  people  whose  position  was  analo- 
gous to  the  Khudkhast  Ryot  on  the  one  hand,  and  to  that  of  agri- 
cultural slaves  on  the  other ;  for  while  they  had  a  right  to  cultivate 
at  fixed  rates,  and  could  not  be  removed,  they  were  at  the  same  time 
not  only  answerable  for  the  rent,  but  not  at  liberty  to  throw  up  their 
lands,  or  quit  the  property. 

I  have  been  thus  prolix  in  describing  the  Kachar  tenures,  because 
I  think  that  an  interest  attaches  to  them  on  account  of  their  antiquity, 
and  because  to  them  I  think  the  existing  tenures  in  Assjam  and 
Sylhet  may  with  truth  be  traced.  I  conclude  that  the  land  in  the 
latter  district  while  it  formed  a  part  of  Kamrup,  were  held  by  Raj 
corporations  precisely  similar  to  those  of  Kachar ;  as  the  Mahomedan 
conquerors  advanced,  they  altered  the  old  state  of  things  by  admit- 
ting the  members  of  the  Raj  to  engage  individually  for  the  revenue ; 
or  still  more  frequently  by  making  grants  to  Musalman  chiefs  and 
colonists,  who  soon  found  it  their  interest  to  compound  with  the  ancient 
proprietors,  and  accept  a  portion  only  of  the  Raj  land,  in  preference  to 
having  the  whole  thrown  on  their  hands  denuded  of  cultivators,  who 
rather  than  remain  on  their  hereditary  estates  in  the  reduced  condition 
of  Ryots,  would  emigrate  to  the  eastward.  The  portions  given  up  by 
the  old  occupants  would  consist  of  shares  of  each  Taluk,  not  of  a 
parcel  under  continuous  boundaries;  and  hence  probably  arose  the 
strange  intermixture  of  the  lands  composing  the  estates  of  the  leading 
proprietors  in  Sylhet,  which  are  commonly  found  in  numerous  small 
parcels,  at  great  distances  from  each  other.  Acquisitions  made  subse- 
quently by  purchase  or  inheritance,  with  the  practice  of  allowing  all 
lands  belonging  to  one  proprietor  to  be  recorded  in  the  Revenue 
Offices  under  one  number,  without  reference  to  their  locality,  would 
of  course  in  time  swell  the  number  of  these  isolations. 

It  had  always  been  the  custom  to  regulate  all  revenue  demands  on  the 
land  where  the  separate  holdings  were  so  very  small,  by  a  measurement 
made  with  more  or  less  accuracy  ;  and  accordingly  at  the  formation  of 
the  perpetual  settlement  in  Sylhet  a  departure  from  the  general  rule  by 
which  such  measurements  were  at  the  time  prohibited,  was  sanctioned  in 


1840.]     Memoir  of  Sylhet^  Kachar,  ^  adjacent  Districts,      827 

that  particular  district.  By  the  records  of  that  survey,  and  consequent 
arrangements,  it  appears  that  only  that  portion  of  the  district  which  was 
known  to  be  occupied,  and  to  which  proprietory  right  distinctly  attached, 
came  under  settlement,  and  though  much  of  the  land  measured  was 
recorded  as  junglah ;  recent  surveys  shew  that  there  must  have  been 
vast  tracts  of  waste,  which  were  not  included  in  the  operations  of 
that  time.  The  cultivation  of  these  wastes  has  given  rise  to  a 
legal  question,  which  has  employed  the  talents,  and  engaged  the  attention 
of  some  of  the  ablest  civilians  of  our  day.  It  is  well  known  that  by  the 
provisions  of  the  permanent  settlement,  the  right  of  government  to 
derive  an  increase  of  revenue  from  an  extention  of  cultivation  on 
the  estates  then  settled,  was  declared  to  be  given  up  for  ever,  and 
it  was  even  added,  that  the  advantage  of  this  declaration  should  be 
conceded  to  those  whose  lands  had  been  withheld  from  assessment 
by  fraud,  collusion,  or  mistake.  But  wastes  which  at  the  time  of  the 
settlement  were  not  included  within  the  known  boundaries  of  any 
estate,  could  not  by  any  possibility  be  contemplated  in  this  arrangement; 
and  as  it  was  known  by  general  inquiries,  which  have  since  been 
confirmed  by  actual  measurement,  that  the  quantity  of  land  under 
cultivation  in  Sylhet  far  exceeded  the  total  on  which  the  settlement  had 
been  concluded,  it  was  quite  clear  that  an  acquisition  had  been  made 
from  the  waste  to  which  the  government  right  for  revenue  would  apply. 
Such  lands  have  been  called  Halahadee^  and  have  formed  the  subject 
of  a  most  voluminous  and  intricate  correspondence  among  the  revenue 
officers  for  many  years. 

The  right  of  government  to  revenue  from  lands  which  have  been 
reclaimed  from  the  waste,  and  not  included  under  the  settlement,  is 
admitted  by  all  who  have  made  themselves  acquainted  with  the  subject, 
but  the  difficulty  is,  to  distinguish  such  lands;  and  its  possibility  is  by 
some  authorities  wholly  denied.  On  the  part  of  the  government  it  is 
urged,  that  documents  founded  on  the  old  survey  are  still  in  existence 
shewing  the  superficial  contents  of  each  estate  at  the  time  of  settlement, 
and  that  if  on  a  measurement  a  Taluk  is  now  found  to  contain  more  land 
than  the  gross  amount  (abadee  smd  junglah  J  for  which  it  was  assessed, 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  excess  has  been  derived  from  the  waste, 
and  indeed  it  does  not  appear,  prima  facie,  that  it  could  well  be  derived 
from  any  other  source. 


828  Memoir  of  Sylhet,  Kachar,  ^  adjacent  Districts,    [No.  104. 

On  the  other  side  it  is  answered,  that  the  documents  alluded  to 
cannot  be  relied  on,  and  that  even  if  they  were  worthy  of  more 
credit  than  can  be  conceded  to  them,  still  it  would  seem  a  good 
argument  against  a  demand  for  increase  of  **  jumma,"  if  the  Talukdar 
were  to  urge  that  the  total  quantity  of  land  in  his  estate  was  put  down 
originally  too  small,  either  in  consequence  of  "  fraud,  collusion,  or 
mistake."  To  this  it  has  been  rejoined,  that  there  is  of  course  no 
intention  to  deny  the  validity  of  such  an  objection  in  every  case 
when  it  shall  be  satisfactorily  established  by  evidence ;  and  the  parties 
seem  thus  to  be  at  issue  on  the  point,  whether  the  revenue  officers 
having  shown  that  there  is  an  excess  of  land,  it  rests  with  the  Talukdar 
to  prove  that  this  excess  was  within  his  original  boundary,  or  with  the 
government  to  go  one  step  further,  and  shew  by  additional  proof  that  it 
was  acquired  from  the  waste. 

In  the  course  of  this  inquiry  some  documentary  evidence  was 
brought  to  light,  calculated  to  facilitate  the  latter  course  of  proceeding 
very  much.  This  was  contained  in  certain  records  prepared  soon  after 
the  settlement,  and  shewing  the  boundaries,  locality,  and  estimated 
extent  of  the  waste  lands  which  had  been  reserved  from  the  settle- 
ment. These  papers  were  very  incomplete,  and  did  not  include  the 
whole  of  the  wastes;  but  on  a  measurement  of  the  lands  indicated 
by  them,  a  very  considerable  quantity  of  cultivation  was  elicited,  upon 
which  the  claim  for  revenue  was  admitted,  and  a  much  larger  quantity 
on  which  it  was  nearly  certain  it  could  be  established.  I  have  had 
no  opportunity  of  learning  the  result  of  these  inquiries,  having  been 
removed  from  the  district  before  they  were  completed. 

The  revenue  of  Kachar  was  derived,  at  the  time  of  its  acquisition 
by  us,  from  a  land  tax  levied  at  a  rate  much  higher  than  that  of 
Sylhet,  from  customs  levied  on  all  the  frontiers  at  most  extravagant 
rates,  from  a  sort  of  excise  taken  at  all  Bazars,  from  monopolies 
of  every  thing  valuable  in  trade,  as  ivory,  timber,  &c.  and  from  a  house 
tax  on  the  inhabitants  of  the  mountains.  The  first  steps  taken  for  the 
reform  of  this  department  were,  the  abolition  of  all  monopolies,  the 
removal  of  all  prohibition  on  exports  and  imports,  the  abolition  of 
the  excise,  and  the  reduction  of  duties  in  the  external  trade.  The 
immediate  results  were,  an  increase  of  trade,  the  customs  on  which, 
though  levied  at  very  reduced  rates,  yielded  a  far  larger  amount  than 


1840.]     Memoir  of  Sylhet^  Kachar,  ^  adjacent  Districts.      829 

under  the  old  system  was  obtained  from  the  whole  of  the  Sayer  Mahal, 
and  I  think  this  branch  of  revenue  quadrupled  itself  in  five  years, 
thus  affording  another  verification  of  the  principle  in  finance, — that  low 
duties  by  encouraging  consumption,  will  be  found  more  productive 
than  high  ones,  which  on  the  contrary  check  it. 

The  sources  of  revenue  in  Jynta  were  very  dissimilar  to  those  of 
Kachar,  as  the  Raja  of  that  country  having  acquired  the  plains  by 
conquest,  appears  to  have  abrogated  the  hereditary  rights  of  the  land- 
holders, and  to  have  allowed  none  to  hold  except  on  terms  annually 
granted  or  renewed  at  his  pleasure,  and  which  were  very  various. 
The  plains  of  Jynta  were  probably  conquered  from  Sylhet  since  the 
days  of  Akbar,  one  of  the  Mahus  in  the  "  Ayin  Akhbari"  being  called 
Chyntar,  which  may  well  be  a  mistranscription,  the  Persian  letter  ^ 
having  been  mistaken  for  ^« 

History  and  people. — My  notices  of  the  history  and  people  of  these 
countries  will  necessarily  be  brief,  as  I  do  not  propose  to  record  the 
story  of  their  petty  dissensions  and  change  of  governors,  but  rather 
to  collect  and  point  attention  to  such  facts  whether  derived  from 
tradition  or  otherwise,  as  may  throw  light  on  the  origin  and  mi- 
grations of  the  races  which  inhabit  them,  and  this  the  more  especially, 
as  I  am  not  aware  that  in  so  doing,  I  shall  suppress  any  thing  of 
real  interest. 

Kacharis. — According  to  records  preserved  among  the  family  of  the 
last  princes  of  Kachar  (which  however  are  but  traditions  reduced  to 
writing)  the  Kacharis  conquered  the  kingdom  of  Kamrup,  and  gave  to 
it  a  succession  of  Rajas  from  whom  the  late  royal  family  of  Kachar,  of 
the  line  of  Ha-tsung-tsa,  derive  their  descent.  The  term  Kachari 
is  of  modern  date,  the  proper  name  by  which  that  people  call  them- 
selves being  Rangtsa,  and  the  country  from  which  they  trace  their 
origin  being  situated  in  the  north-east  of  Assam. 

It  is  known  that  Kamrup  extended  anciently  to  the  southward  as  far 
as  the  confluence  of  the  Megna  with  the  Brahmaputra ;  and  the  Kacharis 
appear  to  have  established  themselves  in  the  countries  east  of  that  line, 
including  Assam,  Sylhet,  Tippera,  and  modern  Kachar,  or  Hirumbha, 
in  all  of  which,  except  Sylhet,  they  are  found  as  a  distinct  people 
differing  in  appearance,  religion,  and  customs  from  the  other  inhabit- 
ants. 


830     Memoir  of  Sylhet,  Kachar,  ^  adjacent  Districts.  [No.  104. 

The  Ha-tsung-tsa  family  was  expelled  from  Kamrup  by  the  Rajas 
of  Kooch  Behar,  and  being  driven*  into  Hirumbha  maintained  them- 
selves in  a  reduced  but  independent  form  until  the  time  of  Raja 
Gobindchundra,  who  after  many  vicissitudes  of  fortune,  became  in  1 824 
a  British  tributary,  and  being  murdered  in  1830,  and  leaving  no  blood 
relations,  terminated  the  line. 

The  people  of  Tippera  are  said  to  have  the  same  origin  with  the 
Kacharis,  and  the  similarity  of  religion,  customs,  and  appearance, 
makes  this  probable.  It  may  be  added,  that  the  Rajas  of  both 
countries  have  formerly  acknowledged  the  connexion  ;  the  Tippera 
family  being  described  as  a  younger  branch  of  the  ancient  royal 
family,  which  in  their  expulsion  from  Kamrup  established  itself  in- 
dependently in  the  country  which  it  formerly  held  as  an  appendage. 

The  dates  of  these  transactions  cannot  be  traced?  but  the  Assam 
Baraujis  state,  that  at  the  commencement  of  the  Ahom  dynasty  in  up- 
per Assam,  in  the  12th  century,  the  Kooch  Behar  princes  had  possession 
of  Kamrup,  from  which,  as  well  as  from  the  date  of  the  first  Mahomedan 
expedition  into  Kamrup  (in  1204)  it  may  be  concluded  that  the  sub- 
version of  the  Kachar  dynasty  considerably  preceded  that  era,  and  that 
the  assertion  made  by  the  Kachar  chiefs,  that  their  ancestors  con- 
quered Assam  about  one  thousand  years  ago,  is  tolerably  correct. 

The  existence  in  Kachar,  even  in  these  days,  of  many  poor  and 
proud  families  who  disdain  to  labour  for  their  subsistence,  and  look  to 
official  employment  alone  as  a  becoming  source  of  livelihood,  the 
number  of  offices,  and  their  nature,  so  inconsistent  with  the  poverty 
and  insignificance  of  the  late  petty  Court,  are  among  the  circumstances 
which  attest  the  credibility  of  the  story  of  former  power,  and  taken 
with  traditions  current  in  these  countries,  entitle  the  pretensions  of  the 
Kacharis  to  a  degree  of  credit,  which  they  would  not  otherwise 
deserve. 

The  Kachari  language  is  unwritten,  having  been  superseded  for 
all  purposes  of  business  by  the  Bengali  for  many  centuries,  and  this 
circumstance  greatly  increases  the  difficulty  of  all  attempts  to  trace  the 


*  The  tradition  is,  that  the  invaders  from  Kooch  Behar  were  preceded  by  Brahmans 
mounted  on  cows,  against  whom  the  Kacharis  either  could  not,  or  dare  not,  oppose 
themselves  ;  but  this  is  obviously  a  Hindu  fiction. 


1840.]      Memoir  of  Sylhet,  Kachar^  §•  adjacent  Districts,      831 

origin  of  the  people  through  that  medium.  Greater  probability  of 
success  offers  through  a  careful  examination  of  their  religion  and 
customs,  on  which  points  my  inquiries  will,  I  think,  be  found  not  to  be 
without  use.  Although  Brahmanism  professes  to  receive  no  converts, 
yet  great  efforts  have  been  made  to  bring  within  the  pale  of  Hinduism 
both  the  Kacharis,  the  Munipories,  and  most  of  the  tribes  to  the 
eastward.  It  is  matter  of  history  that  Brahmanism  had  no  root  in 
Assam  earlier  than  the  middle  of  the  1 6th  century,  though  it  has 
since  attained  to  such  power  as  to  shake  the  throne  of  that  country. 
In  Munipore  its  progress  has  been  still  more  recent,  but  in  Kachar 
Proper,  or  Hirumbha,  the  process  of  conversion  has  been  going  on 
before  our  eyes,  and  actually  commenced  within  the  last  fifty  years. 
The  father  and  uncle  of  the  two  last  Rajas  professed  the  old  religion,  and 
did  not  conform  to  Brahmanism;  but  Krishna  and  Gobindchundra, 
about  the  year  1790  a.  d.,  were  both  placed,  with  certain  ceremonies, 
in  the  body  of  a  large  copper  image  of  a  cow,  and  thence  produced 
by  Bengali  Brahmins  as  reclaimed  Hindus  to  an  admiring  people. 
Place  was  assigned  them  as  Chhettry  of  the  Suraj  Bungsi  tribe,  and 
numbers  of  their  followers,  after  their  example,  were  admitted  to  caste, 
and  are  called  Hindus  ;  but  still  greater  numbers  were  infinitely 
disgusted  at  the  whole  procedure,  and  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the 
divisions  to  which  it  gave  rise,  and  the  injudicious  persecutions  by 
which  it  was  followed,  were  at  the  root  of  all  the  misfortunes  by  which 
the  country  was  soon  visited. 

The  ancient  religion  of  Kachar  is  not  clearly  referable  to  any  of  the 
forms  existing  in  Eastern  Asia,  and  certainly  not  to  any  of  the  Hindu 
systems,  as  will  appear  by  the  following  account.  The  Kacharis  ac- 
knowledge a  Supreme  Being,  or  first  principle,  from  which  the  world 
and  all  that  it  contains  is  derived.  They  worship  the  manifest  powers 
of  nature,  or  rather  spirits  having  authority  over  them,  and  the  in- 
fluences of  the  seasons. 

No  superstitious  regard  is  paid  to  animal  life,  and  even  the  cow  was 
not  anciently  held  sacred. 

There  is  no  class  set  apart  for  the  priesthood,  neith^  do  any  take 
upon  themselves  exclusively  sacerdotal  functions ;  but  these  are  per- 
formed by  the  elders  in  families,  and  by  the  ministers  of  state,  and 
high  public  functionaries,  on  great  public  occasions.      There  was  how- 

5    N 


832  Memoir  of  Sylhet,  Kachar,  §•  adjacent  Districts,  [No.  104. 

ever  one  officer  who  had  charge  of  the  series  of  ceremonies  performed 
in  the  spring  of  the  year,  but  his  duty  was  abolished  by  the  jealousy 
or  bigotry  of  the  late  Rajas.  Among  their  superstitions,  it  is  the  practice 
to  perform  sacrifice  before  a  bamboo  planted  in  the  ground,  and  into 
which  it  is  maintained  the  Power  worshipped  enters,  on  being  duly 
propitiated,  and  causes  the  boughs  to  bend  in  token  of  his  approba- 
tion.    This  custom  is  common  also  to  the  Tipperas. 

The  indifference  shown  for  animal  life,  and  the  absence  of  an  esta- 
blished and  hereditary  priesthood,  mark  sufficiently  the  disconnexion 
with  Hinduism,  and  the  disregard  for  caste  may  be  taken  as  an 
additional  proof  of  this ;  for  though  the  people  are  divided  into  forty 
Sympongs,  these  are  only  so  many  social  distinctions,  or  tribes,  and 
they  are  not  prohibited  from  intermarrying  or  eating  together,  which 
they  accordingly  frequently  do.  All  these  circumstances  considered, 
it  will  be  found  that  this  superstition  more  resembles  the  system  of 
Confucius  than  any  thing  Indian. 

The  law  of  inheritance  appears  to  be,  that  all  property  descends 
in  equal  shares  among  the  male  children,  and  afterwards,  in  the  natural 
order  of  succession,  to  the  brothers  and  brothers  issue ;  but  as  the 
leading  men  formerly  made  no  acquisitions  in  land  (for  the  Kachari 
cultivation  is  carried  on  by  the  inferior  classes  in  a  species  of  co- 
parcenary) the  subject  has  not  given  rise  to  much  investigation.  Mar- 
riages seem  to  have  been  contracted  spontaneously,  without  the  direct 
intervention  of  friends,  but  polygamy  was  allowed,  and  by  the  richer 
classes  indulged  in  to  a  great  extent.  The  marriage  of  widows  was 
sanctioned,  though  not  encouraged,  and  in  order  to  escape  the  scandal  of 
such  connexions,  it  seems  to  have  been  usual  for  widows,  at  least  among 
the  higher  ranks,  to  reside  in  the  families  of  their  deceased  husband's 
brother,  by  which  it  has  after  happened  that  more  scandal  was  created 
than  it  was  intended  to  avoid. 

Among  peculiar  customs,  for  which  no  reason  appears,  it  seems 
to  have  been  a  rule  that  the  Rajah  should  never  reside  in  a  building 
of  masonry,  but  in  bungalows  surrounded  by  a  stockaded  enclosure, 
perhaps  to  reftiind  him  of  his  origin  among  the  woods  of  upper  Assam. 
The  worship  of  irascible  female  spirits,  and  the  practice  of  the 
Tantra  magic  ascribed  by  the  Hindus  to  the  people  of  Kamrup,  are 
imputations  which  derive  some  countenance  from  the  existing  worship  of 


1840.]      Memoir  of  Sylhet^  Kachar,  ^  adjacent  Districts,      833 

Ramchundi,  the  Thakoorain  of  Kachar,  who  is  adored  under  the 
symbol  of  a  sword,  religiously  preserved  in  the  Rajbarri,  and  to  the 
possession  of  which  the  most  inexpressible  importance  is  attached. 
It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  no  image  of  any  thing  having  life  is 
worshipped  in  Kachar,  nor  are  there  either  in  that  country  or  Sylhet 
any  remains  of  antique  buildings,  and  especially  of  Hindu  buildings, 
to  attest  the  existence  at  an  early  date  of  a  Hindu  population.  There 
is  a  footstep  cut  in  the  rock  on  the  ridge  east  of  Aquee,  said  by  the 
people  of  both  Kachar  and  Munipur  to  have  been  made  by  the  gods 
as  a  boundary  mark  between  the  two  states :  this  may  be  one  of 
the  numerous  footsteps  of  Gautama,  but  there  is  obviously  no  certainty 
about  its  antiquity. 

Kasias, — Among  the  aboriginal  tribes,  the  Kasias,  or  more  correctly 
(as  they  style  themselves)  the  Khyee,  attract  the  most  attention, 
standing  as  much  distinguished  from  their  neighbours  in  personal  ap- 
pearance, and  social  and  religious  customs,  as  their  country  is  different 
from  others  in  geological  structure  and  physical  aspect.  The  Khyee  are 
an  athletic  race  of  mountaineers,  fond  still  of  a  martial  appearance, 
and  their  reputation  as  warriors  is  hardly  extinct,  as  their  extensive 
feudatory  inroads  are  still  remembered  in  Sylhet  and  Assam,  the 
plains  of  which  countries  they  formerly  laid  under  contribution  very 
frequently.  The  religion  of  the  Kasias  does  not  assimilate  with 
any  of  the  known  Indian  systems,  but  is  limited  to  certain  super- 
stitious practices  (among  which  the  augury  seems  to  be  in  greatest 
esteem)  and  to  the  reverence  for,  and  sacrifice  to,  the  presiding  deities 
of  villages,  hills,  and  similar  localities,  but  does  not  comprehend  the 
knowledge  of  a  universal,  all-pervading  Intelligence,  such  as  is  ac- 
knowledged by  the  Kacharis,  or  the  immortality  of  the  soul.  Brah- 
manism  has  made  some  progress  among  the  Kasias,  especially  of 
Jynta,  and  some  of  the  higher  classes  there  have  adopted  Hindu 
practices,  and  obtained  admission  among  the  Sudra  castes,  but  this  has 
not  led  to  the  entire  abandonment  of  their  national  superstitions, 
connected  with  which  was  the  cruel  abomination  of  human  sacrifice, 
for  being  accessory  to  which  the  last  Raja  lost  his  throne  and 
country. 

The  great  peculiarity  among  the  Khyee,  and  that  by  which  perhaps 
their  remote  connexion  with  other  tribes  will  be  established,  is  the 


834  Memoir  of  Sylhet,  Kachar,  ^  adjacent  Districts.   [No.  104. 

custom  which  prevails  in  regard  to  the  descent  of  both  personal  and 
real  property,  and  which  holds  equally  of  regal  authority.  By  this  all 
property  and  right  passes  to  the  eldest  son  of  the  nearest  female 
relative  in  the  descending  line,  or  generally,  to  the  son  of  the  eldest 
sister  of  the  holder.  Whatever  laxity  may  be  observed  in  regard 
to  other  practices,  and  however  some  of  the  upper  ranks  may  conform 
to  the  rules  of  caste,  and  desire  admission  among  the  Hindus,  this 
custom  is  by  all  most  tenaciously  adhered  to.  They  are  further 
charged  with  the  practice  of  polyandry,  but  however  it  may  in  reality 
be  tolerated,  the  upper  classes  in  general  disclaim  it,  and  it  can  be 
said  to  prevail  only  among  the  poorer  sort,  with  whom  too  it  would 
often  seem  to  mean  rather  facility  of  divorce  than  the  simultaneous 
admission  of  a  plurality  of  husbands.  It  is  possible,  however,  that 
unqualified  polyandry  existed  formerly,  and  that  it  has  fallen  into 
disrepute  since  a  more  intimate  connexion  with  the  plains  has  sprung 
up.  ^ 

The  Khyee  language  is  unwritten,  and  moreover  exhibits  no  affinity 
with  any  of  the  languages  of  the  neighbourhood,  some  of  which, 
(numerous  and  diversified  as  they  are),  often  offer  indications  of  a 
common  origin,  but  the  point  is  of  less  importance,  as  among  the  rude 
mountain  tribes  great  dissimilarity  of  language  has  been  observed  to 
exist,  even  where  a  common  origin  was  nearly  certain.  There  are  no 
antique  remains,  or  works  of  art,  on  which  to  build  conjectures  as  to 
the  condition  of  the  people  by  whom  the  country  was  anciently  occu- 
pied, for  though  there  are  several  considerable  rude  stone  columnar 
erections,  yet  there  is  nothing  peculiar  or  artificial  in  their  construc- 
tion, and  they  are  exceeded  in  magnitude  and  vastness  of  design  by 
Stonehenge,  and  by  the  Masses  seen  in  Mexico.  No  mechanical  con- 
trivances were  employed  in  raising  either  these  columns,  or  the  cir- 
cular slabs  which  are  often  met,  but  they  were  constructed  by  manual 
labor,  some  of  them  being  of  recent  times.  There  is  however  a  stone 
bridge  of  considerable  dimensions  in  the  Jynta  mountains,  the  style  of 
which  is  Saracenic,  but  it  is  quite  possible  the  work  may  have  been 
constructed  by  a  Mussulman  in  the  employment  of  the  Raja  at  no  very 
distant  period.  No  great  respect  is  paid  by  the  Khyee  to  hereditary 
chiefs,  though  their  rank  is  readily  admitted,  but  their  influence  depends 
more  on  their  personal  character,  and  their  power  to  guide  the  pubUc 


i 


1840.]      Memoir  of  Sylhet,  Kachar,  ^  adjacent  Districts .      835 

assemblies,  without  which  nothing  is  decided  either  among  the  com- 
munity collectively,  or  the  villages  separately. 

Destruction  of  human  life,  whether  by  accident  or  design,  in  open 
war  or  in  secret,  is  always  the  cause  of  feud  among  the  relations  of  the 
parties,  which  are  terminated  only  by  reprisals,  or  a  compensation  in 
money. 

The  equipment  of  a  Khyee  chief  is  martial  and  striking  in  appearance ; 
a  tunic  of  strong  cloth,  bordered  by  party  colors,  without  sleeves,  well 
adapted  to  muscular  exertions,  sits  close  to  his  body  above  the  waist ; 
an  ample  shield  of  buffaloe  hide  or  brass  is  slung  at  his  back,  and  leaves 
him  at  liberty  to  employ  both  his  hands  either  with  the  bow,  the  javelin, 
or  a  powerful  two-handed  sword  which  hangs  by  his  side.  This  sword 
is  unique  in  kind,  and  more  like  the  German  or  Swiss  weapon  than  any 
thing  Indian.  The  bow  is  of  bamboo,  and  is  fitted  with  a  slip  of  the 
same  substance  in  place  of  twine,  as  it  never  softens  in  rain,  and  is 
equally  useful  in  all  weathers.  It  is  to  the  credit  of  the  Khyee  that 
though  acquainted  with  the  use  of  poisoned  arrows  they  never  employ 
them  against  their  fellow  men  in  war,  but  only  in  the  chase  against 
wild  beasts.  A  series  of  destructive  defeats  during  a  protracted  con- 
test with  the  Government  troops  has  not  entirely  destroyed  the  mar- 
tial disposition  of  this  people,  who  probably  still  retain  the  remem- 
brance of  those  days  in  which  their  fathers  pillaged  both  Sylhet  and 
Assam. 

Conjecture  is  lost  in  assigning  a  probable  origin  to  the  Khyees.  Seg- 
regated strictly  in  a  tract  of  country  as  different  from  the  neighbour-, 
hood  as  they  themselves  are  from  the  other  tribes,  they  seem  to  owe 
the  retention  of  their  independence  entirely  to  their  personal  qualities, 
as  their  mountains  are  by  no  means  difficult  of  access.  I  am  quite 
sensible  that  verbal  analogy  affords  but  a  slight  foundation  on  which  to 
build  an  hypothesis,  but  I  may  nevertheless  mention,  that  a  people  resem- 
bling the  Khyee  in  some  particulars  formerly  occupied  a  position  on 
the  south  bank  of  the  Brahmaputra  at  Measpara,  where  they  were  called 
Mek ;  they  were  known  to  have  come  originally  from  the  frontiers  of 
Butan  and  Nipal;  the  Khyee  are  called  Mike  by  the  Kacharis,  and 
their  customs  in  regard  to  marriage  assimilate  to  those  of  Butan.  The 
theory  which  would  assign  a  western  origin  to  the  Khyee  is  counten- 
anced by  their  appearance,  and  especially  by  the  absence  in  them  of 


836  Memoir  of  Sylhet,  Kachar,  ^  adjacent  Districts,  [No.  104. 

those  peculiarities  about  the  eye  which  stamp  the  tribes  of  Indo-Chi- 
nese origin. 

Nagas. — The  Nagas  are  found  in  all  the  tracts  east  of  the  Kupili 
River,  as  far  as  the  country  of  the  Khamtis,  much  of  which  is  un- 
explored. This  generic  name  seems  to  have  been  applied  to  them 
by  the  Hindus  of  the  plain,  with  reference  either  to  their  scanty  cloth- 
ing, or  more  probably  to  their  residence  in  the  mountains,  but  is  not 
acknowledged  among  themselves  or  the  other  hill  tribes,  among  whom 
they  call  themselves  "  Kwaphee."  They  are  associated  commonly  with 
the  Kukis  or  Koonjye,  from  whom  however  they  are  essentially  distinct 
in  customs,  and  personal  appearance.  The  Nagas  though  often  power- 
ful men,  yet  do  not  commonly  display  those  marks  from  which  great 
strength  may  be  inferred.  Their  limbs  have  not  the  massive  confi- 
guration of  the  Kukis  and  other  hill  men.  It  is  a  distinguishing 
particular  of  the  Naga  tribes  that  they  are  not  a  migratory  or  wan- 
dering people,  and  while  the  hill  Kacharis  and  Kukis  continually  change 
their  locations,  seldom  keeping  their  villages  more  than  three  years  in 
one  spot,  the  Nagas  remain  fixed,  and  their  insignificant  villages, 
which  appear  in  one  of  Rennell's  early  Maps,  are  to  be  found  still  as 
they  stood  in  1764.  Again,  the  Nagas  are  remarkable  as  using 
no  weapons  but  the  javelin  and  dao,  a  sort  of  bill  common  to  the 
Birmas,  Shans,  and  most  of  the  hill  tribes  except  the  Kasias ;  and 
they  have  no  prejudices  on  the  score  of  food,  eating  every  thing 
indiscriminately,  as  well  that  flesh  which  has  been  slain  for  food  as  that 
which  has  not.  In  common  with  the  Kukis  and  Garrows  however 
they  abstain  strictly  from  milk,  butter,  or  ghee,  looking  on  the  use  of 
them  with  great  aversion.  The  religion  of  both  tribes  is  limited  to  a 
few  superstitious  practices,  differing  among  themselves,  but  presenting 
nothing  from  which  their  origin  or  connexion  with  other  tribes  is 
to  be  inferred. 

Kukis, — The  Kukis  have  long  been  notorious  for  their  attacks 
on  the  peaceable  inhabitants  of  the  plains,  to  whom  along  the  Sylhet 
and  Kachar  frontier  they  have  at  times  been  very  troublesome.  In 
addition  to  the  javelin  they  employ  bows  and  poisoned  arrows,  a 
practice  perhaps  suggested  by  their  contests  with  the  larger  animals,  as 
elephants  and  tigers,  with  which  their  forests  abound.  The  object 
of  their  inroads  on  the  plains  is  not  plunder,  for  which  they  have  never 


1840.]      Memoir  of  Sylhet,  Kachar,  ^  adjacent  Districts,      837 

been  known  to  shew  any  desire,  but  they  kill  and  carry  away  the 
heads  of  as  many  human  beings  as  they  can  seize,  and  have  been 
known  in  one  night  to  carry  off  fifty.  These  are  used  in  certain 
ceremonies  performed  at  the  funerals  of  the  chiefs,  and  it  is  always 
after  the  death  of  one  of  their  Rajas  that  their  incursions  occur. 

The  proper  limits  of  the  Kukis  are  undefined,  but  they  never  seem 
to  have  stretched  northward  of  Chattrchura  peak,  and  Kukitunga 
on  the  frontier  of  Sylhet,  nor  above  Soor  and  Tungtching  in  Kachar. 
The  villages  at  Abong  in  Upper  Kachar  are  exceptions,  but  they 
are  well  known  to  have  been  settled  by  Raja  Krishnachundra  with 
Kukis  from  the  southward,  who  had  sought  his  protection.  The  Kukis 
have  been  accused  of  cannibalism,  and  I  am  aware  of  an  instance 
in  which  the  charge  seemed  substantiated,  but  they  disclaim  the 
imputation  with  much  vehemence,  and  I  have  seen  no  reason  to  think 
that  the  practice  is  frequent  among  them. 

People  of  Sylhet. — The  inhabitants  of  Sylhet  are  Bengalis,  and 
not  distinguishable  from  that  race  in  the  districts  to  the  westward. 
On  a  closer  examination,  however,  it  will  be  observed  that  the  lower 
classes,  especially  the  inferior  castes  of  Hindu  cultivators,  bear  marks 
of  their  indigenous  origin,  and  a  striking  difference  may  be  remarked 
between  their  features  and  those  of  the  Musulman  descendants  of 
the  colonists  by  whom  the  country  was  gradually  conquered.  The 
few  families  of  any  consideration  in  the  district  are  known  to  be 
of  Hindustani  or  Persian  origin,  and  these  are  the  most  respected, 
though  they  have  been  superseded  of  late  years  by  one  or  two  consi- 
derable Hindu  houses,  which  have  acquired  fortune  and  consequence 
in  our  service.  There  are  also  some  Musulman  families,  descendants 
of  chiefs  or  Rajas  under  the  Kamrup  dynasty,  who  were  forced  to 
conform  to  Mahomedanism  on  the  change  of  masters  ;  of  these  the 
principal  is  that  of  the  Baniachuny  Raja,  whose  ancestor  was  probably 
the  party  conquered  by  Esau  Afghan,  in  the  reign  of  Akhbar,  when 
*'  the  kutbeh  was  read,  and  the  coin  struck  in  the  Bhatta  country," 
according  to  Abul  Fuzil.  It  must  have  been  a  Raja  of  the  same 
family  also  who  was  attacked  in  1254  a.  d.  by  Mulic  Yuzbeg,  the 
Governor  of  Bengal,  who  afterwards  lost  his  life  in  Southern  Assam, 
or  rather  in  the  mountains  between  Assam  and  Sylhet.  The  family 
though   converted   to   Mahomedanism   has   always   retained  the  title 


838    Memoir  of  Sylhet,  Kachar,  ^  adjacent  Districts.  [No.  104. 

of  Raja :  it  is  fast  going  to  ruin  under  the  joint  influence  of  the  laws 
of  inheritance  and  improvident  habits. 

It  is  impossible  (and  if  possible  would  be  tedious)  to  trace  the  steps 
by  which  the  progressive  conquest  of  this  part  of  Kamrup  was  effected, 
but  some  of  the  principal  may,  I  think,  be  satisfactorily  established,  and 
will  be  found  worthy  of  attention.  The  earliest  Mahomedan  invasion  is 
that  of  Mahomed  Bukhtiyar,  who  is  said  to  have  penetrated  through 
Kamrup  into  Thibet  in  a.  d.  1205-6;  and  as  I  think  his  expedition, 
though  unsuccessful,  called  forth  a  display  of  energy  and  talent  calcu- 
lated to  excite  our  admiration  of  these  early  adventurers,  I  shall  offer 
no  apology  for  attempting  to  elucidate  it. 

Mahomed  Bukhtiyar  was  the  Governor  of  Behar,  and  in  1203  a.  d. 
entered  Bengal,  and  having  rapidly  overcome  that  country,  he  imme- 
diately turned  his  forces  against  Kamrup,  which  appears  to  have  been 
then  a  powerful  kingdom,  and  worthy  of  his  arms.  The  accounts  of  his 
expedition,  left  us  by  Mahomedan  writers,  state  that  he  proceeded  from 
Dacca,  opening  for  himself  a  road  along  the  banks  of  the  Luckia ; 
that  he  marched  under  the  guidance  of  a  hill  chief,  of  the  tribe  called 
Koonch,  whom  he  had  converted  to  Islamism ;  that  they  reached  a 
mighty  river  "three  times  as  wide  as  the  Ganges"  called  the  Bang- 
muttee,  on  which  stood  a  city  called  Burdehund,  which  he  captured ;  that 
after  marching  ten  days  along  the  banks  of  this  river,  they  entered  the 
defiles  of  the  mountains,  having  passed  which,  they  crossed  the  river 
(Brahmaputra  ?)  by  a  stone  bridge  of  twenty-two  arches,  after  which 
the  Raja  of  Kamrup  submitted.  He  then  moved  into  the  Butan 
mountains,  and  reached  the  plains  of  Thibet,  where  his  army  was  so 
roughly  handled  in  a  battle  with  the  people  of  the  country,  and 
alarmed  by  an  expected  attack  from  the  chief  of  a  city  called  Kerrim- 
patan,  which  was  governed  by  a  Christian,  having  under  him  a  Butia 
population  with  Brahman  officers,  that  they  retreated,  and  finding 
the  bridge  broken  down  by  the  Kamrup  Raja,  who  now  harassed  them 
in  every  way,  they  returned,  utterly  discomforted  with  the  loss  of 
the  greater  part  of  their  number,  to  Bengal,  where  Mahomed  Bukhtiyar 
died  of  grief  and  vexation.  I  must  own  the  latter  part  of  this 
narrative  is  quite  inexplicable  on  any  hypothesis,  except  that  of 
the  fancy  of  the  writers,  or  their  desire  to  account  for  a  defeat  which 
was  most  likely  the  consequence  of  disease  and  privation.     But  the 


1 


1840.]      Memoir  of  Sylhet^  Kachar^  ^  adjacent  districts,       839 

first  part  admits  of  some  explanations,  calculated  to  remove  apparent 
inconsistencies,  and  to  render  the  story  up  to  the  passage  of  the 
bridge  sufficiently  credible.  The  points  which  demand  elucidation 
are,  the  locality  of  the  Bangmuttee  and  its  extraordinary  size  ;  the 
stone  bridge  of  twenty- two  arches;  and  the  name  of  the  river  over 
which  it  was  thrown.  In  the  narrative  three  hill  tribes  are  mentioned, 
the  Koonch,  the  Mikah,  and  the  Nadera ;  the  Koonch  it  has  been  sup- 
posed are  the  people  of  Kooch  Bahar,  but  however  this  may  be, 
there  is  no  difficulty  about  the  Mikah,  that  being  the  name  by  which 
the  Kasias  at  this  day  are  known  among  the  Kacharis ;  and  Mikedeetak 
being  the  title  of  an  officer  who  had  charge  of  the  frontier  with 
that  people,  and  such  of  them  as  occasionally  took  up  their  residence 
within  the  Kachar  jurisdiction ;  and  as  it  is  expressly  stated  that 
the  Mahomedan  army  crossed  the  mountains^  before  they  reached  the 
bridge,  and  before  the  Raja  submitted,  I  conclude,  that  they  entered 
Lower  Assam,  not  by  Goalpara,  but  by  the  Kasia  or  Kachar  mountains. 
The  river,  three  times  as  wide  as  the  Ganges,  could  not  have  been 
the  Brahmaputra,  both  because  Mahomedan  writers  shew  themselves 
acquainted  with  that  river,  and  because  no  one  who  had  seen  the 
rivers  about  Dacca,  could  ever  fancy  the  Brahmaputra  above  the 
Luckia  to  be  even  wider  than  the  Ganges;  but  to  reach  the  Kasia 
Hills,  they  must  have  marched  along  the  edge  of  the  inundation 
in  the  Bhatta  country,  most  likely  before  the  waters  had  much  abated, 
and  they  mistook  that  for  a  river. 

No  river  called  Bangmuttee  (burster  of  earth)  is  now  known  in  the 
north-east  parts  of  Bengal,  but  there  is  a  place  called  Bangha,  which 
derives  its  name,  without  question,  from  its  position  at  the  fork  of 
the  Soorma  and  Kusiara  rivers,  where  the  latter  bursts  from  the 
former  and  rushes  towards  the  Bhatta  country.  It  should  here  too  be 
remarked,  that  Bhangh  (^t^)  means  to  walk  through  water  or  mud,  as 
well  as  to  burst  or  break,  and  the  expression  therefore  is  applicable 
to  the  inundation.  As  the  guide  was  called  Ali  Mikah,  I  conclude  that 
he  was  a  Kasia,  and  led  the  army  over  his  native  mountains  to  some  point 
on  the  Burrampootah,  where  a  temporary  bridge,  composed  of  timber, 
supported  on  pieces  of  rough  stone,  might  be  erected,  and  where  the 
breadth  would  not  be  so  great,  but  that  in  the  dry  season  twenty- 
two  arches  might  suffice  for  the  passage  over  the  actual  stream. 

5o 


840  Memoir  of  Sylhet,  Kachar,  ^  adjacent  districts.    [No.  104. 

If  any  doubt  should  still  be  entertained,  that  the  first  Mahomedan 
expeditions  into  Kamrup  and  Assam  passed  through  the  mountains 
north  of  Sylhet,  I  may  mention,  that  in  1256  a.  d.  Malec  Yusbeg,  who 
had  invaded  Kamrup  from  Bengal,  was  killed  while  retreating  "  across 
the  mountains ;"  and  that  between  1489  and  1499  Ala- Udin,  having 
*'frst  overrun  Assam"  proceeded  westward  to  the  conquest  of  Kamrup, 
which  course  is  impossible  on  any  other  supposition,  than  that  he 
entered  Assam  by  the  way  either  of  Hirumbah  or  Sylhet,  most  likely 
the  former. 

Mahomed  Bukhtiyar's  army  consisted  of  ten  thousand  men,  chiefly 
Tartar  cavalry,  and  that  he  was  able  to  subsist  them^  proves  that  the 
countries  through  which  he  passed  must  have  been  well  cultivated  ; 
but  when  we  reflect  that  this  expedition  was  made  before  the  in- 
vention of  fire-arms,  and  that  the  invaders  had  therefore  no  advantage 
over  the  people  of  the  country  in  regard  to  their  weapons,  while  the 
country  is  in  no  part  favourable  for  cavalry,  we  cannot  but  feel  our 
respect  for  the  skill,  energy,  and  enterprize  of  the  early  Mahomedan 
conquerors  of  India  considerably  elevated. 

The  condition  of  Sylhet,  as  noticed  in  the  Ayin  Akhbari,  with  the 
fact  formerly  noticed,  that  the  Bhatta  country  was  only  recently  con- 
quered, proves  that  in  the  time  of  Akhbar,  the  district  had  not  acquired 
above  one  half  of  its  present  dimensions,  and  this  supposition  is 
confirmed  by  Sunnuds  bearing  date  in  the  15th  and  16th  centuries, 
shewing  that  adventurers  were  encouraged  to  make  war  upon  *'  the  infi- 
dels" on  the  frontier,  and  that  lands  were  granted,  of  which  they 
were  to  obtain  possession  by  force.  The  town  of  Sylhet  existed 
in  the  time  of  Akhbar,  and  as  this  is  known  to  date  from  the  Mosque 
built  over  the  tomb  of  Sha  Gelaal,  its  patron  saint,  who  con- 
quered it  from  a  native  Raja,  we  may  assume,  that  the  current  tra- 
dition, which  assigns  its  erection  to  the  middle  of  the  13th  century,  is 
correct. 

The  first  appearance  of  the  English  power  occurs  in  1762,  when 
a  detachment  of  five  companies  of  Sipahis  under  the  direction  of  Mr. 
H.  Verelst  marched  from  Chittagong  under  the  Tippera  Hills  through 
the  southern  part  of  Sylhet  into  Kachar,  where  they  remained  nearly 
a  year,  encamping  at  Kaspur,  then  the  capital  and  residence  of  Raja 
Hurrishch under.     After  a  lapse  of  seventy  years  the  object  of  this 


1840.]     Memoir  of  Sylhet,  Kachar,  ^  adjacent  districts,       841 

march  had  been  forgotten,  except  by  a  few  old  persons,  who  stated  that 
it  was  for  the  conquest  of  Manipur,  and  this  statement  has  proved  to 
be  correct,  the  researches  of  Captain  Pemberton  having  elicited  the 
original  treaty  concluded  with  the  chief  of  Chittagong,  under  which 
it  was  agreed  that  the  Raja  Jy  Sinh  of  Manipur,  who  had  been  expelled 
by  the  Burmans,  should  be  restored  by  us  on  certain  conditions,  chiefly 
of  a  commercial  nature.  The  expedition  was  prevented  by  the  diffi- 
culty of  the  country  from  proceeding  beyond  Kaspur,  and  was  recal- 
led to  assist  in  the  war  against  Kasim  Ali  Khan. 

In  1 774  a  detachment  under  Major  Henniker  was  employed  against 
the  Raja  of  Jynta,  whose  country  was  conquered,  but  restored  on  pay- 
ment of  a  fine.  The  cause  of  this  collision  is  supposed  to  have  been 
connected  with  the  marauding  habits  to  which  the  Kasias  were  then 
addicted,  and  which  had  not  yet  been  suppressed. 

There  is  but  one  point  of  general  interest  untouched,  upon  which  I 
wish  to  offer  a  few  words  before  concluding  this  very  long  paper. 
Slavery  has  always  existed  in  these  countries,  and  the  number  of  persons 
in  that  unhappy  condition  is  very  large.  In  former  days  there  is  no 
doubt  great  atrocities  were  committed  in  regard  to  this  matter,  whole 
families  of  hill  people  being  sometimes  carried  off*  openly,  sometimes 
kidnapped,  and  sometimes  brought  under  the  pressure  of  famine,  an 
evil  of  frequent  occurrence  among  the  hills.  Even  in  our  days  a 
regular  traffic  was  carried  on  in  slaves,  numbers  being  annually  export- 
ed from  Kachar  to  Aracan  through  the  British  territories.  This  was 
brought  to  the  notice  of  the  Civil  authorities  some  years  ago,  and 
effectually  checked  for  the  future ;  but  the  law  still  permits  domestic 

j  or  local  slavery,  though  it  prohibits  exportation,  and  while  the  hill 
people  continue  to  make  war  on  each  other,  and  to  sell  their  children 
in  times  of  scarcity,  perhaps  it  is  only  a  wise  discretion,  which  allows 

!  the  existence  of  this  great  moral  blot  on  society.  But  apart  from 
legislative  provisions,  there  is  a  course  by  which  the  evil  might  be 
gradually  eradicated,  while  prodigious  benefit  in  another  shape,  would 
at  the  same  time  be  conferred  on  all  the  countries  in  which  it  exists. 
This  is  the  formation  of  an  establishment  for  the  purchase  and  manu- 
mission of  slaves,  more  especially  of  children,  which  are  often  sold  at 
very  low  prices.    These  well  brought  up,  and  instructed  in  the  use- 

iful  arts  as  husbandmen  and  artizans,  would  in  a  few  years  become 


842    Memoir  of  Sylhet,  Kachar^  ^  adjacent  districts,    [No.  104, 

the  means  of  operating  a  great  improvement  in  the  social  condition 
of  the  people  among  whom  they  would  spread,  and  to  whom  they 
would  oiFer  the  sort  of  information  which  is  required  to  elevate  them 
in  the  scale  of  civilization,  by  the  example  of  superior  morality, 
intelligence,  and  well  directed  industry,  which  they  might  be  expected 
to  exhibit. 

The  number  of  people  in  all  these  districts  is  on  the  increase,  in  a 
country  where  every  thing  tends  to  encourage  increase,  and  where 
the  checks,  both  positive  and  moral,  are  as  entirely  absent  as  they 
appear  to  be  in  China.  The  census*  taken  in  1820,  shewed  the  in- 
habitants of  S34het  had  more  than  doubled  since  1801,  and  if  little 
dependance  can  be  placed  on  the  accuracy  of  these  returns,  enough  is 
known  from  other  sources  to  warrant  the  belief  of  an  enormous  increase. 
The  quantity  of  land  brought  into  cultivation,  and  the  creation  of 
new  estates  by  the  subdivision  of  the  old  ones,  are  among  the  most  un- 
questionable proofs  of  this  assertion. 

Whatever  doubts  may  be  entertained,  reasonably  or  otherwise,  of  the 
advantages  resulting  to  India  from  the  rule  of  Britain,  I  cannot  omit  to 
record  my  humble  testimony  to  its  value  in  this  quarter,  or  to  state  my 
belief  that  as  in  no  other  parts  which  I  have  visited,  has  that  rule  been 
more  manifestly  exerted  for  the  good  of  the  people,  so  in  no  other  has 
it  called  forth  more  unequivocal  marks  of  loyalty,  attachment,  and 
confidence ;  and  far  off  may  the  day  be,  when  these  shall  abate.  In  proof 
of  this,  I  may  notice  the  behaviour  of  the  people  during  the  invasion 
of  Kachar  in  1824,  by  the  Burmans,  when  they  advanced  to  the  very 
frontier  of  Sylhet  without  in  any  way  affecting  its  tranquillity.  But  in 
a  more  trying  emergency,  when  the  British  troops  were  withdrawn  for 
the  protection  of  Dacca,  the  people  of  Sylhet  not  only  remained  loyal, 
but  an  offer  was  actually  made  by  some  influential  mer^  to  raise  a  levy 
en  masse  with  which  to  oppose  the  enemy,  and  a  small  force  was  actually 
embodied,  the  men  of  which,  by  their  local  knowledge  and  endurance 
of  climate,  proved  of  considerable  use.  The  readiness  with  which 
these  took  service  at  such  a  time,  must  be  laid  to  the  account  of  some 
deeper  feeling  than  ordinary  (for  their  homes  were  on  the  very  frontier), 

*  In  1801  number  of  persons,  492,945.     In  1820,  number  of  persons  1,083,720. 


1840.]      Memoir  of  Sylhet,  Kachar,  ^  adjacent  districts.       843 

and  that  unquestionably  was  the  dread  of  the  devastation  which  accom- 
panied the  Burmese  advance ;  but  if  the  existing  Government  had  been 
unpopular,  all  would  have  been  at  least  indifferent  at  a  change  of 
masters,  and  some  certainly  would  have  intrigued  with  the  enemy. 
But  nothing  of  the  kind  occurred,  and  I  even  succeeded  in  inducing 
some  who  had  been  released,  after  falling  into  the  enemy's  hands,  to 
return  and  act  as  spies  on  our  behalf,  at  the  risk  of  every  thing 
which  a  Hindu  (and  these  were  Brahmuns)  values  more  than  life. 

On  the  other  hand,  many  of  the  inhabitants  of  Kachar  disgusted  and 
worn  out  by  the  oppressions  of  their  native  chiefs,  did  coalesce  with  the 
Burmans,  thereby  proving  that  their  dread  of  that  sanguinary  people 
could  be  overcome  by  their  sense  of  the  intolerable  character  of  the 
Government  under  which  they  were  groaning,  and  that  they  had  reached 
a  point  in  endurance,  at  which  any  change  appeared  for  the  better. 


Memorandum  on  the  Silk  Trade  between  Shikarpore  and  Khorassan^ 
and  on  the  produce  of  Indigo  in  Sinde.  By  Lieut.  J.  Postans,  As- 
sistant Political  Agent,  Upper  Sinde. 

The  importation  of  raw  silk  from  the  north-west  to  Shikarpore 
is  one  of  the  most  important  branches  of  the  import  trade  from 
that  direction ;  the  article  appears  to  be  of  a  superior  description,  and 
as  I  am  not  aware  of  its  being  known  in  the  Bombay  market,  I  have 
collected  the  following  particulars  to  accompany  samples. 

The  following  are  the  descriptions  of  the  raw  silk,  with  the  prices 
of  each  in  the  Shikarpore  Bazar,  import  duty  paid  (at  one  rupee  six 
annas  per  maund). 

No.  1.  "  Kokanee,'  from  Bokhara  (produced  in  Toorkistan)  price 
10*  Shikarpore  rupees  per  assar. 

No.  2.  "  Toonee"  from  Kerat  (produced  in  Toorkistan)  13  Rs.  12 
annas  per  assar. 

*  Silk  raw  and  in  thread,  prepared,  is  weighed  at  the  rate  of  90|  Shikarpore 
rupees,  or  1  assar,  or  88  Company's  rupees  last  coinage.  The  Shikarpore  rupee  at 
present  is  worth  94|  Company's  per  100  Shikarpore,  or  b\  per  cent  in  favour  of 
the  former. 


844       Silk  Trade  between  Shikarpore  and  Khorassan,  [No.  J 04. 

No.  3.  "  Shal  bafee,''  from  Kerat  (produced  in  Toorkistan)  15  Rs.  10 
annas  per  assar. 
„     4.  **  Natvabee/'  from  Bokhara,  do.  14  Rs.  12  annas  per  assar. 
„     5.  "  Gheelanee"  from  Kermare  and  Fezed,  do.  9  Rs.  per  assar. 
„     6.  "  Kaloocheer"  from  Kerat  do.  9  Rs.  per  assar. 
The  value   of  annual   imports  may  be  about  50,000  rupees,  and 
the  route  is  through  the  great  pass  of  the   Bolan;    the  traders  are 
principally  Affghauns,  who  visit  Shikarpore  with  the  annual  KaffiUas 
from  October  to  March,  though  much  of  the  article  is  purchased  by 
the    Hindoo  agents  of  the  Shikarpore  sowcars,  who  are  to  be  found 
in  all  the   important  cities  and  marts  of    the   north-west,  (see  Sir 
A.  Burnes'  report  on  the  trade  of  Shikarpore.) 

Nos.  1,  2,  5,  6  of  the  raw  silks  above  enumerated,  are  prepared 
for  weaving,  and  dyed  at  Shikarpore.  The  Shal  bafee  and  Nawabee^ 
Nos.  3  and  4,  are  manufactured  at  Roree,  on  the  opposite  bank  of 
the  Indus,  into  a  silk  fabric,  known  as  "  Duryaee^^  value  at  Roree,  7 
annas  per  guz.  The  silk  thread  prepared  at  Shikarpore,  and  here- 
after enumerated,  principally  finds  a  market  at  Khyrpore,  Sukkur, 
Roree,  Larkhana,  Gundava,  Bagh  in  Cutchee,  and  towards  Lower 
Scindh,  as  far  as  Sehwan  and  Tattah,  where  it  is  manufactured  into 
"  Loonghis^^  of  various  descriptions,  "  Gul-budduns"  and  other  fabrics 
used  in  the  country.  The  raw  material,  or  prepared  thread,  does  not 
appear  to  enter  into  the  export  trade  of  Shikarpore,  with  the  marts  of 
the  neighbouring  countries. 

List  of  prepared  silk  threads  from  the  raw  *'  Kokanee." 
No.     L  ^*Pestakee"  yellow,    Gooljuleel,    (Mettilat)  dye,  price  20 
Rs.  per  assar. 
„     2.  "  Chumunee"    light   green,    mixture   of  Indigo    with   the 

above  ;  20  Rs.  per  do. 
„     3.   "  Subzy'  dark  green  do  do.  do.,  20  Rs.  per  do. 
„     4.   "  Soormar"  Indigo  do.  20.  Rs.  per  do. 
„     5.   "  Koombar,'^  orange,   Koomba   (safflower)  dye  do.  28  Rs. 

per  do. 
„     6.  "  Tillar"  deep  yellow  (light  gold)  Koombeera  ?  dye  do.  1 6  do. 
,,     7.  ^^  KoormiSi^  cochineal  dye,  crimson,  do.  21  Rs.   12  annas 

per  do. 
„     8.  "  Vcho''  white,  undyed  do.  20  Rs.  do. 


1840.]       Silk  Trade  between  Shikarpoi^e  and  Khorassan,  845 

List  of  prepared  thread  from  the  raw  "  Toonee^\ 

1.  Pistakee,  1  Same  dyes 

2.  Chumunee,  i  used  as  the 

3.  Subz,  [>  above,  price 

4.  Ashmanee  (light  blue  Indigo)  24  Rs.  per 

5.  Achoo,  J  assar. 

6.  Three  shades  of  cochineal,  Rs.  26-12  per  seer. 

The  raw  silks  "  Gheilanee'  and  "  Kuloochur^^  are  not  in  any  general 
use,  "  Kokanee'^  and  "  Toonee^'  being  the  principal  importations,  and 
the  most  in  use. 

The  expense  of  transmitting  goods  from  Shikarpore  to  the  sea, 
by  water  carriage,  may  be  easily  ascertained,  as  certain  rates  have 
been  established  by  the  British  Government  ^or  freight  by  packet 
boats  ;  thus,  from  Sukkur  to  Kurrachee  Buncher,  one  Company's  rupee 
per  maund  dead  weight,  or  one  rupee  per  cubic  foot  for  light  goods. 
The  expense  of  transport  from  Shikarpore  to  Sukkur  by  the  Scindh 
Canal,  is  \  rupee  per  maund,  or  2  Rs.  per  camel,  carrying  5  maunds  ; 
the  export  town  duties  to  be  paid  at  Shikarpore.      Export  duties  again 

at  Kurrachee  on  raw  silk  would  be  thus 

1st.     Duties  on  purchasing  in  the  bazar,  and  clearing  the  town 
of  Shikarpore,  as  far  as   the    Scindh   Canal — Shikarpore  ru- 
pees 16:  4:  0  per  maund. 
2nd.     Export  duty  at  Kurrachee  about  5  Rs.  per  cent. 
A  calculation  from  the  above  may  be  pretty  accurately  formed  of 
the  price  at  which  the  article  would  come  into  the  Bombay  market ; 
and  as  it   will  hereafter   be    to  the  interests   of  the  native  govern- 
ments to  modify  many  of  the  imports  which  may  at  present  be  consi- 
dered vexatious  and  offensive  upon  trade,  silk  and  other  commodities 
from  the  north-west  may,  with  the  advantage  of  water  carriage  from 
Shikarpore  to  the  presidency,  enter  considerably  into  the  market  of 
Bombay  by  the  route  of  the  Indus. 


846 


Memorandum  on  Indigo. 

The  important  article  of  Indigo,  for  the  production  of  which  the 
Punjaub  and  countries  bordering  the  Indus  would  appear  to  possess 
equal  advantages  with  Bengal  and  the  Delta  of  the  Ganges,  cannot  fail 
to  attract  considerable  attention,  in  connection  with  the  trade  of  the 
former  river,  and  will  in  all  probability  enter  considerably  into  the 
return  commodities  to  be  looked  for  from  those  countries.  The  follow- 
ing is  the  amount  of  last  year's  crops  for  the  Punjaub,  Bhawulpore, 
and  Khyrpore  territories,  with  the  present  prices,  on  the  spot,  of  the 
different  descriptions. 
In  the  Punjaub  estimated  quantity  17,700  maunds  ;  thus  produced — 

Districts. 

1  Dera  Ghazee  Khan Mds.  3,000 

2  Sooltan  and  Gungera „  3,000 

3  GuUioon,  Jetepore,  Noorshera,  and  Soon  wall,  „  3,500 

4  Canals  of  Sirdarwar  and  Bahwalwar „  1,200 

5  Mooltan  and  its  districts „  5,000 

6  Soonadur  Mahamad  Kot  Luwah  Bulthur.   ...     „  2,000 

In  the  Bhawulpore  territories,  4,000 

Districts. 

1  Khanpore ,»      3,000 

2  Ahmedpore.      ...     „      1,000 

In  the  Khyrpore  territories,  2,000 

Districts. 

1  Meer  Mobarick.           „  600 

2  Meer  Rustam.              „  300 

3  Meer  Alii  Morad ...  „  900 

4  Various  places  towards  Hyderabad-  „  200 


The  total  may  thus  be  estimated  at  about  24,000,  of  which  three- 
fourths  find  a  market  in  Khorassan,  the  remainder  divided  between 
the  home  consumption  and  exports  to  Muscat  and  Bombay. 


1 


1840.] 


Memorandum  on  Indigo. 


847 


The  following  is  a  list  of  prices  at  the  several  places  where  the 
article  is   grown  (duties  unpaid)  at  Dera  Ghazee   Khan,  a  mixture 
of  five  descriptions  of  Indigo,  known  as 
Punjmal, 


fNo. 

2 

^   1    „ 

3 

3      1 

•li   -> 

4 

I      „ 

5  (best  quality) 

^   " 

6 

6 

(■I 

wulpo 

1 

2 

cfl 

-a 

W 

.f: 

1 

2 

!<!  . 

3 

J^  1 

4 

5 

Rs. 

45  per 

maund. 

50 

52 

55 

60 

54 

56 

58 

57 

58 

60 

55 

60* 

Not  having  had  the  opportunity  of  inspecting  the  methods  of  culti- 
vating and  preparing  the  dye  in  these  countries,  I  cannot  offer  any  re- 
marks or  suggestions  on  their  improvement,  but  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  there  is  plenty  of  room  for  the  introduction  of  a  superior  system,  as 
employed  by  the  European  growers  of  Bengal.  One  is  evident,  in  the 
necessity  of  packing  it  in  squares,  and  not  in  the  present  small  pieces, 
whereby  much  waste  appears  to  be  occasioned. 

The  duties  and  expenses  on  the  purchase  and  transmission  of  In- 
digo by  the  river  Indus  to  Bombay  may  be  thus  estimated — 

1st.  In  the  Punjaub,  a  duty  on  the  purchase  and  clearing,  of  Rs.  4 
per  maund. 

2nd.  In  the  Bhawulpore  territories  the  duty  amounts  to  f  Rs.  3:8:0 


*  The  maund  differs  according  to  the  country.  Indigo  in  the  Shikarpore  market  is 
weighed  by  the  maund  of  40  assars,  each  assar  being  equal  to  Shikarpore  Rs.  83,  or 
Company's  Rupees  79  in  weight. 

t  One-fourth  of  all  Indigo  purchased  in  the  territories  of  Bhawulkhan,  is  from  the  Go- 
vernment share  of  produce,  on  which  a  duty  of  10  Rs.  per  maund  is  levied,  whilst  the 
other  three-fourths  pay  at  the  rate  of  1  Rupee  8  annas  per  maund,  making  an  aver- 
age of  about  3|  Rupees  for  the  whole,  (ex-gra; — Thus,  of  20  maunds  purchased,  5 
would  pay  Rs.  50,  and  the  remainder  22 :  8 :  0,  or  about  3|  Rs.  for  the  whole.) 

5p 


848  Memorandum  on  Indigo.  [No.  104. 

3rd.  In  the  Khyrpore  territories  the  duty  amouuts  to  R.  1  :  2,  per  md. 

4th.  Independent  of  the  above,  the  transit  duties  are  thus — 
In  the  Punjaub,  at  Mittun  Kote,  Rs.  46  :  4,  per  boat  load. 
In  the  Bhawulpore  territories,  Rs.  30  ditto 

In  the  Khyrpore  territories  none.  All  transit  duties  on  the  river 
through  the  Hyderabad  and  Khyrpore  territories  are  cancelled  under 
a  "  Rahdaree  Purwannah"  from  the  British  authorities. 

The  expenses  of  water  carriage  to  Bombay  is  calculated  by  the  dea- 
lers at  about  two  Rupees  per  maund  from  Mooltan,  and  as  the  duties 
levied  at  the  former  place  are  known,  an  estimate  may  be  formed 
of  the  price  at  which  Indigo  from  the  countries  bordering  on  the  Indus 
may  be  brought  into  the  Bombay  market.  In  Shikarpore  this  article 
does  not  enter  largely  into  the  trade,  ihe  consumption  being  only 
about  100  maunds  annually ;  it  passes  through  Shikarpore,  however, 
in  transit  to  Khorassan  by  the  route  of  the  Bolan  pass,  but  the  greater 
quantity  before  alluded  to,  finds  its  way  to  Cabul,  Bokhara,  &c.  by  the 
route  of  the  Khybur,  or  the  Daman  pass ;  the  latter  through  the 
agency  of  the  Lohana  traders  and  their  Kaffillas. 


On  the  Historical  Geography  of  Hindustan,  and  the  origin  of  the  Social  State 
among  the  Hindus.    By  J  as.  Bird,  Esq. 

The  state  of  India  previous  to  the  Mohammedan  invasion,  is  a  subject  of 
perplexity ;  as  the  interested  and  fabulous  narratives  of  sectaries  present 
but  a  few  isolated  facts  to  guide  us  in  forming  an  opinion  of  the  original 
system  of  Hinduism,  civil  and  religious. 

Many,  in  conducting  this  investigation,  have  been  more  zealous  in  sup- 
porting the  antiquity  of  the  present  Hindu  social  state,  than  in  searching 
after  historical  truth;  and,  while  unable  to  explain  why  the  Sanscrit 
language  enters  so  extensively  into  the  provincial  dialects,  without  grant- 
ing that  it  was  the  primitive  tongue,  they  have  contended  for  the  pre- 
valent and  unchangeable  existence  of  Brahminical  institutions. 

In  doing  so  they  have  overlooked  the  reasonable  conclusion  which, 
sanctioned  by  the  well  known  revolutions  of  the  world,  admits  the  gradual 
advancement  of  Hinduism  to  its  present  perfection,  and  that  it  was  a 
religion  of  proselytism  little  more  than  nine  centuries  ago.  The  known 
geographical  distribution  of  tribes  and  nations  tends  to  establish  the  just- 


1840.]  Historical  Geography  of  Hindustan,  ^c.  849 

ness  of  such  an  opinion;  and  the  internal  evidence  of  the  Sanscrit  authori- 
ties gives  it  additional  confirmation.* 

To  suppose  that  the  timid  natives  of  India,  who  have  been  subdued  by 
different  conquerors,  were  not,  in  the  early  ages  of  Christianity,  a  prey  to 
those  northern  barbarians  who  successively  deluged  Europe,  seems  so  at 
variance  with  the  events  of  history,  that,  but  for  some  men's  partiality  to 
the  antiquity  of  the  present  Hindu  social  state,  this  opinion  could  have 
never  gained  belief  t  The  Brahmans  and  their  language  v/ere  prior  to  the 
aera  of  Alexander's  historians,  but  without  the  extensive  dominion  in  India 
that  they  now  enjoy.  The  far  spread  remains  of  the  Buddhaist  religion, 
and  its  sectaries  called  Jaina,t  to  be  yet  seen  in  the  caves,  temples,  and 
monuments  that  extend  from  the  neighbourhood  of  Balkh  Bamian,  on  the 
N.  W.,  to  Mahabatipure,  on  the  S.  E.,  indicate  the  sovereignty  of  a  faith  in 
these  parts,  which  was  prior  to  the  now  prevailing  Brahminical  hierarchy.  § 

The  inferences  also  to  be  drawn  from  the  fact,  that  many  tribes  called 
Melchchasll  in  the  institutes  of  Menu  and  the-  Puranas,  are  now  within 
the  pale  of  the  orthodox  creed,  would  further  establish   a  progressive 

*  See  Mr.  H.  Wilson's  late  account  of  the  religious  sects  of  the  Hindus,  and  of 
those  Samas,  who,  as  worshippers  of  the  sun,  which  they  esteemed  as  the  creator  and 
cause  of  the  world,  were  among  the  opponents  of  the  famous  Saiva  reformer,  Sankara 
Acharya,  who  flourished  some  time  between  the  beginning  of  the  9th  and  end  of  the 
10th  century  (A.  R.  vol.  xvi.  p.  15) 

t  Cosmas  Indicopleustes,  who  visited  India  between  a.  d.  535  and  547,  mentions  a 
nation  whiter  than  the  rest,  called  the  Hunni,  who  held  sway  over  the  west  of  India, 
and  exacted  large  tributes  from  the  surrounding  states.  (Murray's  Asia,  ii.  p.  78.) 

X  These  form  a  class  of  dissenters  from  the  established,  or  orthodox  system  of 
Brahminism,  which  is  now  common  to  Hindustan.  They  admit  of  caste ;  will  not  allow 
the  Vedas  to  be  of  Divine  origin;  do  not,  like  the  Brahmans,  acknowledge  any 
spiritual  and  eternal  being  from  whom  the  universe  derived  its  origin,  but  look  on  the 
material  world  with  the  human  soul  as  self-existant  and  eternal,  and  have  for 
their  chief  objects  of  worship,  men,  who,  as  saints,  have  raised  themselves  to  the  rank 
of  divinities.  Most  of  their  theological  opinions  are  similar  to  those  of  the  Buddhaists 
and  Sogatas,  who  do  not  admit  of  caste  like  the  Jainas,  but  both  worship,  as  subordi- 
nate deities,  the  Pantheon  of  the  orthodox  Hindus. 

§  The  cave  temples  of  Buddhaist  origin  are  by  far  more  numerous  on  the  N.  W. 
of  India  than  have  been  yet  enumerated.  In  addition  to  the  well  known  ones  of 
Kanari,  Elephanta,  Karli,  Ellora,  and  Ajainta,  there  are  many  more  in  the  Dekhan  and 
Konkan,  such  as  those  at  Nasik,  Junir,  Aurungabad,  Karrar,  Mahar,  &c. ;  in  Malwa, 
and  Rajputana,  we  find  those  of  Bagh,  and  Gawalior;  and  I  have  heard  of  others 
in  the  Madras  territories. 

II  A  general  appellation  for  the  unclean  tribes  that  are  not  within  the  piale  of  the 
Hindu  religion  ;  and  who  are  usually  styled  degraded  Kshetryas.  This  would  seem  to 
imply  that  they  did  not  conform  to  the  Brahminical  rites  when  others  of  the  same 
original  stock  did.  The  different  divisions  of  them  are  to  be  found  enumerated  in 
Wilson's  Sanscrit  Dictionary.  Some  of  those  identified  are  the  Odros,  Urias,  or 
people  of  Orissa;  the  Draviras,  or  people  of  Madura  and  Tanjore,  on  the  Coromandel 
Coast,  who  are  now  orthodox  Hindus. 


850  Historical  Geography  of  Hindustan,  ^c.     [No.  104. 

change  of  opinion,  and  the  gradual  conversion  of  the  aborigines  of  India  to 
the  present  established  system  of  religion.* 

Inasmuch,  moreover,  as  the  obscure  subject  of  a  nation's  origin  can 
admit  of  proof,  when  facts  have  been  mistified  through  religious  imposture, 
or  the  most  recent  annals  perverted  by  fable,  it  may  be  reasonably 
contended  for,  that  in  the  age  of  Herodotus,  the  Brahmans  of  India,  the 
people  of  Persia,  and  those  at  the  sources  of  the  river  Hydaspes,  Sind,  and 
Oxus,  followed  nearly  the  same  faith,  and  were  not  dissimilar  in  manners. 

It  would  appear  that  the  religion  they  followed  was  the  Sabean,  or  that 
which  enjoining  a  respect  for  the  host  of  heaven,  as  the  noblest  symbol 
of  a  deity,  constituted  the  primitive  idolatry  of  mankind.!  It  derived 
its  name  from  the  Sabeans,  an  ancient  people  of  Arabia,  J  and  was  pro- 

*  Some  of  the  Puranas  are  of  very  little  antiquity,  as  would  appear  from  the  text 
of  the  Padma  Purana,  which  makes  mention  of  Ramanuja,  the  celebrated  Vishnava 
reformer,  who  flourished  in  the  middle  of  the  12th  century,  and  was  cotemporary  with 
Vishnu  Verddhana,  the  fourth  Belal  Raja  of  DevarasamudraCsee  A.  R.  xvi.  p.  28.) 
From  what  the  Bakhta  Mala,  (A.  R.  xvi.  p.  43,)  asserts  of  the  sectaries  from 
Ramanuja,  called  Ramanandis,  according  to  whose  tenets  the  distinction  of  caste  was 
inadmissible,  we  may  safely  infer  that  formerly  a  member  of  any  tribe  who  as- 
sumed the  garb  of  a  mendicant,  and  devoted  himself  to  penance,  would  have  gained 
admission  to  the  Hindu  community.  If  we  may  credit  the  narration  of  Sadi,  as  given 
at  the  end  of  his  Bustan,  he  was  permitted,  as  a  mendicant,  to  perform  Hindu 
rites  at  the  temple  of  Somnat.  This  happened  in  the  13th  century ;  and  though  he 
calls  the  Brahmans  Moghs,  or  fire-worsfiippers,  it  is  scarcely  possible  that  one,  so 
generally  well  informed  as  is  Sadi,  could  have  done  so  in  ignorance,  or  without 
having  observed  some  connecting  link  of  similarity. 

t  In  reference  to  this  subject  I  cannot  forbear  quoting  an  opinion  of  Mr.  Prinsep, 
expressed  in  his  Journal  for  September  1834,  the  justness  of  which  appears  supported  by 
the  evidence  of  inscriptions  in  Western  India,  and  of  the  coins  which  the  late  Secretary 
of  the  Asiatic  Society  so  ingeniously  and  successfully  illustrated.  "  It  is  not  surprising," 
says  he,  "  that  on  the  Indian  side  of  the  Persian  monarch's  dominions,  in  a  part  proba- 
bly under  his  influence,  if  not  directly  under  his  sway,  we  should  find  the  fire-altar,  or 
the  image  of  the  sun,  replaced  by  Krishna  among  the  Hindus,  or  Buddha  among  the 
Buddhaists;  bothof  them  personating  the  sun  in  their  respective  mythologies." 

Whatever  forms  of  the  Hindu  religion  were  prevalent  at  the  time,  the  adoption  of 
the  sun  as  the  ostensible  representation  of  Divine  power,  either  in  accordance  with  the 
commands  of  the  ruling  prince,  or  from  a  natural  tendency  towards  an  union  of  the 
Brahminical  and  Magian  faith,  could  not  present  many  difficulties.  "  We  must  not  be 
surprised,"  says  Sir  William  Jones,  "  at  finding  that  the  characters  of  all  the  Pagan 
deities,  male  and  female,  melt  into  each  other,  and  at  last  into  one  or  two;  for  it  seems 
a  well-founded  opinion,  that  the  whole  crowd  of  gods  and  goddesses  in  ancient  Rome 
and  modern  Varanes  (Benares),  mean  only  the  powers  of  nature,  and  principally  those 
of  the  sun,  expressed  in  a  variety  of  ways,  and  by  a  multitude  of  fanciful  names." 

X  The  origin  of  the  name  is  not  clearly  ascertained,  but  has  been  traced  by  some 
etymologists  to  the  Arabic  word  Sabaa,  signifying  arising  star.  The  word  ^  **ilgr?l<iO 
sahihat  in  that  language  is  also  made  to  signify  stars,  planets,  and  angels ;  but  I 
can  assert  nothing  positive  regarding  the  word  Sabean. 


1840.]  Historical  Geography  of  Hindustan^  ^c,  851 

fessed,  in  common  with  them,  by  the  Persians,  previous  to  the  reformation 
of  their  religion  by  Zertusht,  or  Zoroaster,  who  introduced  the  worship  of 
fire.  The  esoteric  system  of  Sabeism  was,  apparently  a  pure  theism, 
whilst  its  exoteric  rites  led  to  a  stupid  idolatry  among  the  lower  orders 
of  the  people.*  In  this  respect  it  observed  a  distinction  that  prevails  even 
in  the  Vedas,  which  have  their  Karma  Kanda,  and  Guyana  Kanda,  a 
ritual  and  theology  ;t  and  would  go  far  to  establish  an  opinion,  which  has 
been  entertained  by  many,  that  there  is  an  identity  in  the  astronomy 
and  mythology  of  the  ancient  Arabs,  Egyptians,  and  Hindus.  Ferishta 
indeed  teUs  us,  that  when  Mohammed  Kasim,  the  general  of  the  Khalif 
Walid,  invaded  Sind,  a.  d.  711,  the  Hindu  pilgrims  resorted  to  Mekka 
and  Egypt,  for  the  purpose  of  paying  adoration  to  the  idols  there, 
which  they  looked  to  with  the  utmost  veneration  ;t  and  there  is  much  to 
make  us  believe  that  such  an  intercourse  existed  prior  to  the  mission 
of  the  Prophet  Mohammed. 

The  Persians  had,  at  a  very  early  period,  adopted  the  worship  of  the 
sun,  fire,  and  other  elements  ;§  the  Scythian  Massagetae  appear  to  have 
professed  a  similar  faith, |i  and  Mr.  Colebrooke  has  admitted,  "that  the 
earliest  Indian  sect,  of  which  we  have  any  distinct  knowledge,  is  that 
of  the  followers  of  the  practical  Vedas,  who  worshipped  the  sun,  fire,  and 
other  elements.  "II 

Such  are  the  data  for  concluding  that  about  five  centuries  before  our  aera 
the  inhabitants  of  these  countries  were  connected  in  religion,  and  could  not 
have  widely  differed  in  their  habits,  when,  as  Herodotus  tells  us,  the 
inhabitants  of  Casapatyrus,**  or  Kashmir,  most  resembled  the  Bactrians  in 
their  manners. 

The  Brahmans  consider  Kashmir  as  their  original  country,  and  tradition- 
ally relate  they  were  led  from  thence  into  the  plains  of  Hindustan  by  their 
leader  Kasyapa,tt  whose  character  is  well  known  to  the  Brahminical  and 
Buddhaist  mythology. 

*  See  Sir  Wm.  Jones's  discourse  on  the  Arabs,  A.  R.  ii.  p.  9. 

t  Wilson  on  the  Hindu  Sects.  A.  R.  xvi.  p.  ii. 

X  Brigg's  Translation  of  Ferishta;  vol.  iv.  p.  402. 

§  Herodotus  in  Cho.  p.  131,  and  Erskine  on  the  Sacred  Books  of  the  Parsees,  Bom- 
bay Transactions,  vol.  ii.  p.  3U61. 

II  Herodotus,  p.  '215. 

II  A.  R.  vol.  ix.p.  273. 

**  It  was  so  called  among  the  Greeks,  having  been  colonized  by  the  followers  of  the 
sage  Kasyapa,  whose  name  in  ordinary  pronunciation,  becomes  Kashap,  See  A.  R. 
vol.  XV.  p.  117. 

ft  He  is  the  sixth  terrestial  Buddha  among  the  Nepalese,  and  the  predecessor  of 
Gautama.  The  same  enumeration  of  Buddhas  as  known  in  Nepal,  is  made  by  Mr. 
Colebrooke,  in  his  account  of  the  Jains.  A.  R.  vol.  ix.  p.  3U3.  Quarto. 


852  Historical  Geography  of  Hindustan,  ^c.         [No.  104. 

His  name  continued  to  distinguish  a  numerous  tribe  of  the  former,  previ- 
ous to  the  comparatively  modern  divisions  of  five  Gaurs  and  five  Dravers ; 
or  the  yet  more  recent  distinctions  that  obtain  among  them  in  different 
provinces  of  India.  This  general  idea  of  their  northern  origin,  which  pre- 
vails among  the  better  informed  of  the  Brahminical  sect,  would  appear  in 
all  respects  worthy  of  belief;  since  there  is  evidence  of  such  an  event  to 
be  found  in  the  traces  of  people  belonging  to  the  Hindu  stock,  migrating 
to  the  south.  These  are  manifest  in  the  names  of  countries  enumerated 
by  Sanscrit  geographical  works,  that  were  originally  affixed  to  stations 
north  and  south  of  the  Himala  mountains,  and  became  applicable,  in  the 
course  of  time,  to  places  in  the  south  of  India.  Such  was  evidently  the 
course  by  which  the  northern  countries  of  Madra  and  Pandiya*  transferred 
their  names  to  the  provinces  of  Madura  and  Marwar,  on  the  Coromandel 
Coast;  and  by  which  Virata, f  a  part  of  the  kingdom  of  Trigerta,  or  Lahore, 
came  to  be  considered  one  of  the  seven  Konkanas  situated  in  the  south. 

It  is  unnecessary  to  inquire  whether  they,  who  carried  these  names 
southward,  were  of  the  purely  Brahminical  or  Buddhaist  faith  ;  for  it  may 
be  truly  asserted,  that  both  religions  in  their  origin  were  connected,  and 
that  the  greater  antiquity  is  in  favour  of  the  Brahmans,  or  the  orthodox 
followers  of  the  Vedas.  Such  would  appear  to  be  the  import  of  the  pas- 
sage, quoted  from  the  institutes  of  Menu  by  Sir  William  Jones,  that, 
"  Many  families  of  the  military  class  having  gradually  abandoned  the 
"  ordinances  of  the  Vedas,  and  the  company  of  the  Brahmans,  lived  in  a 
''state  of  degradation;  as  the  people  of  Paudraca  and  Odra,  those  of 
"  Dravira  and  Camboja,  the  Yavanas  and  Sacas,  the  Paradas  andPahlavas, 
"the  Chinas,  and  some  other  nations."  From  this  we  learn,  that  a  great 
revolution,  both  in  religion  and  in  government,  was  effected  about  this 
time ;  and  that  these  nations  conforming  no  longer  to  the  Sabean  idolatry, 
which  had  been  common  to  the  east,  adopted  an  altered  system  of  religious 

*  The  southern  provinces  of  Madra  or  Madru  and  Pandiya  are  particularly  men- 
tioned in  a  grant  of  land  (A.  R.  vol.  ix.  p.  428,)  made  during  the  time  of  Bokshamalla 
Raja,  by  the  minister  ^afia^a^a,  a  descendant  from  Kasyapa.  In  the  Hindu  geogra- 
phical work,  called  the  Skapte  Samhheda,  and  quoted  by  Mr.  Ward  (vol.  iv.  p. 
456,)  they  are  placed  more  to  the  north,  and  were  originally  the  same  as  the  Pundda 
Regia  of  the  ancients,  now  identified  with  Sogdiana,  or  the  valley  of  Samarkand. 
The  date  of  the  grant  is  Salivahana  eera  1095,  a.  d.  1173. 

t  Some  account  of  Virata,  as  one  of  the  Konkans,  will  be  found  in  Mr.  Wilson*s 
account  of  the  Mackenzie  Collection  (p.  xcix,)  and  in  Grant  Duff's  enumeration  of 
the  same,  (Hist,  of  the  Marahtas,  vol.  i.  p.  4) ;  it  appears  under  the  corrupted  name  of 
Marwar,  extending  from  Bancote  to  Bassein,  inclusive  of  Bombay.  The  Marahta 
traditions  relate  that  Virat  Rat,  who  was  the  Rajah  of  Wai,  near  Satara,  accompanied 
the  Pandus  to  the  battle  of  Kuruket;  which  though  doubtful  as  a  fact,  evinces  that  he 
received  his  title  from  the  country  of  Virata,  a  political  division  of  India,  that  was 
originally  more  to  the  north  than  Wai. 


1840.]  Historical  Geography  of  Hindustan ,  ^c.  853 

belief.  This  consisted,  as  would  appear,  in  the  worship  of  Mahat,  or 
intellect  made  manifest,  as  Gautama  Buddha,  with  the  introduction  of  an 
atheistical  philosophy,  which  reasoning  from  material  objects  to  the  exis- 
tence of  spirit,  confounded  the  shadow  with  the  reality,  and  denied  the 
existence  of  whatever  was  not  cognizable  by  the  senses.  Some  such 
difference  in  opinion  brought  about  the  Mahabarat,  or  great  war  in  which 
the  Pandus,  with  Krishna,*  espoused  the  cause  of  the  innovators,  while 
Dritarashtra  Raja  and  the  Kurus  held  to  the  original  faith.  About  this 
time,  also,  Viyasa  collected  and  arranged  the  Vedas,  which  consisted  ori- 
ginally of  the  prayers  and  hymns,  or  their  SanUta,  that  preceded,  in  Mr. 
Colebrooke's  opinion,  the  Bramhana,  or  theological  part. 

The  division  of  the  people  into  four  castes  followed,  if  it  was  not  co- 
temporary  with  these  innovations,  and  was  effected  about  the  period  of 
the  Macedonian  conquest,  if  as  we  may  infer  from  the  respectful  men- 
tion of  the  Yavana,  or  Greek  power,  in  the  Mahabharat,  the  composition 
of  this  poem  dates  posterior  to  the  Macedonian  conquest  of  India,  t  Some 
hold  an  opinion  that  the  institution  of  caste,  with  its  extravagant  preten- 
sions to  antiquity,  had  been  matured  in  Hindustan  Proper  long  prior 
to  the  time  of  Alexander's  historians.  Those  entertaining  this  belief  have 
pretended  to  discover  that  the  enumeration  of  classes  made  by  Arrian 
is  the  exact  counterpart  of  divisions  now  acknowledged  by  the  Hindus. 
The  probability  of  this  cannot  be  granted  without  great  latitude,  and  the 
seven  classes  of  employment  into  which  the  Hindus  were  then  distributed, 
as  detailed  by  that  writer,  cannot  be  admitted  to  be  identical  with  the  now 
existing  divisions  of  this  people,  into  Brahmans,  Kshetriyas,  Vaisiyas,  and 
Shudras.  The  former  would  have  been  found  among  the  Egyptians,  and 
were  as  characteristic  of  them  as  of  the  Hindus  ;  whilst  the  other  arrange- 
ment was  effected,  in  all  probability,  about  the  time  when  the  Sanscrit 
writers  composed  the  earliest  poetical  works  of  the  latter.  If  the  Maha- 
bharat, or  poem  of  the  great  war,  was  composed  soon  after  the  Greek 
conquest,  the  reformation  of  orthodox  Brahmanism  would  be  placed  not 
long  before  the  Christian  aera.J     The  Mahabharat  may  be  then  admitted 

*  Krishna's  existence,  as  a  real  historical  personage  among  the  Hindus,  is  more  than 
doubtful.  He  every  where  appears  as  the  hero  of  fable,  and  whatever  is  believed 
regarding  him,  belongs  to  one  whom  the  Hindus  had  heard  of  rather  than  known  as  a 
leader  among  themselves. 

t  See  note  v.  on  the  history  of  Kashmir,  A.  R.  vol.  xv.  p.  102. 

X  The  Arab  historian  and  geographer,  Al-Masudi,  who  wrote  a.  d.  949,  tells  us  that 
schism  in  the  Hindu  religion  happened  during  the  reign  of  Korish;  and  if  his  chrono- 
logy for  this  event  can  be  trusted,  the  origin  of  the  Indian  sectaries  will  be  fixed  at  the 
commencement  of  our  sera.  Three  hundred  and  twenty  years  elapsed,  it  is  said,  from 
the  death  of  Phur  (the  Porus  of  Alexander's  historians)  to  that  of  Korish  ;  and  if  this 
be  correct,  the  quarrel  between  the  Buddhas  and  Brahmans  happened  b.  c.  7. 


854  Historical  Geography  of  Hindustan^  ^c.      [No.  104. 

to  contain  historical  materials  of  some  value;  and  accounts  of  recent 
events,  greatly  exaggerated  by  allegorical  references  to  ages  long  past, 
and  to  mysteries  in  religion,  that  were  little  remembered,  or  imperfectly 
understood.  Such  is,  I  think,  the  correct  supposition,  and  from  thence  we 
may  trace,  as  among  other  nations,  the  origin  of  fable,  and  the  genealogy 
of  their  gods. 

The  Brahmans  did  not  long  follow  the  astronomical  religion  of  the  Vedas 
without  speculating  on  the  divine  nature,  and  that  of  celestial  spirits. 
They  personified  the  elements  and  the  planets  as  the  types  of  that  unap- 
proachable God  whom  they  worshipped ;  and  as  Mr.  Colebrooke  says, 
"  peopled  heaven  and  the  world  below  with  various  orders  of  beings." 
Their  wonder  at  contemplating  the  infinite  glory  of  the  heavens,  made 
them  vent  their  sentiments  in  allegory.  Their  allegories,  leading  them 
astray  from  the  great  First  Cause,  gave  rise  to  varied  existences  of  the  divini- 
ty, and  these  yet  farther  distracting  their  attention  from  the  unity  of  God's 
nature,  led  to  a  system  of  meditation  and  mysticism,  in  regard  to  spirit,  of 
which  the  promised  benefit  was  to  obtain  liberation  from  this  life,  and  union 
with  the  great  Eternal  Cause.  This,  which  was  common  to  the  East,  existed 
alike  among  the  ancient  Arabs  and  the  Hindus ;  and  though  some  are 
inclined  to  believe  that  the  Sufyism  of  the  Mohammedans  derived  its 
origin  from  the  Yoga,  or  abstraction  of  the  latter,  yet  we  may  trace  it  to  a 
more  remote  system  oi  Deism,  the  Kaballa  of  the  Jews.* 

A  few  extracts  from  the  Sanscrit  authorities,  will  shew  us  that  this 
view  of  a  very  obscure  subject  is  strictly  deducible  from  the  order  of  opini- 
ons as  there  made  apparent.  The  prayer  of  the  Veda,  called  Gayatri,  con- 
cludes with  these  words — "  Let  us  meditate  on  the  Divine  Ruler,  (Savi- 
tri ;)  may  it  guide  our  intellects.  Desirous  of  food,  we  solicit  the  gift  of 
the  splendid  sun,  (Savitri)  who  should  be  studiously  worshipped.  Vener- 
able men,  guided  by  the  understanding,  salute  the  divine  sun,  (Savitri)  with 
oblations  and  praise,  "t     This  bears  evident  traces  of  Sabeism;  which  are 

*  According  to  Selden,  the  Kaballa  of  the  Jews  was  a  belief  in  the  doctrines  of  the 
traditional  law,  held  in  almost  equal  reverence  with  the  written  one.  It  treated  of 
divine  things,  of  the  more  abstruse  parts  of  their  faith,  of  angels,  and  various  symbols. 
The  appellation  Kabala,  H/^p-  iw  Hebrew,  bears  nearly  the  same  interpretation 
as  Kiblah  tx3"  i"^  Arabic,  signifying  any  thing  that  is  before  one,  or  the  altar ;  and 
the  Jews,  by  meditating  on  this,  promised  themselves  a  superior  knowledge  of  celestial 
existences.  The  doctrines  of  this  worship,  combined  with  natural  magic,  became  the 
foundation  of  what  is  believed  by  the  Sufis,  or  followers  of  the  truth.  The  authors  of 
the  middle  ages,  and  the  modern  Greeks,  who  enumerate  the  different  tribes  situated 
west  of  the  Indus,  speak  of  those  called  Hakak,  or  those  adoring  the  truth.  These 
were  free,  and  worshipped  the  sun  and  stars,  as  did  the  ancient  Arabs.  See  dissertation 
on  the  travels  of  two  Mohammedans,  p.  176. 

t  Ward  on  the  Hindus,  vol.  iv.  p.  93. 


1840.]  Historical  Geography  of  Hindustan,  &^c.  855 

yet  more  distinctly  marked  in  the  hymn  from  the  Sama  Veda ;  where  Brah- 
ma is  characterized  as  the  light  of  the  moon,  of  the  sun,  of  the  fire,  of 
the  lightning,  and  all  that  shines.* 

It  may  be  well  doubted  if  such  a  thing  as  Sabeism  ever  existed,  without 
being  mingled  with  that  species  of  idolatry  called  Pantheism  ;  and  w^hich 
teaches  that  the  divine  nature,  penetrating  every  thing,  makes  itself 
known  by  its  operations.  Such,  indeed,  is  the  Sabeism  of  the  Vedas ; 
where  the  Supreme  Being,  in  his  works  of  creation,  preservation,  and  de- 
struction, is  celebrated  under  the  names  of  Brahma,  Vishnu,  and  Shiva. 

The  founders  of  this  system,  reasoning  on  the  nature  of  the  deity, 
and  the  world's  physical  energies,  disseminated  their  hypothesis  on  the 
origin  of  the  universe ;  and  thus  founded  the  six  philosophical  schools, 
or  Darshanas  of  the  Hindus,  that  were,  certainly  in  existence  prior  to  the 
composition  of  the  Mahahharat,  Their  names  are  the  Voishesika,  the 
Niyaya,  the  Mimansa,  the  Sdnkhya,  the  Patangala,  and  the  Vedanta,  This 
last,  which  is  the  school  of  Viyasa,  who  compiled  the  Vedas,  is  generally 
considered  to  be  the  most  recent  in  its  origin;  but  was,  I  think,  the 
first  in  natural  order  and  in  practice ;  being  a  commentary  on  the  theology 
of  these  books,  written  to  support  their  somewhat  ambiguous  theism 
against  the  attacks  of  the  Sankhya  School,  which  had  advocated  Material- 
ism. Its  doctrines,  which  incline  to  pure  Idealism,  maintain  that  spirit  is 
all  in  all,  made  manifest  through  its  union  with  allusion,  or  gross 
matter;  and  by  supposing  that  the  Supreme  Being  is  disguised  in  many 
forms,  divine,  human  and  animal,  they  introduce  what  has  been  called 
Theomorphism.  This  blended  with  Sabeism  and  Pantheism  forms  the 
systematic  Polytheism  of  the  Brahmans. 

The  Sankhya,  which  appears  connected  with  the  religion  of  the  younger 
Buddha,  or  Gautama,  is  atheistical,  and  inculcates  Materialism.  It  declares 
that  Mahat  is  the  principle  which  is  named  the  reasoning  faculty, 
and  springs  from  matter ;  and  that  its  synonyms  are  Vishnu,  the  all-per- 
vading ;  and  Buddhi,  the  understanding.  It  is  hostile  to  the  Veda  and  the 
Smritis,  or  law  books ;  asserting,  "  that  he,  who  in  the  body  has  obtained 
emancipation,  is  of  no  caste,  of  no  sect,  of  no  order,  attends  to  no  duties, 
adheres  to  no  Shasters,  to  no  formulas,  and  to  no  works  of  merit. "f 

Opinions  such  as  these  were  adopted  by  the  followers  of  Buddha ;  who 
soon  became  so  numerous  and  powerful  as  to  be  more  than  a  match  for 
those  who  adhered  to  the  ancient  religion.  The  two  hostile  sects  of  Bud- 
dha and   Brahma  were  evidently  cognate,  and  of  contemporary   origin : 

*  Ward  on  the  Hindus,  vol.  iv.  p.  82. 

t  See  Ward's  Translation  of  the  Sankhya  Sara,  vol.  iv. 

5q 


856  Historical  Geography  of  Hindustan,  ^c.         [No.  104. 

thougli  the  latter,  as  adherents  of  the  Vedas,  and  the  Sabean  idolatry,  truly 
lay  claim  to  superior  antiquity. 

Sabeism  was,  as  we  Have  endeavoured  to  shew,  the  original  religion 
of  the  people  east  and  west  of  the  river  Indus ;  and  was  followed  by  a 
modification  of  its  original  tenets,  now  known  as  the  faiths  of  Buddha  and 
Brahma.  The  people  who  believed  the  last,  occupied  the  banks  of  the 
Ganges  and  Hindustan  Proper;  those  who  professed  the  other,  were  on 
either  bank  of  the  Indus,  and  in  the  south  of  India.  The  two  rival  sects 
appear  to  have  existed  in  amity  with  each  other,  until  the  Brahmans, 
having  introduced  caste,  and  endeavoured  to  exalt  themselves  above  their 
opponents,  brought  on  the  Mahabarat,  or  great  war,  that  happened 
posterior  to  the  time  of  Alexander  the  Great's  expedition  to  India.  In 
modifying  the  Sabeism  of  the  Vedas,  they  introduced  the  monstrous  fables 
of  the  Puranas,  with  the  deification  of  abstract  properties,  under  the  name 
of  gods.  In  doing  this  they  addressed  the  ignorant  spirit  of  the  people, 
whose  seers  and  astrologers  they  were;  and,  having  artfully  incorporated 
the  opinions  of  existing  sects  with  their  own,  claimed  for  their  religion 
unchanging  uniformity,  though  this  faith,  made  up  of  all  systems,  is  so 
heterogeneous,  as  to  be  incapable  of  an  analysis  that  would  resolve  it 
into  its  separate  sources. 

The  origin  of  the  Buddhaist  system  can  be  traced  back  five  centuries 
before  the  Christian  sera,  but  its  followers  were  for  long  after  limited  in 
number  and  power.  Though  there  be  nothing  but  conjecture,  on  which 
we  may  found  an  opinion,  whether  Balkh  and  Benian,  or  the  districts 
eastward  of  the  Indus  were  the  countries  of  its  nativity,  we  possess  internal 
evidence,  in  the  religions  of  Zertusht  and  Buddha,  that  they  were  for  some 
time  connected,  and  the  aflinity  existing  between  the  Zend  and  Sanscrit 
languages,  would  further  warrant  us  to  conclude,  with  Sir  William  Jones,* 
"  that  a  powerful  monarchy  was  established  in  Persia,  and  that  it  was, 
in  truth,  a  Hindu  monarchy,"  when  Sabeism  was  the  religion  of  both 
countries.  This  monarchy,  or  the  Mahabadian  empire  of  Persia,  is  cele- 
brated among  the  Buddhaists  of  Ceylon,  as  we  learn  from  the  report  of  the 
Colombo  Bible  Society,  for  1816  ;  and  the  fact  of  the  same  being  known  in 
the  tradition  of  the  Buddhas,  evinces  that  these  seceders  from  Sabeism, 
who  spread  themselves  over  the  south  of  India,  existed  in  intimate  con- 
nection with  the  followers  of  Zertusht.  The  coins  and  relics  lately  dis- 
covered in  the  sepulchral  monuments,  that  exist  in  the  Punjab  and  the 
vicinity  of  Cabul,  bear  evidence  to  the  correctness  of  this  opinion ;  and  the 
narratives  of  the  Arab  historians  lead  us  to  infer,  that  the  fire-temple,  in 

*  See  his  Discourse  on  the  Persians,  A.  R.  vol.  ii. 


1840.]  Historical  Geography  of  Hindustan,  ^c.  857 

India,  dedicated  to  Helios,  or  the  sun,  and  which  was  permitted  to  escape 
destruction,  on  three  times  the  value  of  its  precious  things  having  been 
given  to  the  Mohamedan  conqueror  Hijaj-bin  Yusuf,  was  no  other  than  the 
Buddhaist  temple  of  Multan,  called  "  the  happy  house  of  gold." 

J^jJ  ^644  ^^®  communication,  between  India  and  Persia,  which  had 
existed  from  the  earliest  times,  was  not  interrupted  till  the  twenty- 
third  year  of  the  Hijira  when  the  followers  of  Mohammed,  having  sub- 
dued the  province  of  Khorasan,  and  countries  west  of  the  Indus,  be- 
came masters  of  the  pastoral  tribes  in  that  quarter.*  The  intercourse  of 
the  Hindus  with  the  aborigines  on  the  north  of  India,  was   not  finally 

A.  D.  675.  closed  until  thirty  years  after,  when  the  Tartars  of  the  north-west 
were  forced  to  submit  their  necks  to  the  yoke  of  Islam.  The  subsequent 
wars  and  aggressions  of  the  Mohammedans,  to  the  north-east,  drove  these 
nomades  to  the  south,  some  of  whom  having  conformed  to  the  institution 
of  caste,  and  other  gods  of  the  Brahminical  Panthaeon,  gave  rise  to  a 
modification  of  their  then  Buddhaist  tenets,  which  is  now  known  under  the 
name  of  the  Jaina  religion.  This  had  its  origin,  as  would  appear,  when 
the  rival  sects  of  Buddha  and  Siva  were  striving  for  superiority  in  Hin- 
dustan ;  and  arose  from  a  union  of  the  two  systems  endeavouring  to 
reconcile  the  more  objectionable  parts  of  the  Buddhaist  faith  to  the  received 
opinions  of  the  orthodox  Hindus.  Brahmans,  however,  formed  part  of  both 
religions,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  island  of  Bali  distinguished  them,  in 
the  twelfth  century,  as  the  sects  of  Buddha  and  Siva.f     The  great  influx 

A.  D.  1166.  towards  the  Dekhan  and  country  south  of  the  Narhada  of  those 
professing  the  latter  faith,  about  this  time,  will  account  for  the  migration  of 
the  Buddhaists,  or  the  Jaina  sectaries  of  this  faith,  into  the  islands  of  the 
Indian  ocean. 

A  Brahmanical  invasion,  from  the  north,  is  traditionally  ascribed  to  a 
prince  named  Mayura  VermajJ  who  was  the  founder  of  the  Kadumba,  or 
Karamma  race  of  Rajputs.  By  the  most  consistent  account  he  is  placed 
in  the  ninth  century  ;  but  flourished,  probably  somewhat  later.  The 
greatest  influx  of  Rajputs  to  the  Dekhan  happened,  however,  from  the 
beginning  of  the  tenth  to  the  end  of  the  twelfth  century,  caused  by 
the  conquest  of  Mahmud  of  Guzna,  and  his  successors. 

The  Jainas  assert,  that  "  in  the  time  of  Bijjala  Raya,  who  ruled  with 
renown  in  the  city  of  Kalayana,§  the  Dakshen  of  Hindustan  was  conquered 

*  Price's  Mahomedan  Annals,  vol.  i,  p.  138. 

t  Crawford  on  the  people  of  Bali ;  A.  R.  vol .  xiv. 

X  See  Mayura  Verma  Cheritra  in  the  Catalogue  of  the  McKenzie  collection  vol.  ii. 
p.  95. 

§  It  is  generally  called  Kalyan,  or  Kayani ;  and  lies  about  fifty  miles  north  of 
Kulberga,  in  the  Dekhan. 


858  Historical  Geography  of  Hindustan^  &^c.        [No.  104. 

by  the  Sadapramans,"*  or  followers  of  the  Vedas :  and  this  tradition  is 
attested  by  the  sculpture  in  the  caves  of  EUora,  where  the  union  of  the 
Buddhaist  and  Brahminical  faiths  declares  them  to  be  the  works  of  the 
Jainas,  or  some  similar  sect,  labouring  to  accommodate  a  belief  and  reliance 
on  mortals  of  transcendent  virtue  to  the  worship  of  the  gods  that  are 
chiefly  esteemed  in  the  Hindu  Pantheon.  The  Brahmans  who  have  visited 
the  caves  of  Ellora  and  Ajunta,  deny  the  possibility  that  any  part  of  the 
sculptures  could  have  been  executed  by  the  orthodox  sect.f 

These  Buddhaist  sectaries  on  having  changed  their  original  faith,  were 
designated  by  the  name  of  Rajputs ;  and  executed  the  magnificent  temples 
of  Abu,  and  other  such  stupendous  works,  on  the  banks  of  the  Indus. 
They  have  preserved  no  record  of  their  origin  excepting  traditions  ;  which 
their  bard  Chandra  embodied  in  his  work,  the  Prithvi  Raya  Biyasa.  Prithvi 
Raya,  or  Pithora,  who  is  the  hero  of  the  tale,  became,  from  his  connexion 
with  the  first  Mohammedan  conquerors,  the  subject  of  real  history ;  and  the 
poem,  which  celebrates  his  exploit,  can  claim  no  higher  antiquity  than 
A.  D.  1192;  when  this  Lord  Protector  of  the  feudal  barons  of  India,  as 
mentioned  in  my  introduction  to  the  Mirat  Ahmedi,  fell  at  the  battle  of 
Tanessar. 

*  See  account  of  the  Jainas,  A.  R.  ix.  p.  247. 

f  Mr.  Erskine's  lucid  observations  on  the  Caves  of  the  Dekhan,  have  shed  much  light 
on  a  very  obscure  subject ;  but  I  cannot  agree  with  the  learned  gentleman  in  thinking 
that  any  of  them  weve  ever  executed  by  Brahmans,  except  in  connexion  with  the  fol- 
lowers of  Buddha,  whose  guides  they  were  in  introducing  Jaina  innovations. 

Note. — The  paper  now  communicated,  was  read  at  a  meeting  of  the  Bombay  Branch 
of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society,  so  early  as  December  1835,  but  withdrawn,  before  the 
brilliant  discoveries  of  the  late  Mr.  Prinsep  had  given  currency  to  facts,  that  bear  out  - 
generally  the  truth  of  opinions  here  maintained.  The  explanation  of  the  several 
series  of  coins  found  in  the  north-west  of  India,  the  interpretation  of  the  Lath  and 
Cave  Inscriptions,  and  the  translation  of  the  Mahawanso  by  Mr.  Tumour,  with  other 
collateral  coincidence,  have  strengthened  the  writer's  conviction  of  the  justness  of 
opinions  then  formed.  They  have  been  kept  unpublished,  as  some  orientalists,  whose 
acquirements  the  writer  respects  were  opposed  to  them ;  though  these  had  only  been 
accustomed  to  view  the  Hindu  social  state  through  the  glass  of  Brahmanical  representa- 
tion, and  distorted  Sanscrit  evidence.  The  president,  however,  in  thanking  Dr.  Bird 
for  his  paper,  which  had  been  listened  to  with  much  interest,  observed,  "  that  while  he 
was  prepared  to  dispute  some  of  its  important  positions,  it  was  but  fair  that  it  should 
be  laid  before  the  learned  world,  for  candid  criticism,  in  the  state  in  which  it  had  been 
communicated  to  the  Society." 


859 


Proceedings  of  the  Asiatic  Society. 
(Wednesday  Evening,  4th  November,  1840. J 
Col.  J.  A.  Hodgson  in  the  Chaii*. 

Library  and  Museum, 

The  following  books,  &c.  were  presented  : — 

Lardner's  Cabinet  Cyclopaedia — Treatise  on  Malacology, 1 

Philosophical  Magazine  and  Journal  of  Science,  3rd  Series,  Vol.  16th,  No,  101, 

and  105,  February  and  June,  1840 2 

Proceedings  of  the  Geological  Society  of  London,  Vol.  3rd,  No.  67,  1840.     . .     J. 
Oriental  Christian  Spectator,  2nd  Series,  Vol.  1st,  No.  9,  September  1840,     . .     1 

List  of  Works  relating  to  India,  published  by  W.  H.  Allen  and  Co 1 

History  of  British  Birds,  by  W.  Yarrel,  London,  Parts  14  and  15  ;   Septem- 
ber and  November,  1840 2 

Chinese  Repository,  Vol.  8th,  No.  9,  January,  1840, 1 

Asiatic  Journal  and  Monthly  Register  for  British  and  Foreign  India,  China, 

and  Australasia,  February,  1840,  Vol.  31st,  No.  122.  New  Series,  8vo.        . .     \ 
Transactions  of  the  Society  for  the  Encouragement  of  Arts,  &c.   1839,  Vol. 

52nd,  Pt.  2nd,  8vo 1 

Journal  of  the  Royal  Asiatic  Society  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  London, 

1840,  No.  11,  8vo I 

Annals  of  Natural  History,  or  Magazine  of  Zoology,  Botany,  and  Geology, 

by  Jardine  and  Selby,  London,  July,  1840,  No.  32,  8vo 1 

Annales  des  Sciences  Naturelles,  Zoologie,  et  pour  Botanique,  par  Audowine 

et  Edwards  ;  Tome  12th,  Paris,  AoM  1839,  2nd  Series, 2 

Column  at  Corygaum,  to  the  memory  of  Captain  Staunton,  1821, 1 

Sketch  to  ditto,  Madras  1818,      I 

The  Officiating  Secretary  submitted  to  the  inspection  of  the  meeting,  an  old  Chinese 

Coin  presented  by  W.  E.  Stirling,  Esq.  with  the  following  memorandum— 

"  This  is  an  old  Chinese  Coin.  It  was  stated  to  have  been  coined  before  the  Tartar 
Dynasty  occupied  China.  It  is  presented  through  me  by  Captain  Alcock,  who  obtain- 
ed it  at  Macao.  The  twelve  animals  which  surround  the  inner  circle  and  inscription, 
probably  represent  the  signs  of  the  Zodiac,  but  not  in  such  distinct  characters  as  to 
be  free  from  doubt.  The  Chinese  characters  of  the  inner  inscription  can  probably  be 
read  by  those  versed  in  that  language.  The  obverse  side  represents  two  Dragons. 
I  am  sorry  I  cannot  offer  any  particular  observations,  but  trust  that  this  coin  will  be 
esteemed  a  rarity  of  no  small  interest." 

Read  a  letter  from  Lieut.  A.  Cunningham,  from  which  the  following  is  an 
extract— 

"  I  have  had  a  long  letter  from  Lady  Sale,  and  she  promises  me  impressions  of  all 
curious  coins  that  she  may  meet  with.     Sir  Robert  had  been  opening  a  Tope,  but 


860  Asiatic  Society,  [No.  104. 

was  disturbed  by  Dost  Mahomed,  Poor  Edward  Conollv  too,  had  commenced 
work  upon  the  great  Khybar  Tope,  which  is  said  to  be  the  most  magnificent  in  India,  by 
those  who  never  went  two  miles  out  of  their  road  to  see  the  great  Benares  Tope, 
which  is  110  feet  high. 

"  If  1  was  at  Patna,  I  would  have  the  topes  across  the  Ganges  opened  in  two  months. 
I  can  hear  of  nothing  near  this  place.  I  hope  however  to  be  able  to  pay  a  visit  to 
Faizabad,  near  which  I  hear,  that  there  is  a  pillar. 

"  I  have  a  short  inscription  of  the  time  of  Govinda  Chundra  Deva,  of  Kanouj, 
the  predecessor  of  Vijaya  Chundra  Deva,  the  prince  mentioned  in  the  long  in- 
scription of  which  Colonel  Caulfield  has  sent  you  a  copy.  My  short  inscription 
mentions,  Gasala  Debee  as  the  wife  of  Govinda  Chundra." 

Read  a  further  letter  from  the  same  officer,  with  reference  to  which  the  Officiating 
Secretary  earnestly  begged,  that  notice  might  be  taken  by  any  member  of  the  So- 
ciety, or  indeed  any  individual  whose  position  and  inclinations  might  enable  him 
to  serve  the  cause  of  Antiquarian  research  in  Behar,  alluded  to  in  the  latter  portion 
of  the  letter,  which  was  then  read  as  follows — 

**  I  am  now  lithographing  a  large  drawing  of  a  beautiful  silver  patera  of  a  Sassanian 
king  on  horseback,  killing  a  lion — 2nd  Shahpore  ?  It  has  an  inscription  which  I  am 
to  get  shortly. 

•'  I  have  heard  of  no  new  genuine  coins,  but  the  forged  coins  are  becoming  plentiful, 
and  I  think  I  have  discovered  the  forger.  The  fellow  has  not  much  character  to  lose, 
but,  I  think  an  exposure  will  put  others  on  their  guard  against  purchasing  coins  from 
him. 

"  The  country  north  of  Patna  is  full  of  topes,  none  of  which  have  been  opened  : — 

"  1.  The  Kesariah  mound,  20  miles  N.  of  Bokhra,  in  sight  of  the  Gunduk. 

"  2.  A  mound  of  solid  brickwork,  about  40  feet  high,  near  Bassar. 

"  3.  At  Bokhra  (not  the  Azimgurh  Bokhra)  13  kos  north  of  Patna,  and  6  kos  north  of 
Singhea— a  pillar  and  tope  of  solid  brickwork ;  a  horizontal  excavation  was  made  by 
a  doctor  of  MozuiFerpore  35  years  ago,  (therefore  the  first  excavator  of  a  tope),  but 
nothing  was  found. 

"  Could  you  not  manage  to  have  an  excavation  made  from  the  top  to  the  foundation, 
in  a  perpendicular  direction  ?  Some  one  at  Patna,  or  Mozufferpore,  might  superintend 
the  work.  The  pillar  also  should  have  an  inscription,  which  is  probably  under 
ground." 

The  Officiating  Secretary  submitted  to  the  Meeting  the  reply  from  Major  Rawlin- 
soN  of  Candahar,  to  a  communication  which  he  had  addressed  to  that  able  Antiquarian, 
in  which  he  had  begged  him  to  undertake  the  duties  of  Corresponding  Secretary  in 
Afifghanistan.  The  Society,  the  Officiating  Secretary  observed,  would  not  fail  to 
regret  exceedingly  the  difficulties  which  interfere  with  Major  Rawlinson's  accepting 
this  office,  and  which  he  had  requested  him  to  undertake  in  common  with  the  late 
Capt.  CoNOLLY,  who  working  in  a  different  part  of  the  country,  might  have  devoted  his 
energetic  endeavours  to  the  furtherance  of  some  of  the  main  objects  of  the  Society. 


1840.]  Asiatic  Society.  861 

"  It  was  with  extreme  gratification  that  I  received  your  letter  of  September  9th,  a 
few  days  ago,  enclosing  the  official  notice  of  my  admission  into  the  Asiatic  Society,  and 
conveying  to  me  the  very  flattering  offer  of  acting  as  Corresponding  Secretary  to  your 
institution  across  the  Indus;  fond  as  I  am  of  the  study  of  antiquities,  there  could  hardly 
be  a  greater  pleasure  to  me,  than  filling  the  situation  you  propose,  which  would  place 
me  in  communication  with  all  the  most  skilful  antiquaries  and  numismatologists  of 
India,  but  really  and  truly,  I  have  not  the  time  to  bestow  on  the  duties  of  so  fascinating 
an  employment ;  being  now  in  a  laborious  and  responsible  Political  situation,  I  feel  it 
incumbent  on  me  to  sacrifice,  to  a  due  fulfilment  of  my  public  duties,  those  pursuits 
which  for  many  years  past  have  formed  my  chief  study  and  delight,  and  which  when 
I  am  once  fairly  engaged  on  them,  possess  for  me  all  the  attraction  that  attaches 
the  opium-eater  to  his  drug.  I  have  now  brought  myself  to  eschew  antiquities  upon 
principle,  leaving  unfinished  several  papers  for  which  I  am  pledged  to  Societies  in 
London,  Paris,  and  Vienna,  and  it  would  be  perfect  ruin  to  me  to  be  subjected  afresh 
to  the  temptations  which  the  office  of  your  Corresponding  Secretary  would  necessarily 
throw  in  my  way.  Edward  Connoly  would  have  been  a  most  zealous  and  efficient 
coadjutor,  and  would  probably  have  had  it  in  his  power  to  command  the  requisite 
leisure,  but,  alas  !  you  will  have  heard  long  since  of  his  untimely  fate,  and  I  doubt 
if  there  is  any  one  in  the  country  qualified  to  supply  his  place. 

"  I  should  like,  if  I  found  during  the  winter  that  public  business  was  not  very  press- 
ing, to  give  you  a  series  of  letters  to  be  published  monthly  in  your  Journal,  tracing 
the  outlines  of  such  Historical  and  Geographical  information  as  we  possess  regarding 
Affghanistan  from  the  earliest  ages  to  the  present  day,  and  inviting  inquiry  on  all  mat- 
ters of  interest  referring  to  the  different  epochs,  but  I  could  promise  nothing  more  than 
outlines,  for  I  certainly  have  not  the  information  (and  I  almost  doubt  its  being  pro- 
curable) to  fill  up  details,  or  attempt  any  thing  like  analysis ;  something  of  the  sort 
however  certainly  requires  to  be  done;  hitherto  the  numismatical  discoveries  have 
hardly  been  turned  to  any  account ;  we  have  a  long  list  of  names,  but  there  has  been 
no  attempt  to  appropriate  them  to  the  different  tribes  and  dynasties  of  which,  chiefly 
through  the  Chinese  authorities,  we  can  darkly  trace  the  succession  in  the  regions  be- 
tween the  Oxus  and  the  Indus,  still  less  has  there  been  any  endeavour  to  affiliate  these 
tribes,  or  to  work  out  their  descent  into  the  page  of  modern  history. 

"  I  beg  to  return  you  my  best  thanks  for  the  impression  of  Pottinger's  cylinder,  it  is 
a  relic  at  least  as  ancient  as  the  times  of  Cyrus  and  Darius,  and  must  have  travelled 
from  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates  to  the  spot  where  it  was  found  in  the  Paropamisan 
mountains.  The  inscription  is  in  the  Hieartic  Babylonian  character,  and  is  in  fact 
the  usual  formula  (probably  a  prayer)  found  upon  all  these  sacred  cylinders.  This 
character,  which  is  the  third  or  complicated  class  of  cuneiform  writing,  is  crept  in 
a  few  signs  conjecturally  rendered  by  Burnouf,  altogether  undecypherable.  It  is 
probably  syllabic,  and  certainly  embodies  a  Semitic  language.  The  means  of  rendering 
it  intelligible  are,  however,  I  believe,  in  existence,  and  if  I  ever  return  to  Persia,  and 
can  devote  a  year  or  two  to  the  task,  I  do  not  despair  of  mastering  it  by  the  assist- 
ance of  the  Zend  literal  cuneiform  characters,  which  I  perfectly  understand,  and  which 


862  Asiatic  Society.  [No.  104, 

is  employed  in  the  inscriptions,  to  render  the  translations  from  the  Babylonian  into  the 
ancient  Persian.  The  character  being  once  decyphered,  the  language  to  which  it  is  ap- 
propriated will  no  doubt  be  found  cognate  with  the  Pheenician,  and  I  assert  with  confi- 
dence, that  the  knowledge  thus  obtained  will  open  to  us  (always  following  the  Mosai- 
cal  early  history  of  the  world)  an  insight  into  the  common  original  language  of  man- 
kind, as  thousands  of  bricks  stamped  with  this  writing  are  found  in  the  foundations  of 
the  tower  of  Babel,  and  must  have  been  placed  there  before  the  confusion  of  tongues, 
when  the  language  spoken  in  the  plain  of  Shinar,  was,  I  suppose  it  will  be  admitted,  the 
same  that  Adam  and  Eve  used  in  Paradise,  and  this  I  believe  is  about  the  ultimate 
limit  that  antiquarianism  reaches ;  joking  apart,  however,  there  is  no  doubt  but  the  read- 
ing of  this  character  will  give  us  a  decent  knowledge  of  the  history  of  Assyria  and 
Babylonia  from  Nimus  to  Sadanapalus  and  Nebuchadnezar;  the  records  are  most 
ample. 

"The  inscription  on  Hutton's  antique,  gives  the  title  of  the  king  as  Palash  (the  Vola- 
gases  of  the  Greeks)  and  from  the  style  of  the  Pehleivee  writing,  probably  refers  to  the 
Sassanian  monarch  of  that  name ;  but  I  have  not  yet  satisfied  myself  as  to  the  exact 
meaning  of  the  entire  legend.  I  have  a  vast  number  of  impressions  of  Sassanian  gems 
with  legends,  and  willendeavour  some  day  to  give  you  a  paper  on  them ;  but  the  subject 
is  very  obscure,  and  requires  a  still  greater  field  of  collation,  than  I  have  hitherto  suc- 
ceeded in  accumulating. 

"  Coins  are  scarce  in  this  part  of  the  country,  and  the  nomenclature  of  Bactrian  and 
Melo-Scythian  numismatology  is,  I  fancy,  pretty  well  exhausted,  but  all  the  useful 
part  of  the  science  requires,  as  I  have  already  observed,  still  to  be  elaborated." 

The  Officiating  Secretary  submitted  a  note  of  charges  for  the  printing  of  Part  2d,  Vol. 
II  of  the  Researches  of  the  Society,  and  again  suggested  that  a  volume  of  Transactions 
might  be  prepared  in  octavo,  should  the  Committee  of  Papers  determine  that  the 
materials,  which  the  Officiating  Secretary  was  prepared  to  submit  to  them,  were  of  a 
nature  to  admit  of  publication;  the  octavo  form  was,  the  Officiating  Secretary  observed, 
of  advantage,  not  only  as  regarded  the  saving  of  expence,  but  also  for  facility  of  carriage, 
which  was  a  matter  of  some  importance  for  a  Society  which  communicated  with  cor- 
responding members  at  so  great  a  distance  as  did  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal. 

(Suggestion  referred  to  the  Committee  of  Papers.,) 

Read  a  letter  from  Capt.  T.  S.  Burt,  of  which  the  following  is  a  copy — 

"  Since  my  letter  to  you  of  the  19th  October,  I  have  been  over  to  Chitore,  and 
taken  facsimiles  of  the  inscriptions  I  met  with  there ;  their  age  is  about  750  years,  as 
well  as  I  can  make  out;  Tod  speaks  of  those  on  the  lofty  pillar,  but  not  of  two  others, 
which  I  found  in  an  old  temple  there ;  I  shall  defer  sending  them  to  Calcutta  for  the 
present. 

"  I  have  found  some  images  of  marble  at  Ajmere,  650  years  of  age,  with  inscriptions 
on  their  pedestals. 


1840.]  Asiatic  Society.  863 

"  I  am  now  about  to  proceed  to  mount  Aboo,  celebrated  by  Tod,  and  I  hope  to  find 
some  Pali  writing,  as  well  as  other  characters  there. 

**  My  principal  object  in  writing  to  you  now,  is  this— my  brother  of  the  64th  states, 
that  when  looking  for  my  lost  drawings  either  in  the  Society's  apartments  or  in  the  Mint, 
he  found  a  number  of  facsimiles  of  old  inscriptions  bearing  my  signature,  which  were 
thrown  aside  in  consequence  of  James  Prinsep's  illness;  now  as  many  of  them,  a  few 
in  particular,  were  very  valuable,  and  of  considerable  age,  as  the  pillars  upon  which 
I  found  them  testify,  I  think  it  right  to  bring  the  circumstance  to  your  notice,  with 
a  hope  that  you  will  not  allow  them  to  lie  any  longer  as  they  now  do,  *  unnoticed 
and  unknown.'  " 

The  query  put  by  Capt.  Burt,  regarding  the  fate  of  his  inscriptions,  was  directed 
to  be  referred  to  the  executors  of  the  late  Secretary,  Mr.  James  Prinsep. 

Read  a  report  from  the  Officiating  Curator  to  the  Society's  Museum,  together  with 

the  following  observations  recorded  by  the  Officiating  Secretary,  in  submitting  that 

Report  to  the  Committee  of  Papers. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  submit  to  the  Committee  of  Papers,  the  accompanying  report 
by  our  present  Officiating  Curator.  The  zeal  with  which  Mr.  Piddington  is  enter- 
ing on  his  task  of  arresting  the  progress  of  decay,  will  I  trust  be  as  grateful  to  the  Com- 
mittee, who  were  the  cause  of  his  temporary  appointment,  as  his  labours  are  certain 
of  being  useful  to  the  Society." 

"  To  H.  ToRRENs,  Esq. 
*'  Dear  Sir,  "  Officiating  Secretary  of  the  Asiatic  Society. 

"  Having  in  pursuance  of  your  letter  of  27th  December  last  assumed  charge  of  the 
Museum  of  the  Asiatic  Society,  as  Officiating  Curator,  on  1st  instant,  I  have  now,  in 
obedience  to  the  resolutions  of  the  Committee  of  Papers  referred  to  in  it,  to  submit  my 
Monthly  Report. 

"  Palaontological,  Geological,  and  Mineralogical  Department. — The  first  im- 
pression which  a  cursory  inspection  of  these  departments  of  the  Museum  has  given 
me,  is  a  strong  one  of  the  sad  dilapidation  going  on  amongst  them;  partly  in 
consequence  of  trusting  to  the  very  perishable  recording,  which  ink,  paper  and  paste 
admit  of  in  a  climate  like  this,  and  partly  from  the  almost  entire  absence  of  any  ge- 
neral or  serial  catalogues  to  the  various  collections;  many  of  which,  again,  have  evi- 
dently been  broken  into,  for  the  purpose  I  presume  of  completing  other  arrangements  ? 
but  of  no  such  arrangements,  whether  completed  or  left  incomplete,  has  it  seems  any 
note  or  register  unfortunately  been  left  in  the  Museum.  I  have  written  to  my  pre- 
decessors on  this  subject,  to  ascertain  if  any  records  of  any  kind  exist,  and  I  yet  trust  we 
shall  be  able  to  rescue  something  to  guide  us  in  the  sad  confusion  which  now  pre- 
vails. 

"  I  may  briefly  state  a  few  facts  in  confirmation  of  what  is  here  said.  In  our  rich 
Palaeontological  collection,  no  registers  or  catalogues,  beyond  the  few  lists  printed 

5  R 


864  Asiatic  Society.  [No.  104. 

in  the  Journal  exist,  that  I  can  yet  discover ;  and  valuable  specimens  are  fast  losing 
their  labels  of  names,  and  above  all,  of  localities.  In  our  Geological  series  I  find, 
amongst  others,  even  those  of  Gerard,  Voysey,  and  Franklin — the  first  particularly  of 
unique  specimens,  collected  often  at  the  risk  of  his  life  at  16  and  18,000  feet  of  eleva- 
tion, midst  the  snows  of  the  Himalaya,  on  the  frontiers  of  Chinese  Tartary — all  going 
to  utter  confusion,  through  the  growing  indistinctness  of  the  ink,  and  the  ravages  of 
damp  and  insects.  Of  the  valuable  collection  of  the  Lavas  of  Vesuvius,  presented 
by  Sir  Edward  Ryan,  though  of  this  the  Catalogue  exists,  yet  only  thirty-six  out 
of  nearly  a  hundred  specimens  can  yet  be  found ;  I  omit  for  brevity's  sake,  further 
details  of  this  nature. 

"  I  have  then  thought  it  of  urgency  to  confine  myself  almost  wholly  to  arrest  this 
dilapidation,  and  if  possible,  so  to  place  every  thing  upon  record  as  it  now  exists, 
or  can  be  ascertained,  that  at  all  events  farther  mischief  in  this  way  may  be  stopped, 
and  the  records  rendered  as  enduring  as  paint  and  printing  can  make  them.  The 
Museum  book  of  "Geological  collections,"  sent  herewith,  will  shew  what  I  propose 
doing  for  every  series  ;  and  I  have  arranged  in  Case  No.  8,  Frame  No.  1  (to  the  right 
hand  below  the  stair-case)  Dr.  Gerard's  series,  in  such  order,  with  its  separate  little 
book  of  reference  in  the  case,  that  it  is  available  for  the  study  of  visitors  and  members, 
and  when  the  serial  catalogue  is  printed,  it  will  be  beyond  the  reach  of  any  thing 
but  wilful  confusion  for  a  long  period  of  years.*  I  shall  be  happy  to  have  the  opinion 
of  the  Committee  on  this  plan  of  arrangement,  and  these  views.  My  own  feeling  and 
judgment  on  this  point  is,  that  nothing  could  be  more  lamentable,  and  more  dis- 
couraging to  the  progress  of  Indian  Science,  than  the  fact  that  collections,  which 
men  Kave  almost  literally  laid  down  their  lives  to  obtain,  should  thus  be  lost  to  their 
memory,  and  to  the  ends  of  Science. 

"  Osteological  Department. — In  this  division  the  want  of  cases  for  preserving  the 
smaller  skeletons  from  the  effects  of  dust  and  dirt  is  much  felt;  and  I  beg  to  sub- 
mit this  matter  particularly  to  the  attention  of  the  Committee;  for  several  of  our 
skeletons  are  rare*  and  valuable,  and  even  a  common  one  costs  time  and  expence  to 
replace,  or  repair  it.  The  small  skeletons  are  particularly  liable  to  dilapidation  when 
dusting,  and  from  the  incautious  handling  of  visitors. 

"  Mammalogical  Department. — In  this  again  we  are  entirely  without  glass-cases, 
and  in  spite  of  daily  care,  much  dilapidation  must  be  going  on,  which  is  but  too  evident 
in  many  of  the  specimens. 

"  Ornithological  Department. — This  and  the  following  department  are  by  far  the 
best  preserved  of  our  collections,  being  fully  provided  with  cases.  .^| 

''Reptiles,  Fishes,  5fc.— Provided  with  cases,  and  generally  in  excellent  preserva-^^ 
tion.     Mostly  named,  but  no  catalogues.     The  spirits  of  wine  having  partly  evaporated 
from  many  of  the  jars  and  bottles,  it  has  been  necessary  to  fill  them  up,  which  occa- 
sions some  extra  expence.      I  am  in  hopes  of  at  least  diminishing  this  evil  in  future, 

*  Five  series  in  all,  are  arranged,  comprising  293  specimens,  but  only  one  is  placed  in  a  case 
for  inspection. 


1840.]  Asiatic  Society.  865 

by  the  precaution  of  cementing  over  the  stoppers,  which,  with  their  current  duties,  and 
the  preparation  of  the  additions  to  the  Museum,  mentioned  hereafter,  has  been  the 
standing  employment  of  the  Curator's  Assistants. 

"  Additions  to  the  Museum  this  month  have  been — 

"  1.  A  valuable  series  of  Geological  specimens  from  Brimhan  Ghaut,  on  the  Ner- 
budda,  to  Omarkuntuck,  the  source  of  that  river,  by  Dr.  SptLSBURY—Arranffed  and 
Catalogued. 

"  2.  The  splendid  skeleton  and  skin  of  the  Gaur,  from  Chota  Nagpore,  by  Major 
OusELEY — Skeleton  mounted,  skin  suspended,  being  imperfect. 

**  3.  Skeleton  of  the  Eagle  formerly  in  the  Society's  compound — Mounted. 

"4.  A  fine  specimen  of  the  Hematronus  undulatus — From  C.  P.  White,  Esq^ 
Midnapore  ;  stuffed.    Duplicate  of  one  in  the  Museum. 

*•  5.  A  pair  of  the  young  of  the  Cheel,  Falco  ater— Stuffed. 

*'  6.  A  fine  specimen  of  the  Machal,  Falco ?  (Purchased,  not  previously  in 

our  collection) — Stuffed. 

Asiatic  Society's  Museum,       •  I  am,  Sir, 

30^^  November,  1840.  Your's  obediently, 

H.  PIDDINGTON. 

The  Officiating  Curator  submitted  his  report  on  the  Mineral  specimens  sent  from  Raj- 
pootana  by  Capt.  Burt,  under  the  supposition  that  they  were  of  the  nature  of  Coal. 
Mr.  PiDDiNGTON  observed,  that  it  has  no  relationship  to  the  Coal  whatsoever,  for  it  is 
infusible  at  a  heat  which  blisters  platina.  It  is  one  of  the  Titaniferous  Oxigen  of 
iron.  He  likewise  submitted  the  following  list  of  specimens  as  desiderata  for  the  Osteo- 
logical  branch  of  the  Museum  : — 

"  Skeletons. 

5  Neel  Ghye. 

i  Samur,  4  horned  Deer  of  Sumbhalpoor  (Kotarn  ?) 

5  Buffalo. 
f  Gayal. 

5  Garial. 

<  Alligator  (large.) 

C  Lion. 
■<  Leopard. 
cLynx. 

^  Hyaena. 

J  Jyo,  or  wild  Dog  of  Bundlecund, 

jT>o.  or  do.   do.    of  Nepal. 

C Do.  or  do.   do.    of  Affghanistan. 

Pangolins. 

Tapirs  of  Tenasserim  Province. 

Dugong  of  Singapore. 

For  the  presentations  and  contributions  the  thanks  of  the  Society  were  accorded. 


JOURNAL 


ASIATIC  SOCIETY 


Description   of^   and  deductions  from  a  consideration   of,    some  new 
Bactrian  coins.     By  Lieut  Alexander  Cunningham,  Engineers. 

There  are  but  iew  notices  of  Bactrian  history  to  be  found  in  ancient 
authors ;  and  some  even,  of  those  few,  do  not  agree :  so  that  we  are 
compelled,  in  the  absence  of  historical  aid,  to  examine  the  numismato- 
logy of  Bactria,  as  Butter's  philosophers  examined  the  moon,  by  its 
own  light.  And  thus  a  good  cabinet  of  the  coins  of  the  Bactrian 
princes,  is  to  an  experienced  numismatist 

" A  famous  history enrolFd, 

In  everlasting  monunaents  of  brass — " 
from  which  he  may  draw  the  data  for  a  chronological  arrangement  of 
those  princes,  many  of  whom  are  "of  dynasties  unknown  to  history." 
In  this  paper,  however,  I  shall  confine  myself  to  a  notice  of  the  pieces 
figured  in  the  accompanying  plate,  merely  adding  such  inferences 
as  a  careful  examination  of  the  coins  has  suggested  to  me. 

No.  1.  A  round  copper  coin  of  large  size,  and  of  brittle  metal, 
of  middling  execution,  and  in  fair  preservation. 

Obverse.  Figure  of  Apollo  standing  half  turned  to  the  right,  with  the 
chlamys  falling  behind,  and  a  quiver  at  his  shoulder ;  holding  in 
his  left  hand  an  arrow  pointed  downwards,  his  right  hand  resting 
on  the  arrow.  Legend  in  three  lines  BA2IAEQ2  SQTHPOS 
AnOAAO AOTOY  ;    »  (coin)  of  the  saviour  king  Apollodotus." 

Reverse.     A     tripod; — legend   in    Bactrian   Pali   'P^i'i^Q   "P*!*!"! 
*PM"lTu,  Maharajasa  trddatasa  Apdlddatasa ;    "(coin)  of  the  great 
No.  105.  New  Series,  No.  21.  5  g 


868  Lieut,  Cunningham  on  Bactrian  coins,         [No.  105. 

king  Apollodotus,  the  saviour."  I  have  ventured  to  render  the  Bac- 
trian Pali  equivalent  of  Soteros,  in  a  new  way,  which  appears  to  me 
to  give  the  exact  meaning  of  the  Greek  word.  It  will  be  seen  that 
at  the  foot  of  the  initial  letter,  there  is  a  stroke  backwards,  which,  from 
its  occurrence  in  the  name  of  Eucratidas,  and  in  the  word  jOM<r«s«, 
for  the  Sanskrit  J'W^^,  must  be  the  letter  R  in  composition,  thus 
making  the  word  trd-datasa,  or  "  of  the  giver  of  trdn  (S.  "^^f)  safety," 
i.  e,  "  the  saviour."  In  the  field  are  two  Bactrian  Pali  characters, 
which  I  read  as  i  and  t ;  the  former  of  these  is  found  only  on  this  coin, 
and  on  No.  2  of  Colonel  Stacy's  new  coins  (see  J.  A.  S.  of  Bengal 
for  April,  1839,  p.  344,)  which  I  will  hereafter  show  to  belong  to  the 
family  of  Undopherras. 

This  piece  is  of  the  same  type  as  the  well  known  round  coins  of  Apol- 
lodotus ;  but  it  differs  from  them  in  being  of  inferior  execution,  in  hav- 
ing its  legend  disposed  in  three  straight  lines,  instead  of  around  the 
piece,  and  in  its  monogramatic  characters,  the  principal  of  which, 
by  its  after  occurrence  on  an  undoubted  Parthian  coin  of  the  fa- 
mily of  Undopherras,  leads  me  to  assign  the  mintage  of  this  piece  to 
some  place  in  Ariana,  south  of  Bactria  Proper  and  of  the  Indian 
Caucasus,  and  to  extend  the  rule  of  Apollodotus  from  the  Paropamisus 
to  Patalene,  and  perhaps  even  to  Barugaza,  where  we  know  that 
his  drachmas  were  current  more  than  two  hundred  years  afterwards. 

Various  places  have  been  assigned  to  Apollodotus  in  the  list  of 
Bactrian  princes,  none  of  which  have  received  any  general  assent ;  and 
as  the  only  passages  in  which  he  is  mentioned  by  ancient  authors,  give 
no  clue  for  fixing  his  proper  rank  amongst  the  kings  of  Bactria,  we 
must  be  content  to  see  our  way  by  the  light  glimmering 

"  On  narrow  coins  through  dim  cerulean  rust," 
which  has  led  me  to  the  conclusion,  that  Apollodotus  was  the  son  of 
Eucratidas  the  great  king ;  this  opinion,  which  I  offer  with  much  diffi- 
dence, is  founded  upon  the  following  facts  : — 

First. — The  common  round  drachmas  of  Apollodotus  bear  the  title 
of  Philopater,  which  title  M.  Jacquet  conjectured  would  declare  his  fa- 
ther to  have  been  of  royal  origin,  for  had  he  been  in  a  private  station,  his 
son  would  not  have  paid  him  so  striking  an  honor.  M.  Raoul-Rochette 
says,  that  this  conjecture  appears  very  plausible,  and  he  adds,  *'  but  there 
is  something  more  to  be  remarked  here,  which  is,  that  on  the  coins  of  the 


1840.]  Lieut,  Cunningham  on  Bactrian  coins.  869 

kings  of  this  part  of  the  East,  especially  on  those  of  the  Arsacidae, 
the  epithet  of  Philopater  indicates  the  association  of  a  son  in  the  royal 
title  of  the  father"  From  this  M.  Raoul-Rochette  supposes  that  Apol- 
lodotus  was  the  son  of  Menander,  and  that  he  was  associated  in  the 
government  with  his  father,  and  consequently  took  the  title  of  Philo- 
pater in  addition  to  the  epithet  of  saviour,  which  was  common  to  both 
princes.  The  opinion  of  so  eminent  an  antiquary  as  M.  R.  Rochette, 
must  always  command  respect,  even  when  it  fails  to  produce  convic- 
tion ;  and  did  not  the  facts  which  have  led  me  to  a  different  conclusion 
seem  particularly  strong  and  clear,  I  should  certainly  hesitate  in  dis- 
senting from  one,  in  every  way  so  well  qualified  to  judge.  Now  it  ap- 
pears from  the  quotation  given  above,  that  the  epithet  of  Philopater 
indicates  the  association  of  a  son  in  the  royal  title  of  his  father ;  and 
we  know  from  Justin  (lib.  41.  c.  6,)  that  Eucratidas  had  made  his  son 
"a  partner  in  his  kingdom;"  from  which  it  results  almost  conclusively, 
that  Apollodotus,  who  was  the  only  prince  that  bore  the  title  of  Philo- 
pater, must  have  been  the  son  of  Eucratidas,  the  only  king  who  is  re- 
corded to  have  associated  his  son  in  the  Bactrian  kingdom  with  him- 
self. 

Second. — The  rarity  of  the  coins  bearing  the  title  of  Philopater  in 
comparison  with  the  other  coins  of  Apollodotus,  would  seem  to  prove 
that  these  pieces  were  all  struck  during  his  association  in  the  govern- 
ment with  his  father,  on  their  return  from  the  Indian  conquests ;  and 
that  after  having  murdered  Eucratidas,  he  dropped  the  title  of  "  lover 
of  his  father,"  which  to  have  continued  would  have  been  ridiculous,  as 
well  as  an  outrage  upon  humanity.  Now  we  know  that  this  unnatural 
son  gloried  in  the  murder,  and,  '*  as  if  he  had  slain  an  enemy,  and  not 
his  father,  he  both  drove  his  chariot  through  his  blood,  and  ordered  his 
body  to  be  thrown  out  unburied  ;"  which  circumstance  most  satisfac- 
torily accounts  for  the  comparative  scarcity  of  the  coins  of  Apollodotus, 
which  bear  the  title  of  Philopater ;  for  had  the  murderer  wished  to 
have  concealed  his  crime,  he  would  certainly  not  have  dropped  the 
title  of  lover  of  his  father,  but  would  rather  have  published  it  on  all 
his  coins,  as  a  presumptive  proof  of  liis  innocence  ;  we  also  know  that 
the  coins  bearing  this  title  are  found  mostly  in  the  Punjab,  and  some 
even  in  India,  while  none  were  found  by  Mr.  Masson  in  the  classic 
site  of  Beghram  ;  which  facts  serve  still  more  strongly  to  establish  my 


870  Lieut*  CunHingham  on  Bactrian  coins.       [No.  105. 

opinion,  that  these  coins  of  Apollodotus  Philopater  were  struck  during 
his  association  in  the  government  with  his  father  Eucratidas,  on 
their  return  from  the  Indian  expedition.  Now  the  square  drachmas 
of  this  prince,  which  has  the  elephant  and  the  Indian  humped  bull, 
are  common  at  Beghram  and  in  the  valley  of  the  Kabul  river, 
as  well  as  in  the  Punjab  ;  and  thus  they  would  seem  to  have  been 
struck  by  this  parricidal  prince  after  the  murder  of  his  father,  in  com- 
memoration of  the  Indian  victory. 

Third. — The  partiality  of  Eucratidas  for  ''the  god  of  Love  and  Poesie 
and  Light"  is  proved  by  the  frequent  occurrence  of  the  figure  of  Apollo 
as  the  reverse  of  his  tetradrachms,  and  by  the  laurelled  head  of  Apollo 
found  on  the  round  copper  coin  of  tWs  prince,  belonging  to  the 
Austrian  cabinet ;  and  nothing  could  be  more  natural  in  one,  whose 
favourite  and  patron  deity  was  the  glorious  sun,  than  to  call  his 
child  Apollo'dotus,  "  the  gift  of  Apollo  ;"  and  we  may  even  suppose 
that  the  birth  of  this  child  was  the  fulfilment  of  some  prayer,  made  to 
the  patron  god. 

Fourth. — The  figure  of  Apollo  is  portrayed  on  the  square  copper 
coins  of  Apollodotus,  standing  exactly  in  the  same  attitude  as  that 
in  which  he  is  figured  on  many  of  the  tetradrachms  of  Eucratidas, 
which  is  worthy  of  notice,  as  it  establishes  a  close  numismatic  con- 
nexion between  the  coins  of  these  two  princes. 

Such  are  the  facts  which  prove,  in  my  opinion,  the  relationship  be- 
tween Eucratidas  and  Apollodotus  ;  and  my  conclusion  is  still  further 
borne  out  by  the  evident  inferiority  of  the  round  Philopater  drachmas 
to  the  square  drachmas  bearing  the  elephant  and  the  Indian  humped 
bull,  which  remarkable  difference  may  be  easily  accounted  for,  by  the 
fact,  that  the  Philopater  coins  must  have  been  struck  by  less  skilful 
workmen,  during  the  return  from  the  Indian  expedition;  while  the 
square  drachmas,  which  are  of  superior  execution,  of  bold  relief, 
and  of  most  beautiful  make,  would  have  been  coined  by  the  best  artists 
in  the  metropolis  of  Bactria. 

No,  2.  A  round  copper  coin,  of  large  size,  of  riiiddling  make, 
and  in  fair  preservation. 

Obverse.  Figure  of  Apollo  standing  half  turned  to  the  right; 
the  chlamys  falling  behind,  and  a  quiver  at  his  shoulder,  holding 
in  his  left  hand  an  arrow  pointed  downwards  ;  his  right  hand  raised 


1840.]  Lieut »  Cunningham  on  Bactrian  coins.  871 

and  resting  on  the  tail  of  the  arrow.  In  the  field  behind  the  figure, 
there  is  a  small  elephant  to  the  right.  Legend  disposed  circularly 
BA2IAEQE  SQTHPOS  ZwIAOY  ;  *'  (coin)  of  the  saviour  king 
Zoilus." 

Reverse.  A  tripod.  In  the  field  to  the  left  the  Bactrian  letter  t,  and 
to  the  right  the  letter  a.  Legend  disposed  circularly  ^?•^S^>i  "P^"!^ 
"PMlIu,  Maharajasa  trddatasa  Johilasa  ;  "  (coin)  of  the  great  king 
Zoilus,  the  saviour." 

The  identity  of  this  piece,  in  type,  size,  and  make,  with  the  round 
copper  coins  of  ApoUodotus,  would  seem  to  point  out  some  close  con- 
nexion between  these  two  princes,  which  is  further  strengthened  by 
the  appearance  of  the  elephant  in  the  field  of  this  coin,  a  type  of  most 
common  occurrence  on  the  silver  coins  of  ApoUodotus,  and  on  the 
square  copper  coins  of  Heliocles,  the  grandfather  of  ApoUodotus ;  on 
whose  coins  the  elephant  occupies  the  whole  field  of  the  piece,  but  on 
the  coin  of  Zoilus  is  reduced  to  a  mere  symbol.  The  appearance  of  an 
elephant  on  this  unique  coin  of  a  new  prince,  taken  in  conjunction 
with  the  identity  of  its  type  with  another  of  the  coins  of  ApoUodotus, 
induces  me  to  hazard  a  conjecture  that  Zoilus  may  have  been  a  son  of 
ApoUodotus,  and  have  succeeded  his  father  for  a  short  time  on  the 
throne  of  Bactria.  For  it  appears  to  me  scarcely  possible  that  ApoUo- 
dotus, whose  coins  are  not  very  common,  should  have  reigned  from  148 
B.  c,  the  period  assigned  for  the  murder  of  Eucratidas,  till  126.  b.  c, 
when  the  Bactrian  empire  was  overthrown  by  the  Scythians.  I  sup- 
pose that  ApoUodotus  after  having  assisted  Demetrius  Nicator  of  Syria 
in  his  successful  expedition  against  the  Parthians,  in  b.  c.  142,  was  fi- 
nally defeated,  and  perhaps  slain,  by  the  Parthians  under  Arsaces,  6th 
Mithridates,  about  b.  c.  140 — at  which  time  Mithridates  having  made 
Demetrius  prisoner,  is  said  to  have  extended  his  arms  from  the 
Euphrates  to  the  Hydaspes.  Upon  the  death  of  Mithridates,  in  b.  c. 
136.  I  suppose  Menander  to  have  established  himself  in  the  provinces 
south  of  the  Caucasus,  and  to  have  added  India  beyond  the  Hypanis  to 
his  dominions,  while  Bactria  Proper  and  Sogdiana  were  overwhelmed 
by  an  irruption  of  the  Scythians  in  126  b.  c. 

No.  3.  A  round  copper  piece  plated  with  silver,  of  the  size  of 
a  drachma.  It  is  Horace  who  observes  that  "  a  good  and  wise  man  is 
not  ignorant    (quid  distent  cera  lupinisj    of  the  difference  between 


872  Lieut.  Cunningham  on  Bactrian  coins.      [No.  105. 

true  coins  and  counterfeits;"  hence  we  may  easily  discern  that  this 
coin  is  a  forgery,  although  an  ancient  one,  for  it  was  found  amongst 
a  heap  of  rusty  pieces  of  copper,  completely  covered  with  indurated 
clay,  and  as  no  price  was  given  for  it,  it  is  certain  that  it  is  not 
a  forgery  of  modern  manufacture ;  for  where  no  money  return  was 
expected,  there  could  be  no  inducement  to  go  to  the  expence  and  trouble 
of  making  a  false  coin.  The  plating  of  the  edges  and  of  the  letters  is 
now  worn  off,  and  the  letters  appear  sunk  in  the  copper,  amid  the  silver 
plating.  The  piece  is  of  good  Grecian  workmanship,  and  is  similar  in 
all  respects  to  the  tetradrachms  of  Antimachus,  already  known. 

Obverse.  Head  of  the  king  in  the  Macedonian  helmet  to  the  right, 
the  ends  of  the  diadem  floating  behind  the  head. 

Reverse.  The  figure  of  Neptune  standing  to  the  front,  holding 
in  his  right  hand  a  trident,  and  in  his  left  a  palm  branch.  Legend 
in  two  lines  /Sao-iXeQS  Qi^ov  ANTIMA)(^ov  ;  "  (coin  of  the  king) 
Antimachus  (theus).'*  Monogram  in  the  field  composed  probably  of  the 
same  letters  XO,  which  appear  on  the  tetradrachm  belonging  to 
Colonel  Taylor,  the  British  Resident  at  Bagdad.  The  same  monogram 
with  a  square  □  occurs  frequently  on  the  coins  of  Azes.  M.  Raoul- 
Rochette  remarks  upon  the  coins  of  this  prince,  that  the  titles 
of  Theus  and  of  Nicephorus,  were  both  borne  by  Antiochus,  4th 
Epiphanes,  and  also  that  the  figure  of  Victory  found  on  the  com- 
mon drachmas  of  Antimachus  was  a  type  known  on  the  coins  of 
the  same  Syrian  prince,  from  which  remarkable  coincidences,  he  justly 
concludes  that  the  Bactrian  prince  Antimachus  must  have  flourished  at 
the  same  time  as  the  Syrian  king  Antiochus,  4th  Epiphanes,  or  about 
170  B.  c,  and  from  the  total  absence  of  his  coins  in  the  classic  ruins 
of  Beghram,  he  deduces  that  Antimachus  must  have  reigned  north 
of  the  Caucasus.  In  all  these  observations,  which  are  as  just  as  they 
are  acute,  I  most  willingly  concur ;  but  I  cannot  say  that  I  perceive 
even  the  faintest  resemblance  between  the  tetradrachms  of  Antimachus 
and  those  of  Heliocles,  although  the  same  able  numismatist  has  observed 
a  strong  likeness.  M.  Raoul-Rochette  likewise  supposes  that  the  type  of 
Neptune  on  the  reverse,  probably  alludes  to  some  naval  victory,  where 
Antimachus  may  have  assisted  Antiochus  of  Syria;  which  event  he 
thinks  is  still  further  declared  by  the  type  of  Victory  found  on  the 
common  drachmas  of  this  prince. 


1840.]  Lieut.  Cunningham  on  Bactrian  coins,  873 

The  date  of  170  b.  c,  would  make  Antimachus  contemporary  with 
Eucratidas  ;  and  the  absence  of  his  coins  at  Beghram,  would  point  out 
the  ancient  Sogdiana  as  the  territory  probably  ruled  by  him— which 
probability  is  rendered  still  stronger  by  the  knowledge  which  we  derive 
from  Justin,  that  this  country  did  not  belong  to  the  dominions  of 
Eucratidas.  It  is  not  too  much  then  to  suppose,  that  it  was  during  the 
reign  of  this  king  Antimachus,  that  the  Bactrians  "  were  worn  out  by 
wars  with  the  Sogdians,  Drangians,  and  Indians,"  as  related  by  the  same 
author ;  and  that  as  a  monument  of  their  success,  Antimachus  impress- 
ed the  figure  of  Victory  upon  his  coins,  and  assumed  the  title  of  Nice- 
phorus.  As  a  further  proof  that  these  two  princes  were  contemporaries, 
I  will  cite  the  analogies  that  we  find  in  their  coins,  which  are  the 
earliest  specimens,  save  a  few  square  copper  coins  of  Heliocles,  that 
bear  legends  in  Bactrian  Pali ;  and  it  is  a  peculiarity  remarkable  in  the 
coins  of  these  princes,  that  we  find  no  Bactrian  Pali  legends  on  their 
silver  coins,  excepting  on  those  drachmas  of  Antimachus  which  are  of 
a  much  lighter  weight,  indicating  most  probably  a  later  period  of  his 
reign;  for  Antimachus  assumed  the  Macedonian  helmet,  and  most  likely 
affected  to  disdain  the  Bactrian  customs  and  language,  in  the  earlier 
part  of  his  reign.  Here  then  we  have  two  contemporary  princes, 
Antimachus  of  Sogdiana,  and  Eucratidas  of  Bactriana,  whose  coins 
exhibit  the  two  distinct  characteristics  found  in  the  numismatology  of 
Bactria — namely,  coins  bearing  Greek  inscriptions  only,  and  those 
bearing  both  Greek  and  Bactrian  Pali  legends.  These  facts  establish 
the  certainty  that  these  two  princes  must  occupy  places  in  their  respec- 
tive dynasties  between  the  kings  who  used  Greek  inscriptions  only, 
and  those  who  used  both  Greek  and  Bactrian  Pali  legends,  and  this 
rank  agrees  exactly  with  that  already  assigned  to  these  princes  upon 
other  grounds.  Hence  we  may  safely  infer  that  Philoxenes  in  Sogdiana, 
and  Apollodotus  and  Menander  in  Bactriana,  must  be  subsequent  to 
Antimachus  and  to  Eucratidas  ;  and  that  the  numerous  other  princes 
whose  names  have  been  made  known  to  us  by  bilingual  coins  only,  must 
likewise  be  subsequent  to  these  two  kings,  Antimachus  and  Eucratidas, 
whose  coins  form  a  transition  series  between  those  using  the  Greek 
language  only,  and  those  which  bear  legends  in  both  languages. 

No.  4.     A  silver  piece  of  the  size  of  a  drachma,  of  beautiful  work- 
manship, and  in  excellent  preservation. 


874  Lieut.  Cunningham  on  Bactrian  coins.       [No.  105. 

Obverse.  Head  of  the  king  helmeted  to  the  right ;  the  ends  of  the 
diadem  floating  behind  the  head,  and  the  chlamys  fastened  on  the 
shoulder.  The  helmet  on  this  coin  is  similar  to  that  found  on  many  of 
the  coins  of  Menander  and  of  Eucratidas,  and  more  especially  to  that 
found  on  the  beautiful  didrachm  of  Philoxenes — and  differs  from  the 
Macedonian  helmet,  which  is  found  on  all  the  known  coins  of  Antialci- 
das.  Legend,  disposed  circularly,  BA2IAEQ2  NIKHa>OPOY 
ANTIAAKIAOY  ;   "  (coin)  of  the  King  Antialcidas,  the  victorious." 

Reverse.  The  Olympian  Jupiter  seated,  and  slightly  turned  to  the  left. 
In  his  left  hand  is  a  sceptre  ;  and  in  his  outstretched  right  hand  is  a  figure 
of  Victory,  which  extends  a  chaplet  to  the  left  in  one  hand,  and  holds  a 
palm  in  the  other ;  to  the  left,  and  under  the  figure  of  Victory,  is  the 
forepart  of  an  elephant,  similar  to  that  found  on  the  common  drachmas 
of  this  prince,  but  in  a  contrary  direction,  for  on  this  coin  it  is  portrayed 
facing  the  figure  of  Jupiter  ;  a  Grecian  monogram  in  the  field  composing 
KAM,  and  differing  from  all  the  monograms  yet  found  on  the  coins  of 
this  prince.  The  monogram  as  represented  in  the  plate  is  faulty,  and 
should  have  under  the  cross  stroke  of  the  A,  thus  making  the  monogram 
as  I  have  read  it ;  legend  in  Bactrian  characters  *PS^1u  'P^'^H19'*13 
'P'I^AS  Maharajasa  jayadharasa  Antialikidasa  ;  "  (coin)  of  the  great 
King  Antialcidas,  the  victorious."  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  this 
coin  weighs  only  35  grains,  or  a  little  more  than  a  hemidrachma :  but 
the  best  preserved  drachmas  of  the  common  type  of  Antimachus  weigh 
only  41  grains,  and  these  light  weights  betoken  a  period  subsequent  to 
Eucratidas,  whose  drachmas  are  of  the  Grecian  standard  weight. 

No.  5.  A  round  copper  coin  of  middle  size,  of  good  execution,  and 
in  fair  preservation. 

Obverse.  A  head  bearded  and  wreathed,  looking  to  the  right,  the 
shoulders  and  bust  bare,  the  right  hand  grasping  a  thunderbolt,  as  if 
about  to  hurl  it  forwards.  Circular  legend  BA2IEQS  NIKH- 
^OPOY  ANTIAAKIAOY ;  "  (coin)  of  the  victorious  king  Antial- 
cidas." This  bearded  and  wreathed  head  is  no  doubt  that  of  Jupiter 
Nicephorus,  whose  figure  forms  the  only  reverse  of  all  the  known  silver 
coins  of  Antialcidas.  Here  we  have  more  of  the  bust  than  on  the 
square  copper  coins  of  this  prince ;  and  the  hand  grasping  the  thun- 
derbolt, which  projects  across  the  neck,  shows  that  the  undecided 
object,  indifferently  called  "  a  palm,  a  thyrsus,   or  a  club,"  which  is 


1840.]  Lieut,  Cunningham  on  Bactrian  coins.  875 

found  in  the  same  position  on  the  square  copper  coins  of  Antialcidas, 
is  most  probably  only  a  thunderbolt;  and  as  the  head  on  these  coins 
of  Antialcidas,  as  well  as  on  the  similar  square  copper  coins  of  Lysias,  is 
undoubtedly  bearded,  I  think  we  may  safely  infer  that  it  represents 
Jupiter  Nicephorus,  and  not  the  prince  himself. 

Reverse.  The  caps  of  the  Dioscuri,  surmounted  by  the  stars  Castor 
and  Pollux,  with  two  palms  placed  between  them ;  in  the  field  below  is 
a  monogram  which  seems  to  be  composed  of  the  letter  MOI.  Legend 
in  Bactrian  Pali,  disposed  circularly,  1>^'1iHl9l3['P-|]^Aa  1>iL"iau, 
Maharajasa  jay adha( rasa)  Antialikidasa ;  "(coin)  of  the  victori- 
ous great  king  Antialcidas." 

This  same  type  of  the  caps  of  the  Dioscuri  is  found  on  many  of  the 
coins  of  Eucratidas,  both  in  silver  and  in  copper,  and  also  on  one  cop- 
per coin  of  Lysias.  The  make  of  the  square  copper  coins  of  Antialci- 
das, which  is  precisely  similar  to  that  of  the  square  coins  of  Lysias,  is 
totally  different  from  that  of  all  the  square  coins  of  Eucratidas,  which  I 
have  seen  ;  and  this  being  the  case,  I  do  not  suppose  that  the  identity  of 
type  indicates  any  connexion  between  these  princes — but  merely 
proves  that  Antialcidas  must  be  nearly  contemporary  with  Eucratidas, 
or  perhaps  a  little  later,  for  all  his  coins  yet  found,  both  in  silver  and  in 
copper,  have  bilingual  inscriptions.  With  Lysias,  however,  I  suppose 
the  connexion  to  be  closely  and  clearly  indicated,  for  the  coins  of  these 
two  princes  are  identical  in  type,  shape,  and  appearance,  and  also  in 
thickness.  The  numismatic  relations  between  this  prince  and  Anti- 
machus  are  striking  and  obvious ;  both  princes  wear  the  Macedonian 
helmet,  which  is  likewise  worn  by  Amyntas  on  a  beautiful  drachma  in  the 
possession  of  Dr.  Chapman,  and  both  take  the  same  title  of  Nicephorus: 
both  have  the  figure  of  Victory  upon  their  coins,  and  both  occasionally 
employ  the  same  monograms  ;  all  which  coincidences  lead  me  to  assign 
to  Antialcidas  a  rank  in  the  same  dynasty  with  Antimachus  and  Phi- 
loxenes,  and  immediately  following  the  latter  prince,  or  about  b.  c. 
150  to  140. 

The  princes  whose  coins  I  am  next  to  notice  are  of  uncertain  origin, 
not  one  of  them  having  a  purely  Greek  name.  On  the  early  coins  of 
this  class,  however,  the  names  are  expressed  clearly  enough  in  Grecian 
characters,  but  on  the  coins  of  the  later  princes  the  names  expressed 
in  corrupted  Greek  characters  are  doubtful,   and  vary  on  different 

5  T 


876  Lieut.  Cunningham  on  Bactrian  coins.       [No.  105. 

specimens  of  the  same  king,  while  the  name  in  Bactrian  Pali  on 
the  reverse  remains  constant  and  unchanged ;  hence,  as  a  man  who 
carries  a  string  through  the  mazes  of  a  labyrinth,  is,  on  his  returning 
ignorant  of  the  way,  guided  by  that  which  he  had  before  conducted,  or 
as  a  father  who  directs  his  child  in  youth,  is  in  his  declining  old  age 
guided  by  that  child  ;  so  do  we  find  that  the  Greek  names  which  had 
been  our  guide  during  the  infancy  of  our  study  of  the  Bactrian  Pali, 
are  now  in  their  turn,  consequent  on  the  decline  and  corruption  of  the 
Grecian  language,  elucidated  by  our  more  matured  knowledge  of  the 
language  of  Bactria.  It  will  be  of  advantage  to  bear  this  in  mind,  for 
the  amount  of  corruption  and  barbarism  to  be  found  in  each  name 
expressed  in  Greek  characters,  will  be  of  singular  value  in  determining 
the  relative  route  of  these  later  princes,  whose  names  truly  and  cor- 
rectly expressed  in  the  native  character,  will  enable  us  not  only  to 
correct  the  bad  Greek  version  of  the  coins,  but  perhaps  also  to  assist 
in  identifying  them  with  princes  of  the  same  names,  mentioned  by  native 
authors. 

No.  6.  A  round  copper  coin  of  small  size,  of  good  workmanship, 
and  in  defective  preservation. 

Obverse.  The  Sinha,  or  maneless  Indian  lion,  walking  to  the  right, 
differing  from  the  usual  representation  of  this  animal  on  the  coins  of 
Azas,  in  having  one  of  the  fore  legs  raised.  In  the  field  a  Bactrian 
monogram.  Legend  disposed  circularly,  BASIAEQ2  BA2IAEQN 
MErAAOY  AZOY;    "(coin)  of  the  great  king  of  kings,    Azas." 

Reverse.  A  female  figure  standing  half  turned  to  the  left,  holding  in 
her  left  hand  an  object,  which  may  be  the  horn  of  Plenty,  and  extend- 
ing in  the  right  hand  an  undecided  object,  which  from  a  comparison  with 
other  coins  is,  I  suspect,  a  small  figure  of  Victory,  holding  out  a  chaplet. 
In  the  field  to  the  right  is  a  Bactrian  monogram  forming  tiy  and  on 
the  other  side  an  indistinct  object.  Legend  disposed  circularly,  Ta9 
"P^lu  Til'^iJLI  Til'nTu,  Maharajasa  rajatirajasa  mahatasa  Ayasa  ; 
"  (coin)  of  the  great  king,  the  king  of  kings,  the  mighty  Aja."  Two 
very  imperfect  specimens  of  this  type  were  published  by  Mr.  Prinsep  in 
the  2nd  vol.  of  his  Journal,  (figs.  1 1  and  12,  plate  vii.)  but  he  was 
unable  to  recognize  them  at  that  early  period  of  our  knowledge. 

No.  7.  A  square  copper  coin  of  middle  size  of  good  execution, 
and  in  excellent  preservation. 


1840.]  Lieut.  Cunningham  on  Bactrian  coins,  877 

Obverse.  The  king  mounted  upon  a  two  humped  Bactrian  camel, 
walking  to  the  right,  with  a  bow  at  his  back,  and  extending  in  his  right 
hand  a  cross  over  the  head  of  the  camel.  Inscription  in  four  lines  as 
in  the  preceding. 

Reverse.  The  humped  Indian  bull,  walking  to  the  right,  the  upper 
part  of  the  legs  very  thick,  as  if  covered  with  long  shaggy  hair.  Inscrip- 
tion on  three  sides  Ta9  "P^Tu  T>iL^U^  Til'nTu,  Maharajasa  rajara- 
jasa  mahatasa  Ayasa;  *'  (coin)  of  the  great  king,  the  king  of  kings, 
the  mighty  Aja." 

A  specimen  of  this  type  has  already  appeared  in  the  London  Numis- 
matic Journal ;  on  that  coin,  however,  there  is  a  monogram  composed  of 
the  letters  c  and  x>  while  this  coin  has  no  monogram  of  any  kind. 

The  Bactrian  camel  is  figured  on  this  piece  in  a  much  better 
style  than  on  the  round  copper  coins  of  this  prince.  These  pieces 
would  seem  to  form  part  of  a  series  of  coins  struck  by  Azas,  or 
Aja,  to  show  the  extent  of  his  kingdom  by  the  exhibition  of  animals 
characteristic  of  the  different  countries  under  his  rule ;  the  elephant 
and  humped  bull  of  India,  the  double-humped  camel  of  Bactria,  and 
perhaps  the  shaggy  long  haired  bull  of  Tibet.  The  total  absence  of 
his  coins  at  Beghram,  proves  that  his  rule  did  not  embrace  the  country 
around  Kabul,  while  the  abundance  of  his  coins  found  at  Bajawur,  in 
the  Punjab,  and  in  the  lower  hills  south  of  Kashmeer,  taken  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  various  animals  displayed  upon  these  coins,  clearly  show 
that  his  authority  extended  over  the  ancient  Pencelaotis,  and  over  the 
kingdoms  of  Taxiles  and  of  Porus,  embracing  the  whole  country  from 
the  Jellalabad  river  to  the  country  beyond  the  Hypanis,  bounded  to 
the  north  by  the  Indus,  and  to  the  south  by  the  Ocean. 

That  his  reign  was  a  long  one,  is  evinced  by  the  variety  and  abun- 
dance of  his  coins,  which  form  the  most  numerous  and  most  complete, 
as  well  as  the  most  interesting  series  of  Bactrian  coins  yet  discovered. 
His  name,  as  it  is  written  in  the  Bactrian  Pali,  is  a  genuine  Hindoo 
appellation,  being  either  Ayu^  or  more  probably  Aja,  the  y  and^  being 
permutable  letters  ;  and  I  incline  strongly  to  connect  him  with  the 
prince  whose  coins  bear  the  legends  of  BASIAEQ2  MAYOY  and  of 
BA2IAEQ2  BA2IAEQN  MEFAAOY  MAYOY  ;  for  this  name 
is  certainly  not  a  Greek  one,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  it  is  a  classical 
Hindoo  name,  as  Maya  (the  son  of  Karryapa  by  Dana)  which  would  be 


878  Lieut.  Cunningham  on  Bactrian  coins.       [No.  105. 

rendered  in  Greek  by  MAYA 2,  adding  the  2  to  form  the  Grecian 
termination.  Here  then  we  have  coins  of  two  princes,  with  genuine 
Hindoo  names,  written  in  the  Greek  character,  and  with  types  almost 
all  relating  to  India,  some  of  which  are  of  the  highest  interest,  and  of 
the  greatest  value.  The  Indian  origin  of  these  two  princes  is  further 
declared  in  the  plainest  and  most  obvious  manner  by  their  being 
represented  on  their  coins  seated  in  the  Indian  fashion — (see  fig.  11, 
pi.  xxi.  vol.  IV.  and  figs.  12,  13,  pi.  xxii.  vol.  iv.  Journal  Asiatic  So- 
ciety of  Bengal),  and  their  Indian  Government  is  shown  by  the  absence 
of  their  coins  at  Beghram,  and  by  their  abundance  in  the  Punjab. 

I  suppose  these  two  princes  to  have  reigned  in  the  Punjab  at  the 
same  time  with  Hermaeus  in  Kabul ;  a  supposition  which  is  rendered 
extremely  probable  by  the  localities  in  which  their  coins  are  found,  as 
well  as  by  their  style  of  execution,  which  betrays  a  Reclining  period  of 
Grecian  art.  The  coins  of  Hermaeus,  which  abound  at  Beghram,  are 
rarely  met  with  in  the  Punjab,  which  fact  serves  to  point  out  the 
position  of  his  kingdom  in  as  clear  a  manner  as  could  be  wished.  Now 
Hermaeus  must  have  been  posterior  to  Apollodotus  and  to  Menander, 
both  of  whom  bear  the  same  title  of  Soter,  which  Hermaeus  affects ; 
and  as  both  Apollodotus  and  Menander  possessed  the  Punjab,  it  is 
equally  certain  that  Maya  and  Aja,  who  ruled  in  the  Punjab,  must 
likewise  have  been  subsequent  to  Apollodotus  and  Menander,  and 
therefore  contemporary,  or  nearly  so,  with  Hermaeus,  or  about  100  b.  c. 
I  have  much  more  to  offer  regarding  Aja  (or  Azes),  but  I  will  reserve 
it  for  a  longer  account  of  these  princes,  which  I  am  now  engaged  upon. 
I  may,  however,  notice  here  a  passage  from  Caius  Julius  Solinus,  re- 
garding the  Bactrian  camel.  In  chap.  lii.  he  says  "  Bactri  camelos 
fortissimos  mittunt,  licet  et  Arabia  plurimos  gignat.  Verum  hoc  dif- 
ferunt,  quod  Arabici  bina  tuhera  in  dorso  habent,  singula  Bactriani.^* 
This  gross  error  has  probably  arisen  from  a  transposition  of  the  words ; 
but  it  is  nevertheless  sufficient  to  put  us  on  our  guard  against  the 
assertions  of  ancient  authors,  no  matter  how  clear  and  positive  they 
may  be  ;  and  to  make  us  exclaim  with  Hudibras — 
Alas  !  what  is't  t'us 

Whether  t'was  said  by  Trismegistus, 

If  it  be  nonsense,  false,  or  mystic, 

Or  not  intelligible  or  sophistic, 

T'is  not  antiquity  nor  author 

That  makes  Truth  Truth,  although  Time's  daughter. 


1840.]  Lieut,  Cunningham  on  Bactrian  coins.  879 

No,  8.  A  round  copper  coin  of  middle  size,  of  fair  make,  and  in  de- 
fective preservation. 

Obverse,  Figure  of  the  king  on  horseback  to  the  right ;  his  right 
hand  raised,  and  extended  to  the  front.  In  the  field  in  front  of  the 
horse  a  symbol  which  may  be  either  a  stiflf  representation  of  the 
caduceus,  which  is  found  on  the  coins  of  Maya,  or  it  may  be  a  mono- 
gram composed  of  the  Indian  Pali  letters  m  and  n, ;  the  former  is,  I 
think,  the  more  probable.  Inscription  in  corrupted  Greek,  very  im- 
perfect, BAClAeC  (sic)  BACIAecDN  MEFA..  ....YNAO 

**  (coin)  of  the  great  kings  of  kings  Undapherras." 

Reverse.  A  figure,  probably  of  Victory,  walking  to  the  right,  her 
right  hand  extended  to  the  front,  and  holding  out  an  indistinct  object, 
which  is  possibly  intended  for  a  chaplet ;  her  left  hand  holding  a  spear. 
In  the  field  to  the  right  a  square  monogram,  apparently  composing 
XDY,  to  the  left  a  Bactrian  monogram  formed  of  the  Bactrian 
characters  mi  and  sr  probably.  Legend  in  Bactrian  Pali,  TlVS  "P^lu 
l*^S^^^^^\Vy  Maharajasa  rajadirajasa  mahatasa  Andopharasa ; 
"  (coin)  of  the  great  king,  the  king  of  kings,  the  mighty  Andophara." 

This  coin  only  slightly  differs  from  that  published  by  Mr.  Prinsep 
in  his  Journal  for  July  1838,  No.  14  ;  and  is  almost  the  same  as  that 
figured  in  the  Numismatic  Journal  of  London,  No.  —  of  plate  3,  which 
Professor  Wilson  has  given  to  Azes,  but  which  is  undoubtedly  a  coin 
of  Undopherras  or  Andophara. 

The  coins  of  this  prince,  which  I  have  seen,  are  of  three  different 
types,  all  exhibiting  very  different  styles  of  execution ;  some  being  of 
fair  workmanship  with  good  Grecian  letters,  whilst  others  are  utterly 
barbarous.  These  facts,  which  show,  by  the  variety  of  mintage,  the 
numerous  mints  established  by  this  prince,  likewise  show  the  wide  ex- 
tent of  his  rule. 

The  name  of  Undopherras,  which  has  a  striking  affinity  to  the  well 
know  Persian  names  of  Phrataphernes,  Dataphernes,  Radhaphernes,  and 
Tissaphernes,  and  more  particularly  to  Intaphernes,  would  lead  us  to 
suppose  him  to  be  a  Parthian,  or  a  Persian ;  a  supposition  which  is 
almost  established  by  the  evident  Parthian  type  of  the  coins  of  this 
prince  (or  of  one  of  his  direct  descendants)  published  by  Colonel  Stacy 
(Jour.  As.  Soc.  Bengal,  April,  1839).  His  name  is  spelt  on  some  speci- 


880  Lieut.  Cunningham  on  Bactrian  coins.       [No.  105. 

mens  Undopharas,  which  agrees  much  better  with  the  Bactrian  Pali 
reading  of  Andophara,  than  the  usual  spelling  of  Undopherras. 

His  coins,  which  are  common  at  Beghram,  and  of  frequent  occurrence 
over  all  Ariana,  are  but  rarely  met  with  in  the  Punjab.  These  loca- 
lities point  out  the  extent  of  the  kingdom  of  Undopherras,  which  must 
have  embraced  the  Paropamisus,  with  Aria,  Drangiana,  and  Arachosia, 
and  most  probably  also  Gedrosia,  a  territory  bordering  on  Parthia, 
and  which  belonged  occasionally  to  the  Parthian  empire  itself,  but 
separated  from  it  by  the  natural  boundaries  of  the  great  salt  desert 
"  and  the  vast  Carmanian  waste."  This  was  the  most  eastern  pro- 
vince of  the  Parthian  empire  during  its  most  flourishing  period,  and 
after  the  defeat  and  death  of  Phraates  2nd,  and  of  his  successor  Arta- 
banus  by  the  Scythians,  and  the  consequent  destruction  of  the  empire, 
and  after  the  commencement  of  the  distant  western  wars  with  the 
Romans,  and  with  Tigranes  1st  of  Armenia,  which  drained  the  eastern 
provinces  of  Parthia  of  all  the  forces  necessary  to  keep  them  in  sub- 
jection ;  no  position  could  be  more  favorable,  no  circumstances  more 
tempting  for  successful  revolt,  and  for  the  establishment  of  an  inde- 
pendent monarchy.  Now  from  the  evidence  furnished  by  the  coins  of 
Abalgasa,  we  may  deduce  two  positions  of  much  value  to  our  argument ; 
first,  Abalgasa,  or  Abalgasus,  who  calls  himself  the  son  of  Undopher- 
ras, would  seem,  from  the  similarity  of  his  name  to  the  well-known 
names  of  ^Eb-azus,  Bacab-azus,  Pharnab-azus,  and  Artab-azus,  to  have 
been  of  a  Persian  or  Parthian  family ;  thus  strengthening  the  supposition 
which  I  have  already  advanced,  regarding  his  father  Undopherras,  that 
he  was  of  Persian  or  Parthian  family  ;  and,  second^  that  Undopherras, 
or  Andophara,  was  most  probably  the  first  of  his  family,  who  had  en- 
joyed sovereign  power,  as  his  coins  make  no  mention  of  his  father. 
Hence  we  may  not  unreasonably  suppose  that  this  Undopherras,  the 
founder  of  monarchy  in  his  own  family,  was  a  Persian  Satrap  placed 
over  the  eastern  provinces  of  the  Parthian  empire,  about  80  b.  c,  and 
that  he  profited  by  the  disturbed  state  of  the  country  to  make  himself 
independent.  This  supposition  is  much  strengthened  by  the  fact,  that 
the  walled  town  of  Furrah,  which  is  surrounded  by  ancient  ruins, 
is  in  the  midst  of  the  countries  in  which  this  prince's  coins  most 
abound  ;  and  it  may  very  possibly  have  been  the  capital  of  Andophara 
and  of  his  dynasty  ;  for  this  town  was  called  Parra  by   the  Greeks, 


1840.]  Lieut,  Cunningham  on  Bactrian  coins,  881 

and  I  believe  also  Phra ;  although  its  native  name  was  more  likely 
Phara  (or  Furrah),  and  in  support  of  this  being  the  true  reading,  I 
may  adduce  the  following  quotation  from  Lycophron  (Cass.  v.  1428). 

2/cia  KaXvxpH  Tleppav,  aju/3Xuvwv  tjeXag, 

in  which  the  word  Perras,  used  to  signify  "  the  sun,"  is  only  a  Hellenized 
form  of  the  Egyptian  Phra  or  Phara ;  and  hence  we  may  conclude  that 
Undopherras  is  only  a  Grecian  rendering  of  Andophara  (or  Andophra) 
the  very  name  which  is  found  in  the  Bactrian  Pali  legends  of  the  re- 
verses of  his  coins. 

To  omit  nothing  that  may  possibly  be  of  use  to  us  in  elucidating  the 
history  of  this  prince,  known  only  by  our  coins,  I  will  add  my  con- 
jecture that  Undopherras,  or  Indopherras,  may  very  probably  have  been 
a  descendant  of  Intaphernes,  one  of  the  seven  conspirators  against  the 
Magian  Smerdis.  The  names  do  not  differ  nearly  so  much  in  their 
spelling,  as  the  names  of  Orientals  generally  do,  when  written  by  Euro- 
peans of  different  ages  and  nations;  and  we  have  already  seen  that  the  same 
word  Phra  or  Phara  has  been  rendered  both  by  Parr  a  and  by  Perras. 
We  know  besides,  that  the  name  of  Darius  descended  in  his  family  to 
the  time  of  Alexander ;  and  also  that  the  name  of  Megabyzus,  another 
of  the  seven  conspirators  descended  to  his  grandson  ;  while  the  name 
of  his  son  Zopyrus  was  transmitted  to  his  great-grandson  as  relat- 
ed by  Herodotus.  Here  then  we  have  evidence  that  the  Persians, 
as  well  as  the  Greeks,  called  their  children  not  by  the  father's,  but  by 
the  grandfather's  names,  a  custom  which  is  still  prevalent  all  over  India, 
thus  transmitting  a  name  by  alternate  generations ;  hence  if  our  Undo- 
pherras was  descended  from  Intaphernes,  the  conspirator,  it  must  have 
been  about  the  I7th  generation.  Now  Intaphernes  was  put  to  death 
by  Darius  soon  after  the  death  of  Smerdis,  or  about  520  b.  c.  ;  at  which 
time  the  eldest  son  of  Intaphernes,  the  only  one  of  his  children  spared, 
may  have  been  ten  years  of  age,  making  his  birth  in  530  b.  c.  from 
which  15  generations  of  30  years,  or  450  years  being  deducted,  leave  80 
B.  c.  for  the  birth  of  Undopherras,  making  him  about  25  years  of  age 
when  he  assumed  independence.  This  is  indeed  only  a  conjecture,  but 
it  is  one  so  interesting,  and  also  so  plausible,  that  we  may  wish  it, 
though  we  cannot  prove  it,  to  be  true. 


882  Lieut.  Cunningham  on  Bactrian  coins,        [No.  105. 

Nos.  9  and  10.  Round  copper  coins  of  middle  size,  of  fair  make,  and 
in  fair  preservation. 

Obverse.  Figure  of  the  king  on  horseback  to  the  left ;  the  king*s 
face  half  inclined  to  the  front ;  the  ends  of  the  diadem  floating  behind  ; 
the  right  hand  raised,  and  extended  to  the  front ;  in  the  field  before  the 
horse  the  same  monogram  as  on  the  coin  of  Undopherras  just  described. 
Legend  in  barbarous  Greek — 
On  No.  9.    —  lAEYDHrDY  BA2IAELUN  ABAArASIDYI 

On  No.  10. ditto.  ditto.       BABAArASDAI 

which  I  read  as  EAEYHHPDY  BA2IAEIUN  ABAAFASDY 
"  (coin)  of  the  deliverer  of  kings,  Abalgasus,"  where  lAEYQHPQY 
is  used  for  EAEY0EPIOY.  It  is  indeed  quite  possible  that  the 
doubtful  letters  may  be  AAEAtI)DYiaYbut  the  pluralBA2IAElUN 
is  against  this  reading,  as  well  as  the  Bactrian  Pali  legend  of  the 
reverse.  The  epithet  of  Elentherius,  which  I  believe  is  altogether 
novel  in  numismatics,  is  well  known  as  a  title  of  Jupiter ;  and  its  sub- 
stitution for  the  simpler  Soter  is  quite  in  accordance  with  Oriental 
presumption  ;  and  taken  in  conjunction  with  the  inferiority  of  the  coin, 
it  denotes  a  lower  era  of  Grecian  civilization,  and  a  more  flourishing 
period  of  the  progress  of  barbarism. 

Reverse.  A  male  figure  moving  to  the  right,  dressed  evidently  in 
the  Indian  dhoti ;  and  from  the  ends  of  a  diadem  appearing  behind  his 
head,  I  should  suppose  him  to  be  a  royal  personage  ;  the  right  hand  is 
raised  and  extended  before  him,  holding  out  an  indistinct  object,  not 
unlike  the  hankboos^  or  elephant  goad.  In  the  field  are  two  Bactrian 
monograms  which  have  baffled  all  my  endeavours  to  read  ;  the  upper 
portion  to  the  left  however  looks  not  unlike  a  compound  of  the  Grecian 
letters  P  and  M.  In  the  field  of  No.  10  there  is  likewise  the  Grecian 
letter  B  to  the  left  of  the  figure.  Legend  in  Bactrian  Pali, 
iPI/'^^i  h^VS^^E,  TnipbNO  Tni'pL  'PSniu 
Maharajasa  trddatasa  Abagasasa  Andophara  khudra  putrasa ; 
"  (coin)  of  the  great  saviour  king  Abagasa,  the  younger  son  of 
Andophara."  In  this  long  and  highly  interesting  legend  there  are  but 
two  doubtful  letters  immediately  before  putrasa :  these  two  letters  I 
read  with  some  hesitation  as  khudra^  the  Pali  equivalent  of  the  Sanskrit 
'^S^  kshudra,  which  means  "  younger,"  and  completes  the  legend 
more  satisfactorily  than  any  other  word  which  I  can  propose. 


1840.]  Lieut*  Cunningham  on  Bactrian  coins.  883 

A  third  specimen  of  the  coins  of  this  prince  exists  in  Captain  Hay's 
collection,  of  which  he  has  kindly  sent  me  impressions.  The  horseman 
on  his  coin  is  moving  to  the  right,  and  the  Grecian  legend  I  am  un- 
able to  read  even  plausibly,  some  of  the  letters  being  rubbed,  and  two 
or  three  lost  by  a  chip  in  the  sealing-wax  impression  ;  the  legend  how- 
ever differs  entirely  from  that  of  the  coins  just  described,  while  the 
Bactrian  Pali  legend  agrees  in  every  single  letter  with  the  legend  deci- 
phered above. 

Two  other  coins  of  this  prince,  in  the  collection  of  Dr.  Chapman,  of 
the  16th  Lancers,  are,  through  his  kindness,  now  lying  before  me. 
One  of  them  is  like  Captain  Hay's  coin,  and  has  the  horseman  to  the 
right,  but  neither  of  them  is  so  perfect  as  the  worse  coin  of  the  two 
engraved  ;  and  they  lend  but  little  assistance  towards  reading  the 
Grecian  legend:  one  of  them  has  lAEY  ...  DY  BA2IAEIUN, 
which  agrees  with  the  inscriptions  of  the  engraved  coins ;  and  tends 
to  confirm  the  correctness  of  my  reading  of  lAEYB  HPDYfor 
EAEY9EPI0Y.  The  Bactrian  Pali  legends  give  no  more  than  the 
name  of  the  prince  and  of  his  father.  The  only  doubtful  letter  in  the 
name  is  the  third.  On  No,  10  this  letter  is  b ;  being  almost  the  same 
as  our  own  numeral  for  five ;  and  this  same  figure  is  on  Captain  Hay's 
coin.  On  one  of  Dr.  Chapman's  coins  however  the  third  letter  is  6  ; 
being  the  same  as  the  last,  reversed,  but  on  the  other  coin  it  is  J  ; 
which  last  is  probably  the  same  as  the  first,  much  straightened,  and 
precisely  what  I  should  suppose  would  be  the  written  form  of  the  first ; 
the  reversed  form  may  easily  have  occurred  from  the  neglect  of  the  en- 
graver ;  this  reduces  all  these  forms  to  the  first  b  ;  and  this  character 
must  therefore  have  the  value  of  the  Greek  F,  for  there  is  no  appear- 
ance of  any  compounded  "i  /  in  it.  If  I  am  right  in  the  value  which  I 
have  assigned  to  this  letter  b  or  J  as  g,  then  must  the  initial  letter  of 
the  legend  on  the  coins  of  Kadaphes  Zathus,  3  be  gh,  for  it  is  formed 
upon  the  same  principle  as  the  kh.  On  one  of  Dr.  Chapman's  coins 
the  second  letter  H  is  inflected  with  the  vowel  a,  which  therefore 
makes  the  second  syllable  of  the  name  a  long  one,  Abdgasa. 

On  the  two  coins  which  have  the  horseman  turned  to  the  right,  the 
monograms  of  the  reverse  differ  from  those  shown  in  the  plate.  To 
the  left  of  the  figure  is  a  square  monogram  similar  to  that  which  is 
seen  on  the  coin  of  Undopherras,  No.  8  ;  and  to  the  right  is  a  character 

5  u 


884  Lieut,  Cunningham  on  Bactrian  coins.  [No.  105. 

like  a  badly  formed  M,  surmounted  by  a  large  dot,  under  which,  on 
Captain  Hay's  coin,  is  the  letter  P,  a;  and  on  Dr.  Chapman's  coin  a 
different  Bactrian  character  inflected,  but  which  is  too  indistinct  to  be 
readily  deciphered. 

The  name  of  Abalgases  has  an  evident  aflEinity  to  the  Parthian 
B0A0rAI2H2  or  BOAAFASHE,  the  Vologases,  and  Balases 
of  Roman  history,  of  which  the  original  Parthian  name  was  most  pro- 
bably Balagasa  or  Balgasa ;  for  the  Pehlevi  inscription  on  a  Sassanian 
gem  was  read  by  Ouseley  as  "  Balgezi  Yezdani"  Vologases,  the  divine  ; 
the  Balash  or  Balatsha  of  Persian  historians.  I  have  therefore  little 
hesitation  in  recording  my  belief  that  Abalgases,  Bologaises,  and  Bal- 
gezi are  but  different  spellings  of  one  original  name — Balgasa  or 
Abalgasa. 

This  naturally  leads  me  to  the  consideration  of  whether  this  prince 
was  one  of  the  Parthian  kings  of  that  name,  or  another  independent 
prince  of  the  same  age  and  nation  ;  which  latter  appears  to  be  much 
the  more  probable.  In  my  remarks  upon  the  coins  of  Azas,  I  have 
already  shown  that  there  was  an  independent  dynasty  of  princes  reign- 
ing near  Kabul,  cotemporary  with  Mayas,  and  his  successors  in  the 
Punjab ;  and  this  position,  which  I  deduced  from  an  examination  of 
the  coins,  seems  to  be  pretty  clearly  established  by  the  following  extract 
from  Professor  Lassen's  article  on  the  Bactrian  language ;  who,  quot- 
ing Ptolemy,  says,  "  the  western  half  (of  Kabulistan)  belonged  to  that 
nation,  whose  separate  tribes  are  comprehended  under  the  general 
name  of  the  Paropamisades ;  the  eastern  is  numbered  with  the  Indians; 
but  the  plain  at  the  lower  part  of  the  river  is  now  under  the  power  of 
the  Indo- Scythians.''  By  now,  Ptolemy  must  of  course  refer  to  his 
own  times ;  but  this  passage  sufficiently  proves  that  the  part  of  the 
country  spoken  of  had  originally  belonged  to  the  Indians  ;  most  pro- 
bably under  Mayas,  Azas,  and  Azilisas.  Now  the  fair  execution  of  the 
coins  of  these  princes  proves  them  to  have  flourished  soon  after  Menan- 
der,  or  about  the  same  time  as  Hermaeus  at  Beghram  near  Kabul, 
that  is  B.  c.  100.  Vonones  would  appear  also  to  have  been  cotemporary 
with  Azas,  from  the  style  and  type  of  his  coins,  which  are  similar  to 
those  of  Azas,  who  flourished  probably  in  b.  c.  80.  Again  on  two  of 
Dr.  Chapman's  coins,  which  will  soon  be  published,  we  have  on  the 
Grecian  side  a  name  which  I  read  as  Spalyrisas,  while  the  reverse  has 


1840.]         Lieut.  Cunningham  on  Bactrian  coins,  885 

the  name  of  Azas  in  Bactrian  Pali ;  thus  establishing  beyond  a  doubt 
that  these  two  princes  were  cotemporaries,  and  rendering  it  highly- 
probable  that  Azas  was  the  son  or  brother  of  Spalyrisas,  and  an  asso- 
ciate in  the  kingdom,  or  that  he  was  tributary  to  that  prince.  Now 
the  coins  of  Spalirisas  have  an  intimate  connexion  by  their  type  with 
the  coins  of  Vonones,  which  have  on  the  reverse  the  name  of  Spal- 
haras,  bearing  an  evident  family  resemblance  to  the  name  of  Spalyrisas  ; 
and  thus  affording  an  additional  evidence  that  Vonones  must  have 
been  nearly  cotemporary  with  Azas,  about  80  b.  c,  and  consequently 
much  anterior  to  the  Parthian  Vonones  1st,  who  reigned  in  a.  d. 
4—14. 

The  coins  of  these  Tndo- Parthian  kings  are  highly  interesting,  as 
they  seem  to  hold  out  a  hope  that  we  may  bring  the  Arsacidan  chrono- 
logy to  our  aid ;  but  as  in  the  case  of  Vonones,  so  also  in  that  of 
Abalgasus,  there  appear  good  reasons  for  believing  that  our  Indo- 
Parthian  prince  was  much  earlier  than  the  Parthian  king  Balgasa  or 
Vologases.  The  general  appearance  in  type,  make,  and  style  of  characters 
observable  in  the  coins  of  Abalgasas  and  of  his  father  Undopherras, 
connect  these  princes  too  closely  with  the  Indo- Parthian  Vonones  and 
his  successors  Spalyrisas  and  Spalurmas,  to  permit  the  identification, 
however  much  we  might  wish  for  it.  For  the  Parthian  king  Volo- 
gases 1st  did  not  begin  to  reign  until  a.  d.  50,  which  is  nearly  100 
years  later  than  the  period  of  our  Abalgasas,  supposing  his  father 
Undopherras  to  have  succeeded  to  the  family  of  Vonones  and  his 
successors.  Again,  the  Chinese  historians  affirm,  that  in  26  b.  c.  the 
Indo- Scythians  conquered  the  whole  of  Northern  India,  of  which  they 
retained  possession  until  222  a.  d.  ;  and  Ptolemy,  in  describing 
the  extent  of  the  Indo- Scythian  empire,  says,  to  use  the  words  of 
Professor  Lassen,  that  "  its  main  part  is  situated  along  both  banks 
of  the  Indus."  Now  this  is  the  very  country  in  which  the  coins  of 
our  Vonones  and  Abalgasus  are  found  ;  and  hence  we  may  almost 
confidently  say,  that  they  must  both  have  flourished  before  the  final  con- 
quest of  the  Indo-Scythians  in  b.  c.  26,  and  consequently  cannot  be 
identified  with  the  Parthian  princes  of  the  same  names,  whose  reigns 
fall  within  the  most  brilliant  period  of  the  Indo- Scythian  rule.  Indeed 
if  I  have  read  the  Bactrian  Pali  legend  of  the  coins  of  Abalgasus 
rightly,  we  have  the  plainest  proof  that  he  cannot  be  identified  with 


886  Lieut.  Cunningham  on  Bactrian  coins,         [No.  105. 

any  Parthian  prince,  unless  we  suppose  his  father  Undopherras  to  have 
been  also  a  king  of  Parthia ;  a  supposition  which  would  only  involve  us 
in  still  greater  difficulties. 

There  is  a  curious  passage  in  Tacitus  (Ann.  lib.  xi.  c.  10.)  which, 
if  true,  would  almost  show  that  the  Parthian  arms  had  not  penetrated 
into  the  country  of  the  Paropamisades  before  a.  d.  44.  In  speaking 
of  the  successes  of  Bardanes,  who  had  pushed  his  conquests  beyond  the 
river  Sinde,  which  divided  the  territories  of  the  Dahse  and  the 
Arians,  he  adds,  "  igitur  extructis  monumentis,  quibus  opes  suas 
testabatur,  nee  cuiquam  ante  Arsacidarum  tributa  illis  de  gentibus 
parta,  regreditur."  Professor  Heeron,  however,  says,  that  Mithridates 
1st  extended  the  frontiers  of  the  Parthian  empire  as  far  eastward  as 
the  Hydaspes.  Tacitus  indeed  does  not  say  that  no  former  Parthian 
king  had  pushed  his  arms  so  far ;  but  when  he  says  that  none  of  the 
Arsacides  before  Bardanes  had  taken  tribute  from  those  nations,  we 
may  suppose  that  none  had  before  penetrated  so  far  to  the  eastward ; 
for  in  all  wars,  and  more  especially  in  those  of  the  east,  conquest  is 
followed  by  exactions,  which  are  usually  called  by  the  victors  by  the 
milder  name  of  tribute.  The  authority  of  Tacitus  is  also  much 
strengthened  by  the  silence  of  Justin,  who  in  mentioning  the  conquests 
of  Mithridates  1st,  over  the  Medians,  Hyrcanians,  and  Elymseans,  merely 
adds  "  imperiumque  Parthorum  a  monte  Caucaso,  multis  populis  in 
ditionem  redactis,  usque  ad  flumen  Euphratem  protulit." 

From  these  passages  therefore  it  would  seem  to  be  almost  impossible 
to  identify  our  Indo-Parthian  king  with  the  1st  Vonones,  who  was 
one  of  the  predecessors  of  Bardanes.  Professor  Lassen,  however,  sup- 
poses him  to  be  the  same  as  the  2nd  Vonones,  who  reigned  for  a  few 
months  only  in  a.  d.  50 :  but  I  have  already  shown  that  our  Vonones 
must  have  been  nearly  cotemporary  with  Azas,  about  80  b.  c ;  as  their 
coins  are  similar  in  type,  make,  and  genarel  appearance.  In  addition 
to  which  we  have  the  united  testimony  of  the  Chinese  historians,  and 
of  Ptolemy  the  geographer,  in  favour  of  our  Vonones  having  been  an 
independent  prince  :  for  they  both  declare  that  the  country  in  which 
his  coins  are  found,  was  under  the  dominion  of  the  Indo- Scythians  j 
during  the  reign  of  the  2nd  Vonones  of  Parthia ;  but  on  this  subject  I 
shall  speak  more  fully  when  I  come  to  describe  the  coins  of  the  Indo- 
Scythians  themselves. 


:Ba^ruui/  Coin<s. 


7'la^^J' 


i  W 


/- 

llPtl"4^ 

7 

F 

il 

|C^' 

/i^  4iix^ 

A .  Cl^.^i1Al■^^(^'hMmy,  de^- 


1840.]         Lieut,  Cunningham  on  Bactrian  coins.  887 

When  I  wrote  my  notes  upon  Captain  Hay's  Bactrian  coins,  I 
had  not  given  any  attention  to  the  study  of  the  Bactrian  Pali  charac- 
ters ;  my  readings  of  the  native  legends  of  those  coins  vrere  therefore 
made  according  to  the  values  assigned  to  the  different  letters  by 
my  late  lamented  friend  James  Prinsep,  all  the  observable  differences 
in  my  readings  having  been  errors  of  the  press.  Had  James  Prinsep 
lived,  he  would  long  before  this  have  perfected  what  he  had  so  success- 
fully begun.  Since  then,  however,  I  have  examined  not  only  all  the 
coins  within  my  reach,  but  also  all  the  engravings  published  in  the 
Journal  des  Savants,  in  the  Numismatic  Journal,  and  in  the  Journal  of 
the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal :  and  after  a  careful  examination  of  them 
all,  I  have  been  led  to  some  discoveries  which  appear  to  me  to  be  of 
sufficient  consequence  to  warrant  their  publication. 

The  name  of  Undopherras  on  his  own  coins  is  invariably  represent- 
ed in  Bactrian  Pali  by  T5VS^ ;  which  Mr.  Prinsep  rendered  by 
Farahatisa ;  he  however  doubted  the  correctness  of  his  own  reading, 
which  was  based  upon  an  assumed  and  false  value  of  the  initial  letter. 
On  the  coins  of  Abalgasus  the  name  of  Undopherras  is  written  with 
a  slight  variation  thus,  "iVl't ;  the  turn  at  the  foot  of  the  initial  letter 
being  to  the  left  instead  of  to  the  right,  and  the  fourth  letter  being 
the  common  r  instead  of  the  cerebral  r.  Now  there  are  four  syllables 
in  the  Greek  name,  and  in  its  Bactrian  Pali  equivalent  there  are  an 
equal  number  of  letters,  forming  with  inherent  or  written  vowels  the  same 
number  of  syllables,  and  consequently  agreeing  exactly  with  the  Greek 
name,  thus  giving  us  the  best  possible  clue  to  the  value  of  each  of 
these  Bactrian  Pali  characters,  which  I  will  now  examine  separately. 

1st.  The  first  letter  is  found  also  as  the  initial  of  the  name  of 
Agathoclea,  in  which  name  it  represents  the  Greek  cb  short.  Prof. 
Lassen  has  strangely  supposed  the  initial  letter  to  be  m  inflected 
with  the  vowel  e,  making  the  first  syllable  me  I  In  the  name  of 
Undopherras  this  letter  stands  for  a  short  u.  It  is  found  also  in 
the  middle  of  the  names  of  Spalurmas,  and  of  Abalgasas,  in  the  former 
representing  u  short,  and  in  the  latter  a  short:  for  I  believe  that 
Abalgasus  might  with  equal  correctness  have  been  written  Abalgysus, 
as  Megabyzus  is  always  written. 

From  these  four  examples  of  the  use  of  this  letter,  there  results  the 
certainty  that  it  represented  the  short  vowels  a  and  u  of  the  Greek, 


888  Lieut,  Cunningham  on  Bactrian  coins.         [No.  105. 

both  of  which  have  the  sound  of  the  short  «  ^  of  Sanskrit,  which  has 
the  exact  pronunciation  of  the  first  syllable  of  the  name  of  Undo- 
pherras.  Here  I  may  notice  that  Undopherras,  Spalurmas,  and  Abal- 
gasas  are  not  Greek  names,  and  therefore  we  ought  not  to  look  for 
the  Bactrian  Pali  equivalents  of  the  Greek  letters  used  in  expressing 
their  names ;  but  we  should  reverse  the  process,  and  seek  for  the 
Grecian  equivalents  of  the  native  characters :  for  the  Greek  names 
vary  on  many  of  the  coins  of  these  later  princes,  while  the  native 
names  are  always  the  same ;  and  this  is  more  especially  the  case  with 
the  coins  of  Spalurmas,  which  exhibit  the  different  Greek  versions  of 
Spalurion,  Spalumon,  and  Palurman  ;  the  last  being  found  on  an  un- 
published coin  belonging  to  Captain  Hutton,  which  wants  only  the 
initial  S  to  make  the  name  perfect.  The  same  letter  which  is  found 
initial  in  Agathoclea  and  in  Undopherras,  is  here  found  medial ;  and 
by  my  discovery  of  its  true  value,  I  am  able  to  correct  the  various  cor- 
rupted Greek  versions  by  the  native  name,  which  remains  always  the 
same.  The  characters  are  five,  u  "lip  H  Or,  of  which  the  first  is  an  evi- 
dent compound  of  n  and  t^  or  sp  ;  the  second  letter  is  /;  the  fourth  r  ; 
and  the  last  m  ;  wherefore  the  third  letter  can  only  be  w,  used  as  the 
initial  of  the  latter  half  of  the  name,  and  thus  the  whole  name  becomes 
clearly  Spal-urma^  or  with  the  Grecian  termination  Spalurmas,  of  which 
the  genitive  would  be  Spalurmon  ;  and  this  last  we  may  easily  disco- 
ver with  but  slight  alterations  in  the  different  Greek  versions. 

The  turn  at  the  foot  of  the  initial  letter  in  the  name  of  Undopherras, 
I  suppose  to  represent  n,  making  the  initial  syllable  YN,  for  one  foot 
turn  to  the  left  is  exactly  the  same  as  that  which  is  found  at  the  foot 
of  the  initial  letter  in  the  names  of  Antimachus  and  Antialcidas,  where 
it  unquestionably  represents  n. 

2nd.  The  second  and  fourth  letters  of  the  name  of  Undopherras  are 
the  same,  one  of  them  being  merely  inflected.  To  this  letter  Mr, 
Prinsep  assigned  the  value  of  r,  which  is  correct :  but  I  am  prepared 
to  show  that  it  has  also  another  value,  and  that  it  represents  the  cere- 
bral ^</  of  the  Sanskrit,  which  is  commonly  pronounced  ^J-  As 
an  equivalent  of  d  it  is  found  on  all  the  large  round  copper  coins  of 
Apollodotus ;  and  also  in  the  name  of  Diomedes,  where  it  is  initial  and 
inflected  with  the  vowel  ?,  thus  f  Di,  rendering  the  name  of  Diome- 
des very  satisfactorily  as   Diyamedasa  'PT.^^as  ;   hence  we  learn  that 


1840.]         Lieut,  Cunningham  on  Bactrian  coins.  889 

the  second  syllable  of  the  name  of  Undopherras  is  do^  the  sloping 
stroke  to  the  left  downwards  being  the  vowel  o,  with  which  the  d  is 
inflected  ;  and  precisely  the  same  mark  which  is  found  to  represent  o 
in  the  name  of  Zoilus. 

To  the  second  letter  therefore  in  the  name  of  Undopherras,  I  have 
assigned  the  value  of  J,  but  as  this  letter  occurs  again  as  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  Greek  double  PP?  it  must  have  another  value,  and  be 
equivalent  to  an  aspirated  or  double  r  ;  and  this  indeed  is  the  precise 
sound  which  the  Sanskrit  cerebral  v^  d  frequently  has,  as  ^  r.  Here 
then  we  find  that  by  giving  to  this  letter  s,  the  value  of  the  cerebral  ^ 
d  of  the  Sanskrit,  it  completely  fulfils  all  the  conditions  in  which  it  is 
found  upon  the  coins ;  thus  most  satisfactorily  establishing  the  correct- 
ness of  the  value  which  I  have  assigned  to  it,  and  at  the  same  time 
leading  to  the  discovery  that  the  third  letter  of  the  Bactrian  Pali  name 
of  Undopherras  can  be  no  other  than  ph,  thus  rendering  the  whole 

four  characters  literally  Andophara. 

Alexander  Cunningham. 

(  To  he  continued. ) 


Notes  of  a  March  from  Brifnhan  Ghat  on  the  Nerhudda,  to  Umurkuntulc,  the 
Source  of  that  River.    By  G.  Spilsbury,  Esq, 

In  the  Asiatic  Journal,  for  August  1834,  appear  some  notes  of  mine  from 
Tendookherie,  across  the  valley  of  the  Nerbudda  south  to  the  table  land 
of  the  Puchmuree,  or  Mahadeo  hills.  In  the  following  paper  I  propose  to 
give  the  result  of  my  observations  from  Brimhan  Ghat  to  Umurkuntuk,  the 
holy  source  of  the  Nerbudda  river.  The  notes  will  comprise  three  dif- 
ferent routes,  and  I  have  some  hope  that  by  the  aid  of  the  accompanying- 
map,  and  the  specimens  forwarded  for  presentation  to  the  Museum,  that  I 
shall  have  added  a  mite  to  the  Geographical  and  Geological  knowledge 
of  this  as  yet  little  travelled  portion  of  Central  India. 

In  the  construction  of  the  map,  for  which  I  am  indebted  to  the  able 
pencil  of  Captain  Reynolds,  Madras  Army,  I  have  to  remark  that  its  correct- 
ness depends  on  the  places  written  in  Capitals,  which  are  laid  down  from 
the  map  of  these  territories,  furnished  from  the  Surveyor  General's  office, 
on  a  scale  of  eight  miles  to  an  inch.  The  notes  commence  at  Brimhan 
Ghat  near  Chawurputhur ;  on  leaving  whicb  we  struck  off  in  a  S.S.W. 
direction,  crossing  the  valley  of  the  Nerbudda,  which  yields  but  little 
variety  to  the  geologist,  being  a  fine  rich  black  soil  of  decomposed  trap, 
intermixed  at  the  banks  of  most  of  the  Nullas  with  calcareous  tuffa. 


890         March  from  Brimhan  Ghat  to  Umurkuntuk.      [No.  105. 

At  Beerkherie,  the  Shair  river  is  crossed,  its  bed  compact  basalt,  and  the 
road  lies  through  rich  black  soil  up  to  Burheyta,  where  it  changes  to  sand- 
stone. This  now  insignificant  village  has  been  the  site  of  a  large  city,  and 
extensive  vestiges  of  a  fort,  palace,  temples,  buolies,  tanks,  and  gardens, 
are  yet  to  be  traced.  The  temples  are  generally  Boudhist,  or  belonging  to 
that  sera,  and  five  large  images  of  compact  basalt,  three  of  which  are  stand- 
ing, and  two  in  a  sitting  posture,  have  been  ignorantly  assigned  by  the  na- 
tives of  this  place  to  the  five  Pandoo  brothers— Dhurum,  Bheem,  Urjoon, 
Sahdes,  and  Nukool. 

Low  sandstone  hills,  varying  from  a  few  feet  to  a  couple  of  hundred,  co- 
vered with  thin  jungle,  is  the  characteristic  of  the  country,  with  vallies  of 
more  or  less  extent  of  decomposed  trap  ;  about  three  miles  east,  near  Nan- 
deea,  is  a  hill  of  quartzose  pebbles ;  about  100  feet  up  is  a  deposit  of  steatite 
No.  1 ,  called  by  the  natives  Gora  Pan,  and  largely  exported ;  in  contact  with 
it  lie  the  specimens  Nos.  2  and  3. 

At  Sreenuggur,  the  Omar  nuddee,  the  bed  of  which  is  composed  of  the 
schist  No.  4  and  5,  and  from  a  hill  adjacent  the  limestone  No.  6  is  procur- 
ed. The  next  five  miles  is  a  similar  siliceous  formation  as  that  from  Bur- 
heyta to  Sreenuggur,  when  you  come  to  trap  boulders,  making  the  road 
more  or  less  stony  and  unpleasant.  About  three  miles  short  of  Dhooma,  the 
road  winds  up  a  steep  ghatee  of  compact  basalt,  at  the  top  of  which  is  an 
undulated  table  land  of  considerable  extent.  From  this  to  Jhiria,  where 
this  table  land  is  again  descended,  the  country  is  of  the  uniform  character 
found  in  trap  formation;  at  Kuhanee,  jasper  and  quartz  No.  7,  amygda- 
loid No.  8,  and  travertin  No.  9.  The  beds  of  the  NuUas  are  compact  basalt ; 
the  only  exception  seen  was  at  Pindraee,  where  the  Thanwur  Nulla  (a  fee- 
der of  the  Wyn  Gunga  and  Godavery,)  is  crossed,  at  which  the  limestone 
No.  10,  crops  out  on  its  left  bank. 

At  the  bottom  of  the  Jhiria  Ghattee,  the  descent  of  which  is  neither 
so  long  or  so  steep  as  that  ascending  to  Dhooma,  boulders  of  indurated 
red  clay,  No.  11,  are  met  with.  The  remainder  up  to  Mundlah  is  a  well 
cultivated  plain.  The  ford  of  the  Nerbudda  is  compact  basalt.  No.  14, 
and  this  specimen  is  a  type  of  the  formation  wherever  found  in  these 
territories. 

Mundlah  has  been  a  place  of  note,  but  since  General  Marshall  dis- 
mantled the  Fort  in  1818,  the  town  has  gone  to  decay,  and  is  now 
but  an  insignificant  village.  The  river  being  full  here  from  bank  to 
bank,  326  yards,  and  totally  unfordable  from  hence  to  Ramnuggur,  (a 
distance  of  twelve  miles)  has  a  very  picturesque  appearance,  aided  much 
by  the  ghats  and  temples  along  its  right  bank,  and  the  mouldering 
battlements  and  bastions  of  the  fort.     From   this  we  proceeded   along 


1840.]  March  from  Brimhan  Ghat  to  Uinurkuntuk,  891 

the  right  bank,  all  trap  formation,  roa4  stony  from  boulders;  alDout 
six  miles  crossed  the  Putwara  nulla,  where  veins  of  wacke  with  feldspar 
No.  12  and  feldspar  No.  13  occur;  after  this  the  road  is  undulated,  a 
series  of  ascents  and  descents  through  rather  a  dense  tree  jungle  until 
you  again  approach  and  recross  the  river,  the  bed  of  which  is  trap,  in- 
tersected in  some  places  with  veins  of  calcareous  spar  wacke  No.  15,  16. 

Ramnuggur  in  the  days  of  the  Gound  Rajas,  was  a  place  of  note. 
There  is  still  an  old  palace  of  four  stories,  built  by  Hirdee  Sah  some 
200  years  ago,  and  half  a  mile  off  one  by  his  Dewan,  little  of  which  re- 
mains beyond  the  walls,  but  of  the  palace,  situated  on  the  bank  of  the 
river,  and  looking  up  a  long  reach  of  it,  little  decay  has  taken  place  beyond 
what  is  to  be  expected  from  neglect  and  desertion. 

The  general  feature  is  a  square  with  an  inner  court,  in  the  centre  of 
which  was  a  Tanka*  (from  whence  I  presume  we  got  our  tank)  and 
garden.  The  whole  of  the  rooms,  especially  of  the  lower  floor,  are  occu- 
pied by  the  villagers,  and  a  considerable  number  of  families  have  found 
habitations  therein.  The  village  is  now  insignificant,  and  there  are  but 
very  few  remains  of  its  former  state,  when  kings  held  their  court.  In 
the  village,  and  at  the  eastern  side  of  the  court  of  an  old  temple  of 
Mahadeo  is  the  stone  on  which,  in  Sanscrit  characters,  is  graven  the 
list  of  the  sovereigns  from  Jadoo  Rae,  Sumbut  415,  as  detailed  by  Major 
Sleeman  in  the  Asiatic  Journal  for  August  1837.  On  leaving  Ramnuggur 
we  h<§,d  to  make  a  detour  to  the  south,  in  order  to  get  again  into  the 
direct  road  from  Mundlah.  The  road  is  bad  and  stony ;  we  passed  up  a 
defile,  and  crossed  over  a  hill  called  Doondooh  of  trap  formation.  The  ascent 
was  easy,  but  the  descent  steep  and  stony,  on  which  you  emerge  into  an 
open  and  extensive  plain;  at  the  bottom  of  the  Ghatee  cross  a  small 
nulla,  in  which  is  found  granite  No.  17;  a  mile  or  two  further  is  the  Datta 
nulla,  near  the  village  of  Lutooa.  From  this  the  specimens  of  limestone 
No.  18,  19,  were  procured,  and  from  this  locality  lime  for  the  buildings  at 
Ramnuggur  was  made ;  about  6,  cross  the  Mutyaree  river,  rather  a  large 
stream,  which  some  way  down  joins  the  Banjur,  which  flows  into  the 
Nerbudda  immediately  opposite  the  Fort  at  Mundlah. 

The  ford  of  this  nulla  is  composed  of  granite  No.  20  and  21,  but  about  two  or 
three  hundred  yards  further  up  the  river  a  ridge  of  compact  basalt  crosses 
it,  after  this  the  soil  changes  to  a  sandy  one,  the  general  rock  being  No. 
21,  also  intermixed  with  gneiss?  No.  22,  23,  and  24,  syenite.  At  this 
place,  Unjoneea  (and  where  we  regained  the  direct  road  from  Mundlah) 

*  I  first  heard  this  word  used  by  a  native  in  Betool  district ;  on  asking  him  if  at  the  top  of  Bower- 
gurh  there  was  any  spring,  he  said  no,  but  there  was  a  Tanka  or  place  made  of  pukka,  stones  and 
cement,  for  holding  water. 

5  X 


892         March  from  Brimhan  Ghat  to  Umurkuntuk.     [No.  105. 

was  shot  by  Captain  Tebbs,  33rd  Regiment  of  Native  Infantry,  a  pair 
of  the  horn-bills  (first  seen  in  the  dense  jungle  on  the  banks  of  the  river 
near  Ramnuggur,)  and  designated  in  Cuvier's  Animal  Kingdom,  as  Buceros 
Malabaricusj  the  bird  was  also  seen  at  Umerkuntuk,  but  I  am  not  aware 
of  its  being  met  with  in  any  other  part  of  these  territories. 

Our  next  march  was  near  Bichia  to  the  Khoolar  nulla,  fourteen  miles, 
the  first  two  miles  being  the  same  primitive  formation,  granite  and  mas- 
sive quartz,  when  we  ascended  a  small  ghatee  of  trap  boulders,  passing 
over  a  plain,  little  jungle,  and  scarcely  any  cultivation ;  about  9  a  gradual 
descent  to  the  Mutyaree  nulla,  the  bed  compact  basalt ;  leaving  a  village, 
Oomurwaree,  to  the  right;  more  cultivation  about.  From  here  to  the 
Khoolar  nulla  small  trap  hills  are  crossed  of  the  same  formation. 

The  next  was  Motee  nulla,  16  miles;  up  to  the  Dutla  nulla  the  forma- 
tion was  the  same  basaltic  one,  but  in  the  bed  of  this  nulla  granite  same  as 
No.  21,  at  Unjoonea.  The  soil  now  changes  to  a  siliceous  one,  with  large 
masses  of  white  quartz  jutting  out  on  a  bleak  open  plain,  singularly  devoid 
of  the  traces  of  man  in  the  shape  of  cultivation  or  habitation.  About  eight 
miles  a  fine  pebbly  stream  with  well  wooded  banks  is  passed.  The  Hul- 
lo wn,  (which  joins  the  Boornerh  near  the  village  of  Ghooghree,  on  the  di- 
rect road  from  Mundlah  to  Ramgurh,)  about  five  miles  more,  over  grass 
plains  approach  the  gorge  of  hills,  and  the  jungle  becomes  more  dense  ;  as- 
cend a  small  ghatee,  the  Jogeegoopha,  the  hills  on  each  side  rising  above, 
the  formation  is  limestone  No.  25  capped  with  trap.  On  descending  to- 
wards the  Motee  nulla,  it  again  becomes  massive  quartz.  In  this  nulla  we 
first  observed  the  laterite  No.  26,  27,  28,  29  (so  extensive  a  component  of 
the  Mikul  hills)  iron  ore  No.  29,  chert  No.  30,  indurated  iron  clay  No.  31, 
sandstone  No.  32,  indurated  clay  and  calcedony  No.  33. 

In  this  and  the  preceding  march,  the  sal  tree,  in  large  clumps,  gives  the 
country  a  very  peculiar  appearance,  and  trees  of  any  other  kind  are  not 
general. 

Rajadhar  14  miles,  road  good,  undulated  country,  grass  plains  with  clumps 
of  the  sal,  formation  laterite,  with  conical  hills  of  trap  up  to  Munglee, 
about  which  are  some  small  Goandee  villages,  and  cultivation.  Soon  after 
this  the  road  lies  between  hills  thickly  wooded,  and  high  grass ;  pass 
through  a  defile,  the  Sukra  ghatee,  in  which  is  limestone  No.  34,  intersected 
by  veins  nearly  vertical.  No.  35,  36,  37,  38,  39.  On  emerging  from  this, 
there  is  a  considerable  open  space  up  to  Rajadhar  on  the  Phene  nulla, 
which  is  situated  at  the  edge  of  a  very  dense  jungle  and  hills.  The  bed  of 
this  nulla  is  chiefly  large  boulders  of  laterite,  and  a  greenstone  No.  40. 

Boorla,  about  15  miles  by  the  footpath,  and  about  19  by  the  road 
which  the  cattle  and  baggage  went. 


1840.]         March  from  Brimhan  Ghat  to  Umurkuntuk.  893 

On  leaving  Rajadhar  the  road  lies  between  hills  of  laterite,  close  dense 
jungle,  over  a  trap  hill  to  Bunder  Motee,  spring  and  ghat,  where  limestone 
No.  41,  and  at  the  bottom  of  the  descent  steatite  No.  42,  and  that  with 
argillaceous  veins  No.  43 ;  from  this  the  descent  is  rough  and  stony,  and 
just  before  reaching  the  stream  Brinjuree,  or  Murrum  Joree,  the  syenite 
No.  44,  and  in  the  bed  of  it  granite  No.  45,  46  ;  intermixed  are  boulders  of 
No.  40.  On  arriving  at  the  nulla,  bamboos  are  again  observed,  and  the  sal 
disappears.  From  this  the  road  winds  up  a  hill  not  very  steep  or  long, 
pass  along  a  flat,  when  a  long  steep  stony  descent  commences,  the  chief 
rock  being  No.  45,  46 ;  at  the  bottom  emerge  into  a  small  level  plain,  the 
hills  approaching  on  both  sides ;  about  two  miles  on  the  Puraha  nulla  is  cross- 
ed, and  again  a  mile  or  so  on,  when  the  road  is  more  open,  and  the  jungle 
by  no  means  dense ;  in  front  are  a  range  of  small  conical  shaped  hills  of  no 
great  height,  the  ridge  of  one  of  which  is  passed,  the  first  ascent  of  which  is 
sandstone  No.  47,  next  in  strata  running  nearly  north  and  south  of  clay- 
slate  No.  48,  and  further  on  No.  49  of  the  same  formation ;  after  this  the 
hills  are  entirely  cleared,  and  the  country  is  a  very  extensive  open  plain 
bounded  to  the  north  by  the  low  conical  bills  which  we  have  passed  over, 
nearly  bare  or  only  stunted  jungle,  and  behind,  towering  above,  the  line 
of  the  Mekul  range.  On  leaving  Rajadhur  all  the  springs  and  nullas  are 
feeders  of  the  Mahanuddee.  At  Boorla  is  a  small  circular  hill,  evidently 
a  similar  formation  to  the  hills  last  passed  over,  specimen  No.  50. 

Pando  Tulao,  eight  miles,  a  march  in  the  plain;  the  villages  are  more 
numerous  and  cultivation  is  extensive,  much  of  it  rice;  a  spur  of  the  hills 
comes  down  close  on  this  place,  the  formation  of  which  is  limestone  No.  51, 
and  in  a  small  rivulet  close  to  our  camp,  rocks  were  projecting  at  an  angle 
of  45°,  running  east  and  west,  and  the  strata  so  disposed,  as  to  have 
much  the  appearance,  at  a  short  distance,  of  the  scales  on  the  back  of  the 
Manis ;  they  were  limestone  No.  52. 

Purureea  nearly  seven  miles;  the  same  plain.  In  this  march  a  fine 
stream,  the  Hamph  nulla,  the  bed  of  which  is  a  reddish  limestone  No.  53. 
Purureea  itself  is  a  large  village  for  this  part  of  the  country,  the  houses 
with  one  single  exception  (that  of  the  Zemindar's,  who  was  building  a  brick 
edifice)  are  all  built  of  split  bamboos,  plastered  for  the  walls,  and  grass 
chuppers.* 

Umuldeha,  nine  miles  ;  the  same  open  cultivated  country.  About  three 
miles  on,  cross  a  small  nulla  from  the  hills,  skirting  our  left,  the  bed  of 
which  is  limestone  No.  54,  55,  as  also  a  small  circular  eminence  No.  56 ; 

*  The  cheapness  of  food  here  was  as  unexpected  as  agreeable  to  our  people. 
(In  camp  15  Ata         38  in  the  village. 
Seers  per  Rupee.  ■!  Ditto,      12  Gram      52  ditto. 
(Ditto,      14  Rice        50  ditto. 


894         March  from  Brimhan  Ghat  to  Umurkuntuk.     [No.  105. 

at  the  next  stream,  close  to  the  village  of  Kurpee,  the  same  limestone  forms 
the  bed  as  at  the  Kamp  nulla  No.  53. 

Khoorea,  nine  and  three  quarter  miles.  On  leaving  camp  the  Agur  nulla,  the 
bed  of  which  is  rolled  pebbles  and  sand,  is  crossed,  and  the  first  two  miles  is 
over  the  plain  we  have  had  since  Boorla,  after  which  we  entered  jungle 
gradually  increasing  until  it  becomes  a  dense  tree  (among  them  the  sal 
again)  and  grass  forest,  all  the  way  to  the  Munyuree  nulla,  the  bed  of 
which  is  granite  (with  rolled  pebbles  and  sand)  as  per  specimens  No  57, 
58,  59,  60,  61 ;  a  little  to  the  left  of  the  ford  is  the  steatite  No.  62,  strata 
running  nearly  east  and  west,  diagonally  crossing  the  bed  of  the  stream, 
also  parallel  the  quartz  No  63,  64,  in  thin  laminae.  At  this  place  was  shot 
by  Lt.  Clement  Browne  a  beautiful  squirrel,  which  Colonel.  Sykes  named 
Sciurus  Elphinstonii  (As.  Jour.  vol.  i.  p.  165  ) ;  they  are  also  found  in  the 
Mahadeo  hills. 

Kutamee,  nine  and  three  quarter  miles.  This  march  skirts  the  Munyarie 
nulla,  and  is  thick  tree  and  grass  jungle,  but  good  road,  and  slightly  ascen- 
ding the  whole  way;  the  formation  is  granite  and  massive  quartz,  with 
exception  of  the  bed  of  a  small  nulla  which  was  basalt.  At  the  village 
the  bed  of  the  Munyarie  had  ledges  of  compact  basalt  running  across,  and 
close  to  that  gneiss  No.  65,  and  higher  up  hornblende  with  feldspar  No.  QQ  ; 
beyond  and  below,  granite  No.  67  and  68. 

Lumnee,  nine  and  a  quarter  miles.  This  is  a  bad  and  difficult  march  for 
cattle  and  baggage,  the  road  being  very  stony.  We  crossed  the  Munyarie 
immediately  on  leaving  camp,  and  two  miles  on  a  bad  stony  descent  to  a 
small  stream,  and  the  ascent  not  much  better ;  pass  through  a  dense  forest, 
the  diameter  of  many  of  the  sal  trees  was  very  great.  On  reaching  a 
stream  about  three  miles  from  our  camp  the  road  begins  to  wind  up  a  very 
long,  and  in  places  steep  ghatee.  The  jungle  exceedingly  thick,  from  the 
summit  of  which  is  an  extensive  view  over  the  plains  we  have  left.  The 
formation  is  primitive  rock,  at  the  top  mica  schist  No.  69,  and  gneiss  No. 
70,  71.  On  attaining  the  summit,  bamboos  were  very  luxuriant  and  dense 
for  a  mile  or  so,  a  feature  in  the  scenery  not  observed  in  the  forest  below. 
The  road  now  winds  along  the  crests  of  hills  which  brings  you  to  a  des- 
cent of  about  half  a  mile  (neither  so  steep  or  stony  as  the  ascent)  into  the^ 
plain  of  Lumnee ;  a  few  huts  constitute  the  village.  JH 

Umurkuntuk,  the  source  of  the  Nerbudda,  eleven  miles.  The  bed  of  the 
nulla  is  trap  No  72,  and  about  a  mile  further  a  nulla  cuts  through  a  hill 
of  micaceous  schist  No.  73,  and  bed  of  the  nulla  No.  74.  The  road  now  is 
a  series  of  ascents  and  descents  covered  with  jungle ;  formation  granite 
No.  75,  mixed  with  sienite  No.  76,  77,  78,  79.  At  the  Bhereeghur  nulla, 
compact  feldspar  No.  80,  and  granite  No.  81,  compose  its  bed. 


1840.]         March  from  Brimhan  Ghat  to  Umurkuntuk,  895 

The  remainder  to  Putpura  nulla,  seven  miles,  primary  rocks,  the  jungle 
very  thick  and  dense ;  the  bed  of  this  nulla  is  composed  of  rolled  laterite  and 
trap  boulders,  lying  on  granite  and  quartz,  where  the  rock  shows  itself ; 
half  a  mile  on  the  Sampghur  nulla  is  crossed  twice,  a  fine  stream,  and  water 
most  excellent.     From  it  the  specimen  No.  82  quartz,  mica,  and  feldspar. 

On  crossing  this  stream  the  second  time,  the  ascent  of  the  Jogee  ghatee 
commences  ;  formation  trap  boulders.  The  ascent  is  about  a  mile,  in  places 
steep,  but  very  good  for  all  laden  cattle,  baring  its  steepness,  there  being  no 
rocky  steps  or  ledges  in  it ;  the  whole  very  dense  tree,  bamboo,  and  grass 
jungle.  To  the  left,  and  on  the  banks  of  the  nulla,  tokens  of  a  former  site 
of  a  village,  evinced  by  the  plantain  and  mango  trees ;  with  exception  of 
No.  83  marl,  and  No.  84  lateritish  clay,  the  whole  of  the  upper  part  of 
the  hill  is  laterite,  as  specimens  No.  85,  86,  and  the  very  summit  No.  87. 
On  arriving  at  the  top  a  fine  open  plain,  with  a  few  trees  scattered  about, 
give  a  very  park-like  appearance  to  the  scenery. 

I  shall  now  return,  and  trace  the  direct  road  to  this  holy  spot  from  Ram- 
nuggur. 

Ramnuggur  to  Ghooghree  thirteen  miles ;  for  the  first  two  miles  the  open 
cultivated  plain  of  the  Nerbudda,  when  you  approach  hills  and  enter  a 
defile  with  a  gradual  ascent :  about  two  miles  further,  you  come  to  a  pukka 
boulee  of  the  same  style  as  the  buildings  at  Ramnuggur.  The  road  gradu- 
ally closes  into  a  few  feet,  and  becomes  steeper,  the  hills  on  each  side  ris- 
ing up  100  feet  above  the  road.  The  whole  ghatee  called  Bidee  is  stony  and 
bad,  with  dense  bamboo  grass  and  tree  jungle  infested  by  tigers.  The  for- 
mation is  trap.  On  attaining  the  crest  at  six  miles,  the  road  opens  out  again, 
and  the  hills  recede  right  and  left ;  the  soil  is  siliceous  with  quartz  (massive 
and  crystallized)  and  calcedony  strewed  about.  From  hence  to  Ghoogh- 
ree the  country  is  rather  open,  jungle  thin,  small  hills  about,  with  valleys 
and  streams,  and  here  and  there  a  Gound  village,  with  patches  of  cultiva- 
tion ;  road  very  good  from  the  crest.  The  village  is  rather  large  for  this 
part  of  the  country,  and  on  the  banks  of  a  very  fine  brawling  stream  200 
yards  wide,  the  Boorhner. 

Sulwah,  nine  miles.  A  mile  and  half  on,  cross  the  Boorhner  a  short  dis- 
tance below  its  junction  with  the  Hullo wn,  these  united  streams  are  very 
considerable  feeders  of  the  Nerbudda.  The  bed  is  rocky  (basalt) ;  on  leaving 
it  there  is  a  steep  stony  ascent  ofabouthalf  a  mile,  and  a  mile  and  a  half  fur- 
ther another  of  about  100  yards,  which  is  a  spur  of  the  Patungurh  hill,  the 
peak  of  which  towers  some  seven  or  eight  hundred  feet  above ;  on  its  sum- 
mit there  is  said  to  be  a  spring  of  water,  and  many  fine  trees  could  be  seen. 
The  crest  has  some  appearance  of  a  fort,  and  the  natives  declare  it  to  have 
been  made  by  the  Deotas ;  on  passing  this  hill  there  is  rather  an  extensive 


896         March  from  Brimhan  Ghat  to  Umurkuntuk,     [No.  105. 

plain  to  the  south,  with  a  few  villages  and  some  cultivation ;  the  last  two 
miles  the  hills  gradually  close  in,  and  a  defile  with  a  gentle  ascent  is  passed 
through,  to  the  Tola  of  Sulwah,  the  village  itself  being  off  to  the  south-east 
about  a  mile. 

Ramgurh,  thirteen  miles.  The  first  five  and  a  half  miles  is  chiefly  over  a 
bare  open  undulated  plain,  crossed  by  a  great  number  of  little  rivulets  with 
a  slight  ghatee  to  descend ;  the  road  is  then  through  a  defile,  along  which 
flows  the  Kookrar  and  Bhurkindee  nuUas  with  lofty  hills  on  each  side,  covered 
with  dense  jungle  grass,  bamboos,  and  trees,  a  distance  of  about  three  miles, 
when  the  Tendoo  Ghatee,  some  400  yards,  is  ascended ;  pass  along  table 
land,  a  mile  or  so  when  the  hills  recede,  and  an  extensive  valley  running 
about  north  and  south,  not  very  broad,  presents  itself,  through  which  rather 
a  large  stream,  the  Khurmer,  flows ;  and  at  the  east  side  and  left  bank  on  a 
small  hill,  is  Ramgurh,  the  capital  of  a  rajah,  now  lord  of  some  1400  villages ; 
with  exception  of  a  pukka  house,  his  residence,  the  village  is  entirely 
bamboo  wattling  and  thatch. 

Sumnapoor,  nine  miles.  A  good  road  up  the  valley  of  the  Khurmer ; 
several  villages,  and  much  more  cultivation  of  rubbee  than  we  have  seen 
since  leaving  the  valley  of  the  Nerbudda. 

Burbuspoor,  six  and  a  half  miles.  The  road  is  the  same  as  the  preceding 
for  the  first  two  and  a  half  miles,  when  we  enter  the  hills  on  our  left,  and 
ascend  a  trifling  ghatee  called  the  Ghooghurwahee  ghatee  of  about  400  yards, 
by  no  means  steep,  on  attaining  the  crest  of  which,  the  aspect  and  appear- 
ance of  the  country  is  totally  changed,  partly  from  the  predominance  of  the 
sal  tree,  and  partly  from  the  greenness  of  the  grass  ;  pass  through  a  defile 
200  yards  wide,  when  the  hills  recede,  and  there  is  an  open  extensive  plain 
with  the  Muchrar  flowing  through  the  village  on  its  right  bank. 

Chukrar  nulla,  ten  miles.  Road  lies  across  the  valley  of  the  Muchrar, 
through  cultivation,  about  two  miles,  when  the  hills  close  in,  and  the  Lud- 
wanee  ghatee  is  ascended,  not  long  or  steep,  but  stony;  the  descent  is  consi- 
derably steeper,  but  by  no  means  bad  for  any  cattle.  On  reaching  the  foot, 
skirt  the  hills  on  the  right,  plain  level  road,  there  being  a  large  grass  plain 
to  the  north ;  the  last  two  miles  bad  and  stony  trap  boulders. 

Seeoonee  nulla,  ten  and  a  half  miles.  On  leaving  the  nulla  small  trap  hills 
are  skirted  for  the  first  three  miles,  when  you  enter  a  thick  jungle  and  ascend 
the  Mohtura  ghatee,  of  easy  ascent,  the  descent  being  steeper,  but  by  no 
means  difficult ;  the  road  then  opens  out  into  an  extensive  grass  plain ;  it 
is  to  these  grass  plains  that  the  thousands  of  cattle  resort  from  the  coun- 
try below  the  ghats  during  the  hot  months ;  remainder  open,  constantly 
intersected  with  little  streams,  and  no  where  did  the  water  appear  to  be 
above  a  couple  of  feet  below  the  surface. 


1840.]  March  from  Binmhan  Ghat  to  Umurkuntuk.  89/ 

Kurunjeea,  eleven  miles.  The  first  part  skirts  and  passes  over  some  low  trap 
hills  up  to  the  village  Bukree,  when  the  country  opens  out  into  a  very  large 
grass  plain  ;  the  Nerbudda  north,  distant  three  or  four  miles  ;  cross  a  stream, 
the  Toorar,  and  up  to  the  shoulder  of  a  lofty  hill  with  a  conspicuous  peak 
overlooking  the  village  of  Ramnuggur  ;  remainder  open ;  Umurkuntuk  nine 
and  half  miles.  The  road  lies  through  a  small  valley,  in  which  flows  the  Kur- 
mundal  with  lofty  hills  on  each  side,  gradually  closing  in  to  the  entrance  of 
the  pass,  which  becomes  a  dense  jungle ;  the  ascent  is  about  a  mile,  and  pretty 
steep,  but  not  very  bad  for  cattle ;  pass  along  a  ridge  where  there  is  a  small 
grass  valley  in  which  is  a  pool  of  water,  called  Hathee  Dabur,  and  on  des- 
cending a  ridge,  a  spring  issues  from  the  head  of  a  ravine,  said  to  be  the 
source  of  the  Kurmundal  nulla.  There  is  a  Chabootra,  and  many  plantain 
trees  at  the  spot,  known  by  the  name  of  Kurbeer  Chabootra ;  after  this  two 
ridges  are  crossed,  when  you  attain  the  table  land,  and  about  half  a  mile 
before  reaching  the  Koond  join  in  with  the  road  from  the  Jogee  ghatee,  by 
which  we  ascended  in  the  former  march. 

I  have  said  but  little  on  the  geological  formation  of  this  route,  for  the 
reason  that  it  is  so  simple,  and  affords  so  little  variety ;  the  first  ghatee, 
which  is  the  same  range  as  the  Doondoo  ghatee,  is  unvaried  basalt,  and 
so  continues  the  whole  way  the  same  formation,  the  hills  and  peaks 
from  Patungurh  being  capped  with  laterite,  and  all  the  beds  of  nuUas 
basalt;  little  laterite  is  seen  in  the  plains  until  the  Tendoo  ghatee  is 
ascended,  when  the  soil  is  more  or  less  of  a  reddish  colour,  and  after 
ascending  Ghooghurwahee  ghatee  the  soil  is  entirely  so  ;  about  Sulwah 
and  Patun  fossil  shells,  same  as  those  from  eighteen  miles  east  of  Jabul- 
poor,  imbedded  in  indurated  clay,  are  met  with,  and  on  the  east  side  of  the 
Mohtura  ghatee  is  a  small  conical  hill,  containing  similar  shell  breccia. 
In  the  latter  are  found  the  shell  delineated  in  the  Asiatic  Journal  for 
September  1839,  plate.  —  fig.  A.  11.  originally  found  on  the  Pureyl  ghat, 
which  is  on  the  first  plateau  on  the  Mekul  hills  overlooking  the  plains 
of  Soohagpoor ;  a  few  bivalves  also  have  been  met  with  in  this  locality. 
Travertin  was  found  near  the  summit  of  the  Mohtura  ghatee,  and  a  red- 
dish sandstone  formed  the  bed  of  the  Seeoonee  nulla,  a  mile  or  so  before 
its  junction  with  the  Nerbudda.  With  these  exceptions  laterite  resting 
on  basalt  is  the  characteristic  of  the  country. 

The  table  land  of  Umurkuntuk  constitutes  the  second  plateau  of  the  Me- 
kul hills,  and  is  but  of  small  extent,  six  miles  either  way  would  bring  you 
to  a  precipitous  descent. 

East  from  the  Koond,  less  than  a  mile,  is  a  bluff  rock  of  basalt,  over 
which  a  very  small  stream  trickles  with  a  fall  of  252  perpendicular  feet,  and 


898  March  from  Brimhan  Ghat  to  Umurkuntuk,     [No.  105. 

which  the  Bramins  assuye  you  is  the  Son  Bhuder,  whereas  the  latter  rises 
from  a  swamp  near  Pindraee,  and  the  former  joins  the  Arup,  one  of  the  feed- 
ers of  the  Mahanuddee.  West  from  the  Koond,  four  ^nd  a  half  miles,  is  the 
first  fal  of  the  Nerbudda,  90  feet,  over  compact  basalt  No.  90,  and  called 
Kupildhar,  after  the  celebrated  Moonee  of  that  name ;  ffom  the  summit  of 
the  hill  at  Jogee  ghat  south  to  the  crest  of  the  descent  at  the  Punkhee 
ghat  north  will  be  under  six  miles,  and  from  the  Kookre  Moorghee  ghat 
(or  Ramgurh)  to  the  Amanara  ghat,  is  less,  and  these  points  give  the 
extent  of  the  table  land  at  Umurkuntuk. 

The  spring  at  and  about  which  the  temples  are  built,  is  by  no  means  the 
highest  spot  of  the  plateau,  but  I  conjecture  that  where  the  Koond  (which 
is  a  pukka  irregular  square  basin,  with  steps  leading  down  on  every  side) 
is,  it  was  found  that  a  spring  ran  all  the  year  round,  whereas  from  the 
upper  points  they  generally  dried  up,  as  they  nearly  were  when  we  visited 
the  spot.  The  Brahmins  have  also  added  legends  to  these  sources ;  that 
from  the  east  is  termed  the  Sonbhudr,  and  that  from  the  north  the  Johilla, 
and  you  are  gravely  assured  by  these  priests  that  the  streams  are  running 
up  the  hill,  to  protect  themselves  from  the  fury  of  Nermada  Mae.  At  the 
place  are  some  60  temples  of  sizes ;  that  in  which  the  image  of  Johilla  the 
Nain  (said  to  be  iron,  of  which  I  have  strong  doubts)  is  a  picturesque  one, 
and  so  is  another  adjoining,  of  a  totally  different  style  to  the  generality, 
but  in  miniature  like  those  built  at  Oodeypore  and  Putharee  in  Scindea's 
country  ;  the  whole  of  them  are  built  of  laterite  with  which  the  table  land 
is  capped.  Of  its  height  above  the  level  of  the  sea,  Mr.  Jenkins  the  Resi- 
dent of  Nagpore  in  his  report  of  that  country  states  it  at  3464  feet ;  but 
Lieut.  Waugh  and  Rennie,  who  visited  it  in  1833  en  route  from  Chunar  to 
Jubulpore,  I  understand  make  it  near  5000.  There  is  a  peculiarity  of  this 
elevation,  which  T  may  notice  here ;  viz.  that  we  were  assured  by  the  resi- 
dents of  the  place  that  it  rains  throughout  the  year  every  third  or  fourth  day. 
I  have  only  to  say  that  in  two  visits  made  to  it,  that  such  was  undoubtedly 
the  case  as  far  as  our  observation  wen,t ;  now  allowing  its  height  to  be  that 
stated  by  the  engineer  officers,  on  what  principle  is  this  humidity  to  be 
accounted  for  ?  The  peaks  of  the  Mahadeo  hills,  Chowradeo,  Jutta  Shunkur, 
Dobghur  rising  out  of  the  plain  of  Puchmurree,  have  an  equal  altitude, 
and  nothing  of  the  kind  occurs  there.  Has  the  geological  formation  any 
thing  to  say  to  this  meteorological  difference?  The  Mahadeo  hills  are 
sandstone  with  rolled  quartz  pebbles,  Umurkuntuk  entirely  laterite  rest- 
ing on  basalt.  A  register  of  a  thermometer  kept  by  a  native  in  an  open 
verandah  of  a  temple,  from  the  12th  of  April  to  the  24th  June  gave  the  follow- 
ing results;  unfortunately  no  attempt  was  made  to  note  the  prevailing  windS) 
clouds,  or  rain. 


1840.]         March  from  Brimhan  Ghat  to  Umurkuntuk.  899 

The  Min  of  18  days  of  April  gave  58  and  the  Max  90 — med.  74. 
Ditto     all  May  „       62       ditto       ditto   94— med.   78. 

Ditto     24   days  June  „       71       ditto       ditto   95 — med.    83. 

Near  the  temple  in  which  is  the  goddess  of  this  river,  is  a  Beejuck,  but  so 
defaced  and  broken  that  little  of  it  could  be  decyphered  by  the  most  zealous 
antiquary ;  on  the  floor  of  an  open  temple  is  a  small  image,  which  the 
pundits  assured  me  was  that  of  Rewa  Naick,  a  Bunjara,  to  whom 
the  goddess  appeared  in  a  dream,  and  directed  him  to  clear  the  site  of  the 
present  Koond,  then  a  dense  mass  of  bamboo  jungle ;  the  date  Sumbut  922* 
is  very  plain,  and  is  within  ten  years  of  the  period  of  the  copper  plate  dug  up  at 
Koombhee,  and  forwarded  by  me  (Asiatic  Journal,  for  1839).  The  animals 
met  with  on  the  Mekul  hills  are  wild  buffaloes,  Gour,  Sciurus  Elphinstonii, 
Buceros  Malabaricus,  and  on  the  table  land  of  Umurkuntuk  the  solitary 
snipe,  none  of  which  are  generally  found  in  the  valley  of  the  Nerbudda 
east  of  Mundlah.  I  shall  now  proceed  with  the  notes  of  the  march  into 
the  Sohagpoor  plains. 

Hurree  Tola,  nine  and  a  quarter  miles.  The  road  from  the  Koond  at  Umur- 
kuntuk lies  in  a  northerly  direction,  crossing  a  ridge  of  jungle  and  grass  into 
a  small  valley,  in  which  flows  the  Burat  nulla,  and  at  six  miles  is  the  crest  of 
the  ghat  called  the  Punkhee  ghat ;  it  is  long,  but  no  where  steep  or  difficult, 
the  whole  formation  laterite,  resting  on  basalt.  On  reaching  the  bottom 
you  are-  in  an  extensive  grass  plain,  with  peaks  of  the  Mekul  Hills  rising 
in  the  distance ;  the  village  a  few  huts,  with  the  Johilla  river  flowing  through 
the  plain  at  the  distance  of  a  mile.  The  jungle  on  this  side  of  the  hiUs  is 
not  near  so  dense,  or  the  trees  so  large,  as  on  the  Jogee  ghat  side  ;  the  sal 
trees  fewer  and  smaller. 

To  Lukhora,  thirteen  miles.  This  distance  is  of  one  uniform  feature,  an  ex- 
tensive undulated  grass  plain,  intersected  by  streams  and  springs  in  every  di- 
rection, with  the  Johilla  flowing  through  it,  into  which  all  the  others  run. 
The  soil  laterite,  and  all  the  beds  of  the  nuUas  compact  basalt. 

Pureye,  fourteen  miles.  The  first  7  miles  the  country  of  the  same  nature  as 
that  on  descending  from  the  table  land,  if  any  thing  rather  more  undulated; 
about  seven  and  a  half  miles  cross  the  Johilla,  a  fine  stream,  the  bed  is  basalt 
mixed  with  some  limestone  No.  91.  At  Bouraha  village  about  9,  the  grassy 
plain  may  be  said  to  terminate,  as  the  road  now  becomes  a  constant  series 
of  bad  stony  ascents  and  descents  of  trap  boulders,  dense  tree  and  grass  jungle; 
at  thirteen  and  a  half  the  Backan  nulla  is  passed,  its  bed  of  compact  basalt,  and 
lying  about  boulders  of  indurated  green  clay  No.  92,  and  shell  breccia  No. 
93,  94  ;  about  50  or  60  yards  to  the  right  the  nulla  passed  over  a  ledge  of 

*  I  enclose  a  transcript  made  by  Captain  Wheatly  and  myself,  the  explanation  given  by  a  pundit 
afterwards  by  no  means  agreeing  with  the  oral  communication  on  the  spot. 

5  Y 


900         March  from  Brimhan  Ghat  to  Umurkuntuk,     [No.  105. 

some  40  or  50  feet,  the  sides  of  which  had  hexagonal  basaltic  columns ; 
from  this  nulla  to  camp  the  whole  distance  was  strewed  with  the  shell 
breccia  in  indurated  clay  No.  95,  96.  The  village  small,  and  a  dirty  looking 
tank;  it  is  situated  immediately  on  the  verge  of  the  range. 

Kyrrha,  seven  miles.  The  ghat  commences  on  passing  the  tank,  and  is  a 
very  bad,  steep,  stony  descent  for  about  a  mile,  all  large  trap  boulders, 
mixed  with  some  travertin  No.  97,  after  which  the  real  difficulty  of  the 
ghatee  is  passed ;  then  follows  an  inclined  plane  all  limestone  No.  98,  and 
a  descent  of  the  same  formation,  when  the  level  plain  is  attained ;  from  the 
tank  to  this  is  about  3  miles,  the  road  good,  strewed  with  boulders  of  shell 
breccia  No.  99 ;  cross  the  Bysaha  nulla,  sandstone  No.  100,  and  the  bed  of 
the  next,  the  Bygun,  was  limestone  No.  101  ;  the  village  of  Kyrrha  is  on  a 
sandstone  eminence  No.  102,  103,  104,  105;  with  No.  104,  chukies  (stone 
hand-mills)  are  made  here. 

Singpoor,  six  and  a  half  miles.  On  leaving  camp  the  Surpa  nulla  is  crossed, 
the  bed  of  which  is  a  white  very  friable  sandstone,  the  road  good,  some  tri- 
fling nuUas  passed,  all  sandstone  similar  to  that  of  the  Surpa.  In  one  or 
two  places  trap  was  seen  overlying  the  sandstone ;  shortly  before  getting 
to  our  ground,  the  sandstone  deepens  much  in  colour,  specimens  No.  105, 
106  being  reddish.  At  this  village  are  seen  some  fine  sculpture  brought, 
we  were  told,  from  Urjollee,  a  kos  or  two  distant;  the  temple  from  which 
they  were  procured  must  have  been  a  magnificent  one.  There  are  the 
remains  of  an  old  palace  here,  the  pillars  of  which  came  from  that  place. 

Sohagpoor,  nine  and  a  half  miles.  A  good  road  the  whole  way,  sandstone,  no 
village  seen,  chiefly  sal  forest,  but  never  very  thick  or  the  trees  large,  as 
you  approach,  more  open ;  the  fort  a  small  ghurree,  town  small,  but  there 
are  remains  of  former  size  and  grandeur  by  the  numerous  tanks,  remains 
of  temples,  buildings,  &c.  One  old  temple  is  finely  sculptured  in  the  style 
of  the  Oodeypoor  one  north  of  Bhilsa;  adjoining  is  a  square  Koond  sacred 
to  Mahadeo,  and  at  the  distance  of  a  quarter  of  a  mile  an  eminence  on  which 
lie  very  extensive  ruins  of  a  temple ;  a  large  image  of  Boudh  was  almost  the 
only  distinguishable  piece  of  sculpture  left.  The  natives  assigned  the  name 
of  some  Rakhshus  to  this  giant,  which  I  have  forgotten. 

Putpura  nulla,  eleven  miles ;  good  road,  but  a  very  uninteresting  coun- 
try, few  villages  or  signs  of  cultivation ;  the  soil  is  sandstone,  beds  of  the 
NuUas  as  at  Kyrrha  No.  105;  passed  the  shoulder  of  ahiU  trap,  when  the 
hills  close  in,  the  great  Mekul  range  to  the  south,  and  a  low  range  in  front, 
and  to  the  right  water  very  near  the  surface. 

Palee,  ten  miles.  On  leaving  camp  enter  rather  thick  jungle,  road  hilly 
and  stony,  cross  a  ridge  called  Moorcha  Pahar,  sandstone  No.  108,  so 
named  from  having  the  appearance  of  an  entrenchment,  then  hilly  ground 


1840.J  March  from  Brimhan  Ghat  to  Umurkuntuk.  901 

for  four  or  five  miles,  when  the  road  lies  between  two  conical  hills,  Kimrae, 
No.  109,  basalt,  and  so  at  the  nulla  of  the  same  name  No.  110,  when 
the  country  is  more  open,  trees  chiefly  sal,  and  some  of  good  size.  Ghoo- 
raree  nulla  sandstone  No.  Ill,  more  compact  than  that  at  Khyrra  Palee, 
all  sandstone,  and  near  a  small  tank  adjoining  the  village  there  are  ruins  of 
a  very  large  temple;  the  only  image  taken  care  of  is  that  of  Doorga  slaying 
the  giant  Mahekhasoor,  which  is  housed  under  a  small  hut,  and  from  oil  and 
attention  is  in  fine  preservation  ;  in  a  westerly  direction,  about  one  and  a  half 
miles,  we  came  to  the  Johilla  river  again,  which  was  crossed,  before  above 
the  ghat,  and  in  its  bed  were  traces  of  coal  as  per  specimens  No.  112;  113 
is  the  sandstone  forming  the  banks  of  the  river.  The  bed,  chiefly  trap 
boulders,  among  which  are  those  of  syenite  No.  115,  large  masses  of  a  soft 
sandstone,  with  pyrites  imbedded  No.  116,  sandstone  and  shale  No.  117,  and 
anthracite  No.  118.  On  the  top  of  the  bank  were  boulders  of  shell 
breccia  No.  119.  Goohparoo  10 J  miles,  road  good  all  the  way;  about 
three  and  a  half  cross  the  Johilla  river,  a  considerable  stream,  rather  stony 
and  bad  ;  cross  the  Goorchut  nulla,  a  sandstone  conglomerate  No.  120,  after 
which  a  dreary  plain  up  to  Goohparoo,  a  very  conspicuous  peak ;  the  circuit 
(W.  N.  W.  two  or  three  miles)  to  round  which,  and  another  two  marches  on, 
causes  us  to  make  so  much  northing  of  west. 

Oomureea,  eight  miles.  The  first  part  of  this  march  is  jungly  and  stony, 
leading  over  a  smaU  ridge,  about  the  middle  of  which  is  the  Putpuree 
nulla  (limestone  No.  121,)  and  the  boundary  of  our  and  the  Rewah  state; 
some  distance  on  large  blocks  of  limestone  rise  up  in  very  irregular  shapes, 
which  are  called  Baynsa  Dadur,  No.  122,  from  thence  a  slight  descent  into 
a  plain  with  small  conical  hills  of  basalt  as  at  Kerantal,  No.  123  ;  the  beds 
of  the  nullas  are  sandstone,  as  at  Khyrra.  Rather  a  large  stream,  the 
Oomrar,  divides  the  villages  of  Gomureea  and  Khulesur,  all  sandstone.  In 
a  small  nulla  about  two  miles  oif,  called  the  Manhunha,  which  runs  into 
the  Oomrar,  traces  of  coal  are  found,  as  per  specimen  No.  124,  sandstone 
125.  The  bed  of  the  nulla  here  is  called  Debee  Koond,  slate  126,  from  the 
circumstance  of  some  forty  years  ago  a  fire  having  sprung  out  and  consumed 
a  Semul  tree,  and  which  spot  has  continued  at  intervals  of  every  four  or 
five  years  to  emit  a  flame ;  I  have  no  doubt  that  some  similar  trick  as  that 
described  by  Captain  Kittoe  is  played  off*  by  the  Bramins  on  discovering 
that  the  stone  would  burn. 

Koureea,  thirteen  and  a  half  miles.  The  road  for  the  first  four  miles  is  hilly 
and  stony,  thin  jungle,  all  sandstone,  then  an  open  cultivated  plain  up  to 
some  low  hills  of  primitive  formation,  syenite  No.  127, 128 ;  cross  the  Nursaha 
nulla,  the  bed  of  which  is  granite  No.  129,  130,  winding  through  low  hills 
round  the  shoulder  of  a  small  hill  at  the  Sunreha  nulla  which  and  the  bed 


902         March  from  Brimhan  Ghat  to  Umurkuntuk.     [No.  105. 

are  sandstone  No.  131 ;  soon  after  cross  the  Muchrar  nulla  (?)  No.  132,  and 
pass  between  two  conspicuous  conical  hills  of  trap  to  the  Kirchola  nulla,  to 
the  right  or  north  of  which  is  a  Koond,  where  an  annual  fair  is  held ;  it 
derives  its  sanctity  from  the  austerities  practised  by  Purutkal,  a  son  of 
Brahma.  In  days  of  yore  the  village  is  said  to  have  been  a  very  considerable 
one.  Our  ground  was  distant  about  a  mile,  on  a  sandstone  eminence, 
with  a  large  tank,  the  village  a  good  sized  one ;  this  and  the  last  march 
both  in  the  Rewah  territory. 

About  two  miles  in  a  northerly  direction  crossing  a  ridge  of—  ?  No. 
133;  there  is  an  extremely  picturesque  cascade  of  the  Muchrar  nulla  over 
a  sandstone  rock,  with  veins  on  the  upper  part  of  indurated  clay,  as  per 
specimens  No.  134,  135,  136,  137. 

Khuntera,  near  the  Mahanuddee  river,  eight  miles.  The  course  of  this 
march  lay  considerably  to  the  south  of  west ;  as  at  Koureea  a  very  conspi- 
cuous peak  called  Bhangraj  is  rounded,  road  good,  and  chiefly  through  culti- 
vation ;  about  six  miles  crossed  the  Mahanuddee  a  considerable  river,  its 
banks  are  sandstone  No.  138,  and  its  bed  rolled  boulders  of  trap.  The 
soil  was  decomposed  trap,  and  the  small  hills  about  the  same. 

Dheemurkherie,  thirteen  miles.  The  road  on  passing  Khuntera  lies  through 
jungle  not  very  thick,  and  chiefly  between  two  low  ranges,  the  formation  of 
which  is  limestone  No.  139.  The  Kirha  nulla  is  crossed  three  or  four  times, 
after  which  a  ridge  of  the  hills  called  Chiraebhar  is  passed  over,  of  the  same 
formation,  and  so  continues  up  to  the  Kukraha  nulla.  From  thence  the  road 
is  fine  cultivated  plain  of  black  soil,  with  trap  hills  about ;  Khoombhee 
about  nine  miles.  Road  through  fine  cultivated  land,  with  large  villages  up 
to  the  ravines,  and  small  hills  on  the  banks  of  the  Heron  which  arelaterite  ; 
at  this  point  terminates  my  notes  on  the  marches. 

Before  concluding,  I  may  make  some  general  remarks  on  the  geological 
features  of  the  Mekul  hills,  three  sides  of  which  we  had  an  opportunity  of 
examining. 

On  passing  along  the  south  face,  after  descending  the  Rajadhar  ghat,  we 
find  that  limestone  is  the  predominant  rock,  all  the  beds  of  the  nuUas 
and  the  lower  part  of  the  range  up  to  Kuttame  being  so,  and  from  thence 
to  the  foot  of  the  Jogee  ghat,  granite,  syenite,  and  gneiss,  characterized 
also  by  an  extreme  dense  forest  jungle,  the  trees  of  which,  especially 
sal,  are  many  of  them  magnificent.  On  the  other,  or  northern  face,  with 
exception  of  some  limestone  at  the  last  descent  of  the  Purey  ghat,  the 
prevailing  rock  of  the  Sohagpoor  plains  is  sandstone,  some  trap  occa- 
sionally shewing  itself  in  beds  of  nuUas,  and  small  conical  hills  rising  out 
of  the  plain.  The  jungle  on  this  side  is  never  dense,  and  the  trees  com- 
paratively stunted.  The  upper  part  of  the  range  is  uniformly  basalt,  capped 


1840.]  March  from  Brimhan  Ghat  to  Umurkuntuk. 


903 


with  laterite ;  a  good  view  is  afforded  at  the  eastern  point  of  the  bluff  rock 
at  Umurkuntuk  overlooking  the  country  towards  Ruttunpoor,  and  again  at 
the  fall  of  Kupildhar,  where  the  Nerbudda  cuts  through  the  laterite,  ex- 
posing the  compact  basalt. 

Fossil  shells  were  found  under  Patungurh,  east  of  the  Mohtura  ghat, 
and  just  above  the  Purey  ghat. 

In  addition  to  the  traces  of  coal  noted  in  the  route  as  found  in  the  bed  of 
the  Johilla  river  near  Palee,  and  in  a  small  nulla  near  Khulesar  Omareea 
of  Rewah,  Mr.  Fraser  had  intelligence  from  natives  of  coal  being  found 
across  the  Soan  in  two  small  nuUas  called  the  Hewye  and  Buroona  nuUas, 
near  the  village  of  Sonhegaon  in  Sohagpoor  district,  specimens  of  which 
accompany  the  present  series. 

In  conclusion,  I  beg  to  forward  the  route  from  Umurkuntuk  to  Jubulpore, 
as  received  from  Lieutenants  Waugh  and  Rennie,  who  in  1833  came  across 
the  country  from  Chunar  to  this. 
M.  F. 

Bad  ghat,  road  good,  village  small. 

Road  good,  village  fair. 

Road  bad. 

Road  fair,  stony. 

Ditto. 

A  ghat,  village  pretty  fair  or  large. 

Road  fair,  village  small. 

Road  bad,  village  fair. 

Road  good,  large  village  (a  tacoor.) 

Stream,  Road  not  good,  village  small. 

Road  good  (from  this  tank  rises  the  Heron) 
Road  very  good,  village  small. 
Road  good. 

Total,     132  2 
Jubulpore,  bth  October,  1840. 


Kurrunjeeah,  ... 

9  0 

Nulla, 

Kudjurwar,     ... 

8  4 

Tank, 

Kunjunpoor,  ... 

12  6 

Nulla, 

Jhilmilla, 

7  0 

Ditto, 

Beedaipoor,     ... 

12  3 

Ditto, 

Saipoor, 

8  0 

Tank, 

Oodhar  nulla, . . 

9  0 

Nulla, 

Burgaon, 

10  0 

Ditto, 

Shaipoora, 

3  6 

Tank, 

Serwae   on    the 

Mahanuddee, 

11   3 

Stream 

Koondum, 

12  0 

Tank, 

Unyher, 

16  4 

Well, 

Jubulpoor, 

12  0 

Note. — The  inscription  copied  by  Dr.  Spilsbury  is  not  of  consequence, 
being,  it  would  appear,  a  mere  record  of  the  name  of  the  decorator  of  the 
place,  a  private  person.  I  have  not  published  a  translation  of  it,  as  my 
Pundit  was  by  no  means  confident  of  his  rendering,  the  original  not  being 
correct.  ill 


904 


Notice  of  Amulets  in  use  hy  the   Trans- Himalayan  Boodhists. — By 
W.  E.  Carte,  Esq. 

Note. — The  kindness  of  W.  E.  Carte,  Esq.  (Surgeon  69tli  Regiment  N.  T.) 
enables  me  to  lay  before  my  readers  the  accompanying  lithographs,  with 
a  note  of  explanation  by  our  Librarian.  Mr.  Carte's  ingenious  interpreta- 
tion of  the  effigies  on  the  scrolls,  was  necessarily  limited  by  his  not  having 
the  means  of  interpreting  the  writing  which  accompanied  them :  I  have 
therefore  omitted  it.  I  owe  to  his  contribution  a  singular  discovery 
connected  with  the  rings,  to  which  Mr.  Carte  alludes.  The  reference  made 
by  him,  induced  me  to  examine  them  more  closely  with  reference  to 
their  relation  to  emblems  in  use  with  Tartar  nations,  and  the  result  goes 
I  think  to  establish  fair  grounds  for  believing  that  they  are  no  other 
than  specimens  of  an  ancient  Chinese  currency,  brought  doubtless  by 
the  Boodhist  pilgrims  from  China  into  Afghanistan.  I  hope  to  submit  a 
further  paper  shortly  on  the  gems  and  antiques  from  the  late  Capt.  Conelly's 
collection,  when  I  shall  be  able  to  state  my  impressions  more  at  length. 

ft 

**  Almora,  3 1st  August,  1840. 

*'  The  accompanying  scrolls  were  obtained  by  me  at  Rampoor  (near 
Kotghur)  in  1838,  from  some  of  the  nomadic  Tartars  who  visit  that 
place  for  the  purpose  of  traffic.  The  scrolls  were  enclosed  in  small 
copper  cylindrical  cases,  with  rings  attached,  and  by  means  of  a  string 
worn  round  the  neck,  perhaps  as  amulets.  I  have  in  vain  endeavour- 
ed to  have  the  printed,  or  written  parts,  decyphered.  The  Brahmins  at 
this  place  avre,  that  they  are  in  the  Sanscrit  language,  though  Tibetan 
character;  and  as  Boodic  mysteries,  were  regarded  by  them  with  so 
much  superstitious  aversion,  not  to  say  horror,  that  they  would  not 
assist  in  expounding  such  heterodox  symbols. 

"  I  am  now  induced  to  forward  them  to  you,  from  the  similarity  which 
some  of  the  figures  delineated  in  them  bear  to  those  on  the  copper 
ring,  described  in  No.  14,  Plate  2,  Fig.  17,  of  the  Journal  Asiatic 
Society,  as  you  will  I  think  immediately  perceive  on  comparison.  The 
hand  in  Fig.  10,  Plate  1,  is  also  conspicuous,  and  perhaps  further 
coincidences  may  occur  to  a  more  experienced  eye  than  mine." 


1840.]  Trans- Himalayan  Boodhist  Amulets,  905 

Remarks  on  the  above.     By  Csoma  de  Koros,  Esq.  Librarian  to  the 

Asiatic  Society. 

With  reference  to  the  two  scrolls  which  were  sent  to  you  from 
Almora,  and  which  you  had  left  with  me,  together  with  a  letter  from 
Mr.  W.  E.  Carte,  on  the  1 7th  ultimo,  I  beg  leave  to  inform  you  that  both 
contain  abstracts  of  some  larger  Tantrika  works,  or  religious  treatises, 
in  Tibetan,  interspersed  with  mantras  in  Sanscrit.  The  first  paper, 
eight  feet  five  inches  long,  of  which  the  figures  take  two  feet  five 
inches,  and  the  text  six  feet,  contains  244  lines  (two  and  a  half  inches 
long  each)  in  printed  Tibetan  character.  I  cannot  exactly  tell  you 
what  the  figures  may  represent,  but  I  think  the  first  is  the  regent,  or 
ruler  of  the  year,  figured  by  a  victorious  king.  The  second  is  a  tortoise, 
with  nine  spots  on  the  belly,  representing  the  lucky  and  unlucky  periods, 
accordingly  as  the  moon  is  affected  by  the  planets  and  constellations, 
during  her  daily  progress  in  her  path.  Then  come  the  twelve  animals, 
after  which  the  years  of  the  cycle  of  twelve  years  are  called,  opposite 
one  to  another,  thus :  the  rat  or  mouse  and  ox ;  tiger  and  hare ;  dragon 
and  serpent ;  horse  and  sheep,  or  ram ;  ape  and  bird  ;  the  dog  and  hog. 
Then  the  amphora  and  pices,  for  the  twelve  zodiacal  signs ; — signs  of 
four  planets,  as  the  sun  and  moon,  for  all  the  rest.  Then  representations 
of  the  four,  eight,  and  ten  corners  of  the  world.  A  king,  h's  minister, 
horse,  elephant,  soldier,  sun,  moon,  eye,  ass,  &c.  Afterwards,  from  the 
head  of  a  bird  downwards,  in.  two  lines,  there  are  Chinese  symbolical 
figures,  or  characters,  having  perhaps  the  same  meaning  as  the  figures 
above  designed.  These  symbolical  characters  were  used  200  years 
before  Jesus  Christ,  under  the  Han  dynasty  ;  the  Tibetans  now  also  use 
them  on  large  square  seals. 

There  are  on  this  paper  five  different  abridged  Tantrika  works,  or 
siitras,  under  distinct  titles,  the  Sanscrit  being  generally  erroneously 
written. 

1.  Contents  of  the  first  sutra.  The  salutation,  only  in  Sanscrit, 
thus:  Namo  Shri  Kalachakraye  (which  should  be  thus:  Namas  Shri 
Kdlachakraya.  English  :  "  Salutation  to  the  circle  of  Time."  The  year, 
month,  day,  and  hour,  are  figured  by  a  prince,  minister,  soldier,  and 
weapon.  All  the  regents  of  the  year,  month,  day,  and  hour ;  those  of 
the  planets,  constellations,  stars,  Nagas,  and  imps  are  requested  to 
look  on  these  symbolical  figures,  and  be  favourable  to  the  person  who 


906  Trans- Himalayan  Boodhist  Amulets.         [No.  105. 

wears  or  carries  with  him  these  symbols  and  mystical  prayers,  that 
he  may  succeed  in  every  undertaking.  Many  particular  businesses  or 
works  (religious,  sacrificial,  civil,  and  economical)  are  here  enumerated, 
and  all  classes  of  divinity  are  requested  not  to  hinder  him  in  any  of 
his  occupations,  but  to  assist  him,  that  he  may  increase  in  prosperity, 
and  see  all  his  works  accomplished.  Here  also  occur  some  mantras  ; 
that,  at  the  end  being  thus :  Om  !  SupratiiMha  Vajraye- Swdhdy 
Mangalam. 

2.  The  second  work  contains  in  Sanscrit,  short  addresses  to  Shakya 
Muni,  to  Vagishwari,  to  Manipadme,  to  Vajra  Pani,  and  to  Vajra  Guru, 
Padma  Siddhi. 

3.  The  third  contains  one  sloka  and  a  half,  in  Tibetan,  with  a  mystical 
formula  in  Sanscrit,  on  the  melodious  recital  of  the  several  attributes  of 
Manju  Shri,  (in  Tibetan,  Jam-pal)  the  god  of  wisdom. — It  is  pretended 
that  this  short  sutra,  taught  by  Shakya  himself,  and  buried  under 
ground  in  the  country  of  Lho-brag,  in  Tibet,  by  Padma  Sambhava 
in  the  9th  century  after  Jesus  Christ,  was  taken  out  and  divulged  by 
Guru  Chos-kyi  d,Vang  phyug. 

4.  This  is  called  the  venerable  sutra,  dispelling  the  darkness  of  the  ten 
corners  of  the  world.  The  salutation  is  especially  addressed  to  Jam- 
pal  (Manju  Shri,  in  Sans.)  and  to  the  ten  Buddhas  in  the  ten  corners 
of  the  world.  In  each  of  the  ten  corners  of  the  world  (four  cardinal, 
four  intermediate,  the  Zenith  and  Nadir)  fancifully  is  named  a  Buddha 
province,  with  a  fancied  Buddha  in  it.  To  each  of  them  successively 
is  addressed  a  set  form  of  salutation,  with  a  short  request,  thus  : 
"  If  I  go  towards  that  corner,  after  having  obtained  my  aim,  grant 
that  I  may  quickly  return  home."  Again  a  request  to  those  Buddhas, 
that  he  who  carries  with  him  this  s(itra,  may  obtain,  together  with  his 
family,  similar  blessings  to  those  granted  to  a  handsome  faced  youth 
by  Shakya,  when  he  first  taught  him  this  sutra.  Then  follow  some  man- 
tras. Lastly,  is  stated  by  whom,  and  in  what  part  of  Tibet  this  sutra, 
was  found,  and  taken  out  from  under-ground. 

5.  This  is  styled  the  "  Sutra  of  eight  lights."  The  salutation  is  ad- 
dressed to  Buddha,  religion,  and  holy  priests,  &c.  There  are  several 
mantras,  or  physical  formulae  in  Sanscrit,  to  avert  any  unlucky 
year,  month,  day,  and  hour,  the  influence  of  any  malignant  planet  or 
star.    Other  mantras  for  preventing  any  unlucky  accident  before  and 


J'lc</:e/''  Prtu/er/  Hr/i 


I     P 


J 


jKale  J^  --^^  Iru^JAdKrM  CviduNu  (J 


3 


1  jj^qii 


MM 


Jfa.t-„u>,^A^l.itkf'res-s     S<*lUii^VO<?. 


J 


rlj'^0  J  "^  ■-  MatwjcnJUTivU 


1840.]  Trans-Himalayan  Boodhist  Amulets.  907 

after  noon.  Then  follow  several  other  mystical  prayers  for  averting 
any  evil  or  calamity,  intended  by  Tshangs-pa  (Sans.  Brahm4)  by  the 
great  god  (Sans.  Maha  Deva).  Then  follows  a  prayer,  that  by  the  re- 
petition of  the  mantras  all  evil  spirits  may  be  driven  away,  all  hostile 
troops  defeated,  and  that  every  wish  may  be  accomplished.  State- 
ment of  the  place  where  this  Sutra  was  found  under  the  ground.  The 
conclusion  is  with  this  mantra  ;  "  Om  !  Vajra  Chan' da  Mahd  Roshana 
Hum,  Phat.  Namas  CharUda  Vajra  Krodhdya,  Hulu  Huluy  Tishtha 
Tishthay  Bandha  Bandha,  Hana  Hana,  Armati  Hum,  Phat, 
Mangalm'' 

The  second  paper  (four  feet  eight  inches  long,  together  with  the  figures 
of  the  twelve  animals,  after  which  the  years  in  the  cycle  of  twelve  years 
are  denominated)  contains,  in  121  lines  three  inches  long  each,  a 
manuscript  copy  of  the  two  last  numbers  of  the  former  paper,  also  a 
rough  sketch  of  the  nine  spots  on  the  belly  of  a  tortoise,  in  a  square ; 
and  afterwards,  successively  downwards,  the  figures  of  the  twelve 
animals  of  the  cycle  of  twelve  years.  The  writing  may  easily  be  read, 
but  the  orthography  is  bad,  and  the  Sanscrit  titles  and  mantras  have  been 
erroneously  transcribed. 

This  is  the  sum  of  the  general  contents  of  the  two  scrolls  worn  by 
the  Tibetans  as  amulets  for  obtaining  the  favour  of  particular  divinities, 
and  for  averting  all  kinds  of  evil  spirits. 

Report  on  the  Country  between  Kurrachee,  Tatta,  and  Sehwan,  Scinde. 
By  Capt  E.  P.  De  la  Hoste,  Assistant  Quarter -Master  General, 

This  portion  of  Scinde  contains  a  space  of  6,934  square  miles ;  the 
position  of  the  above  places  being  as  follows — 

Latitude.  Longitude. 

Kurrachee,  24°  47'   17"  67°     0'  51" 

Tatta,  24°  45'     0"  67°  59'     0" 

Sehwan,  2Q°  22'     0"  68°     7'  52" 

The  soil  may  be  considered  as  generally  light  clay,  although  in  some 
Soil  and  Inhabitants,  places  there  is  a  good  deal  of  sand,  and  in  others 
sandstones  and  pebbles,  mixed  with  the  soil.  The  former  is  in  general 
the  formation  of  the  lower  parts,  whilst  of  the  latter,  the  hilly  tracts 
are  composed.  Where  irrigated  and  manured,  this  soil  is  very  productive, 
but  except  in  the  vicinity  of  the  river  Indus  there  is  little  or  no  cul- 

5  z 


908  Report  on  the  Country  between  [No.  105. 

tivation  in  the  whole  of  the  country  under  description.  Indeed,  with 
exception  of  the  large  towns  above  mentioned,  and  those  permanent 
villages  along  the  right  bank  of  the  Indus  from  Tatta  to  Sehwan,  with 
Gharra  and  Gooja,  there  are  no  fixed  villages  within  the  limits ;  the  in- 
habitants are  consequently  iew,  and  are  chiefly  employed  in  tending  large 
flocks  of  sheep  and  goats,  camels,  and  buffaloes,  in  which  their  wealth 
consists.  Their  habitations  are  as  rude  as  their  appearance,  being  com- 
posed of  a  kind  of  matting  or  tattle,  made  from  a  reed  called  puk  or 
punkah ;  these  resemble  the  huts  seen  in  many  parts  of  India,  in  the 
outskirts  of  villages,  in  which  Wanggries  and  Kolatnees  reside  ;  the  reed 
there  is  called  soilkee ;  when  properly  made  their  tatties  keep  out  the 
rain  and  dust  in  a  wonderful  manner.  The  puk  or  punkah  used  in 
Scinde  is  of  a  much  larger  size,  and  of  a  dark  brown  colour ;  it  is 
easily  rolled  up  when  the  shepherds  require  to  move,  which  they  do 
according  as  the  grass  and  water  become  expended.  These  people,  (it 
will  be  remembered  I  speak  of  the  wandering  tribes,)  are  Belooches, 
Jokias,  and  Soomries. 

The  Belooches  occupy  a  portion  of  the  country  which  would  be  des- 
cribed by  a  line  being  drawn  from  the  end  of  the  Jutteel  Hills  to  Tatta. 
The  Jokias,  the  country  between  Tatta  and  Kurrachee.  And  the  Soom- 
ries the  remaining  part  of  the  district. 

The  former  are  insolent  and  thievishly  inclined,  being  Scindim 
Belooches,  and  patronised  by  the  rulers  of  the  country. 

The  Jokias  are  well  disposed ;  and  the  Soomries  a  quiet,  inoffensiv( 
race,  in  this  part  of  the  country,  whatever  they  may  be  elsewhere. 

From  the  inquiries  I  have  instituted,  I  do  not  believe  that  the 
amount  of  population  in  this  part  of  Scinde  (the  large  permanent 
villages  and  towns  not  included)  exceeds  5  or  6000.  Their  fooc 
is  chiefly  meat ;  grain  is  little  used,  a  substitute  is  found  for  it  by  dry- 
ing and  pounding  a  berry  called  beir,  which  is  mixed  with  water,  an( 
packed  away  in  pots ;  this  with  sour  milk  as  a  beverage,  is  what  the} 
exist  on.  They  derive  some  profit  from  the  coarse  nummuds  made 
from  the  wool  of  their  goats  and  sheep ;  as  also,  since  our  arrival,  fror 
the  quantity  of  the  puk  tattas*  and  mats  that  have  been  disposed 
of  by  them. 

*  These  Tattas  are  not  made  by  the  Soomries,  but  by  the  Seks  and  Lubannas.- 
E.P.D. 


J  840.]  Kurrachee,  Tatta,  and  Sehwan,  Scinde,  909 

The  Revenue  derived  from  this  part  of  Scinde  by  the  Ameers  is  re- 
Kevenue.     alised  chiefly  at  Kurrachee,  which  alone  pays  yearly  one 
lac  of  Rupees,  out  of  which  the  following  sums  are  paid — 
Saduk  Shah  Newaub,   ... 
14  Beloochee  (Jukia)  Sepoys, 
4  Golundauze, 
1  Jemedar  and  20  Sepoys, 
Naqua  Jemadar  of  Kelafsees, 
Alia  Rukka  Jemadar, 
Tukchund, 
AbbasaliShaw, 
Kurrumchund, 
2  Moonshees, 
Inferior  Ditto, 

2  Peons  for  collecting  taxes  on  the  Mahamios  (fisher- 
men) 
Writers  and  Sepoys  for  the  Port 
2  Durwans   (door-keepers  at  Mitta  and  Kara  Gates,) 

2  Attendants  at  principal  Police  station, 
Peon  over  Moochees, .. . 
Paymaster  (Receiver) 
Stationary, 
Oil,      ...  

3  Syyuds,  Pensioners,  

12x 

Annual  Expenditure, 

Expenses  allowed  annually  in  Fort  Munoora,  formerly,    1,344 

Sepoys  (20)  at  5  Rupees,  100 

Water  for  above,  12 


180 

0 

0 

100 

0 

0^ 

20 

0 

0 

120 

0 

0 

17 

0 

0 

35 

0 

0 

35 

0 

0 

25 

0 

0 

37 

0 

0 

24 

0 

0 

5 

0 

0 

16 

0 

0 

19 

0 

0 

11 

0 

0 

7 

0 

0 

4 

0 

0 

7 

8 

0 

7 

8 

0 

2 

8 

0 

24 

8 

0 

724 

8 

0 

3,694 

0 

0 

1,344 

0 

0 

112     +     12 


10,038     0     0 
Annual  Gift  to  Muggar  Peer,  107     0     0 

10,145     0     0 


910  Report  on  the  Country  between  [No.  105. 

The  amount  thus  realised  from  Kurrachee  is  the  produce  of  the  land 
and  sea  customs,  there  being  little  or  no  revenue  derived  from  the 
soil. 

I  can  form  no  idea  here  of  what  the  revenue  of  Tatta  and  Sehwan 
may  be ;  the  tax  on  the  "  Mahamios,"  or  fishermen  on  the  Indus,  is  a 
considerable  source  of  wealth  to  the  rulers  of  the  country.* 

The  only  Rivers  of  any  note  in  this  tract  are  the  Hubb,  (which  rises 

Rivers,  near  Zehrey,  and  enters  the  sea,  west  of  Cape  Monge) 
and  the  Barran ;  the  others,  consisting  of  the  Mulleere  Hurchee,  Leaeer, 
Kowranee,  Rooah,  Peepree,  Goorban,  Murraie,  Pokun,  Warkees,  Kay- 
jooree,  and  Doombeh,  are  all  mountain  streams,  dry  the  greater  part  of 
the  year,  but  water  always  found  by  digging  a  few  feet  in  their 
beds.  I  am  led  to  believe  that  a  sufficient  quantity  might  be 
readily  obtained  (by  excavating  large  pools  in  the  rivers)  for  irri- 
gation, were  the  excessive  taxation  abolished,  and  greater  protec- 
tion afforded  the  cultivators.  This  is  a  matter  of  serious  consideration 
on  the  route  from  hence  to  Sehwan  direct,  as  the  great  difficulty 
now  to  be  overcome,  is  the  want  of  supplies  on  the  line  of  route. 
In  the  Pokun  Kayjooree,  or  Doobee  (the  same  rivers,  only  at  different 
points,  so  called  from  halting  places)  water  would  not  be  found 
probably  without  great  labour,  but  were  holes  or  pits  made,  the 
water  would  remain  in  them.  Their  beds  are  rocky,  the  others  sandy. 

The  Hubb  has  been  traced  from  the  Pubb  hill  to  the  sea,  a  distance 

Hubb.  of  fourteen  and  a  half  miles,  throughout  which  a  depth 
of  water  of  eight  inches  in  the  month  of  September  was  found, 
and  in  some  places  deep  pools,  abounding  with  fish  and  alligators.  The 
river  is  said  never  to  fall  even  in  the  driest  seasons,  and  is  the  chief 
resort  of  the  Soomries  and  Belooches.  This  does  not  appear  to  be 
the  description  of  a  Jine  river^  but  in  this  part  of  Scinde  a  running 
stream  (except  after  rain)  is  seldom  met  with. 

The  Hubb  enters  the  sea  west  of  Cape  Monge  (Mooaree)  and  be- 
tween it  and  the  island  of  Churna  or  Churn.  It  rises  near  Zehrie,  and 
has  been  traced  from  near  Hoja  Jamote,  in  the  route  to  which  place 
a  description  of  it  is  given. 

The  Barran  rises  in  a  mountain  called  Kirter,  north-west  of 
Barran.      Humlanee   thirty   coss,    and  joins   the    Indus   two  and   a 

*  In  preparation — E.P.D. 


1840.]  Kurrachee,  Tatta,  and  Sehwan,  Scinde*  911 

half  furlongs  south  of  Kotree  ;  for  one  mile  from  its  junction  with  the 
great  river  it  contains  a  good  deal  of  water.  It  is  laid  down  on  the 
route  from  Kurrachee  to  Hyderabad  direct. 

The  streams  are  frequently  called  after  the  tribes  that  are  in  the 
habit  of  residing  on  their  banks,  and  indeed  the  villages  or  camps  also 
derive  their  names  from  the  same  source  ;  "  Hoja  Jamote,"  "  Hoja,"  the 
chief  of  that  party,  and  "  Jamote/'  the  name  of  the  tribe,  "  Shah  tra  Gote," 
^'Muhumud  Khan  ke  Tando,"  are  of  this  derivation. 

Hills  are  numerous  in  the  northern  and  north-east  portion  of  this 

Hills,     tract,  and  it  will  be  easy  to  trace  them  by  reference  to  the  map. 

The  ranges  are — 

1 .  The  nearest  to  Kurrachee,  ending  in  Cape  Monge. 

2.  The  Pubb  range,  of  which  that  mountain  is  the  highest  point. 

3.  The  Sahkan  Hill ;  the  Morethe ;  and  Har  More  Pubb. 

4.  Jutteel  Lukki,  Karra,  and  a  number  of  other  detached  hills,  which 
bear  the  names  given  them  in  the  map.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  Lu- 
kki mountains  do  not  hold  the  place  assigned  them  in  most  of  the  maps. 
They  run  from  the  Jutteel  range  nearly  south-west  towards  JHydera- 
bad,  and  from  the  Lukki  pass  (the  town  of  Lukki  near  the  pass  pro- 
bably, gives  it  the  name  of  Lukki)  by  projecting  into  the  Indus.  This 
pass  is  now  nearly  destroyed  by  the  force  of  the  current  of  the  river, 
and  probably  next  year  will  not  exist.  In  these  hills  hot  springs 
are  found,  also  alum  and  sulphur.  The  fort  of  Runnei,  which  I  shall 
have  occasion  to  describe  hereafter,  is  situated  hereabouts. 

The  Jutteel  run  nearly  south-west  from  Sehwan,  are  very  lofty  and 
Jutteel.     steep ;  they  extend   to  Dooba,  or  Domba,   sixty-six  miles, 
and  the  road  direct  from  Kurrachee  to  Sehwan  runs  between  them 
and  another  range,  equally  high. 

It  may  be  said  that  the  tract  of  country  from  Soameanee  to  Sehwan, 
and  from  thence  to  Kurrachee,  contains  scarcely  any  thing  but  hills 
and  mountain  streams.  Lead,  antimony,  alum,  sulphur,  and  copper,  are 
found  in  these  hills. 

The  forts  are  Munoora,  Runnie,  near  the  Indus  ;  Bamboor,  near 
Forts.      Gharra,  Killa  Kote,  near  Tatta ;  the  old  castle  called  Kaffer 
Killa,  near  Sehwan. 

Munoora  will  be  found  described  in  the  report  by  Captain  Harris 
Munoora.     and  myself  on  Kurrachee. 


912  Report  on  the  Country  between  ("No.  105. 

Runnie  ka  Kote  is  situated  two  and  a  half  coss  from  Sunn,  a  town  of 
Runnie.  about  100  houses,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Indus.  It 
was  built  by  Meer  Kurrum  Ali,  and  his  brother  Meer  Morad  Ali 
twenty-seven  years  ago,  cost  twelve  lacs  of  rupees,  and  has  never 
been  inhabited  in  consequence  of  there  being  a  scarcity  of  water  in 
and  near  it.  That  so  large  a  fort  should  have  been  constructed  with- 
out its  having  been  ascertained  beforehand  that  an  article  so  indis- 
pensably requisite,  not  only  for  the  use  of  naan,  but  even  for  the  con- 
struction of  the  walls,  was  wanting,  seems  most  extraordinary ;  but  I  am 
told  that  this  is  the  sole  reason  for  its  having  been  abandoned.  A 
rapid  stream  in  the  rains  runs  past  it  and  joins  the  Indus,  and  by  a 
deviation  from  its  course,  part  of  the  walls  of  this  fort  have  been  de- 
stroyed. The  hill  on  the  north  face  is  the  steepest,  and  from  the  in- 
telligence I  received,  must  be  at  least  800  or  1000  feet  high ;  the  op- 
posite hill  is  of  considerable  height,  and  the  east  and  west  walls  are 
built  on  level  ground,  and  join  those  constructed  on  the  hills  ;  the  whole 
is  of  stone  and  chunam,  forming  an  irregular  pentagon,  and  enclosing 
a  space  capable  of  containing  2000  men. 

The  course  of  the  river  (which  I  believe  to  be  that  described  by  me 
in  the  account  of  Scinde,  written  in  1832  as  Sunn  river)  ran  formerly 
round  the  base  of  the  north  face,  but  about  twelve  years  ago  it  changed 
its  course,  and  destroyed  part  of  the  north-west  wall,  the  distance 
from  that  wall  to  the  river  being  about  400  yards ;  the  bed  of  the 
river  (original  course)  is  described  as  rocky ;  if  so,  nothing  could 
be  more  easy  than  to  deepen  it  at  the  point  where  it  has  taken  a  turn, 
and  construct  a  tunnel  from  thence  to  the  fort,  and  below  the  wall 
(which  must  be  rebuilt  on  arches)  an  excavation  made  inside,  to  receive 
the  water,  and  a  supply  would  be  secured.  It  is  not  surprising  however 
that  this  idea  has  not  occurred  to  those  who  originally  built  the  place, 
without  considering  from  whence  water  was  to  be  obtained.  The  fort  is 
thirty-eight  coss  from  Kurrachee.  I  have  a  survey  of  the  route  to 
within  twenty-seven  coss  of  it,  and  shall  endeavour  to  get  a  rough  survey 
of  the  fort,  as  it  might  be  of  use  as  a  station  for  our  troops.  The 
Ameers,  I  am  told,  would  gladly  give  it  up,  considering  it  of  no  valtte 
from  the  cause  stated. 

Bambour  is  in  the  Gharra creek;  it  is  scarcely  distinguishable  now,  and 
Bambour.     is  reported  to  have  been  the  site  of  a  Kaffir  city  and  fort. 


1 


1840.]  Kurrachee,  Tatta,  and  Sehwan,  Scinde,  913 

Killa  ka  Kote  is  three  miles  south  of  Tatta  (built  by  the  Newabs 
Killa  ka  Kote.    from  Delhi,  it  is  said.) 

There   are    several   traditions   respecting  it;    1   take   the  following 
Kaffir  Killa.    accouut  and  sketch  of  it  from  my  Journal,  kept  during 
the  Scinde  Mission,  April  14,  1832. 

''  This  evening  we  landed  near  the  town  of  Sehwan,  and  after  visiting 
a  ruined  Eadgah,  which  at  a  distance  we  mistook  for  the  fort  built  by 
Alexander,  or  rather  said  to  have  been  built  by  him,  we  discovered 
by  the  aid  of  two  Scindians  that  the  mound  was  north-west  of  the  town, 
through  a  part  of  which  we  walked  and  ascended  the  fort.  It  is  an 
artificial  mound,  eighty  or  ninety  paces  high  ;  on  the  top,  a  space  of  1 500 
feet  by  800  surrounded  by  a  broken  wall ;  we  examined  the  remains 
of  several  old  towers  of  brick,  and  I  took  a  hasty  sketch  of  the  gateway, 
which  is  remarkably  lofty.  The  mound  is  evidently  artificial,  and  the 
remains  of  several  towers  visible.  The  brickwork  seems  to  extend  to 
the  bottom  of  the  mound,  or  at  any  rate  to  a  considerable  depth,  as  we 
could  see  down  the  parts  washed  away  by  the  rains.  A  well  filled  up, 
was  observed.  We  were  told  that  coins  and  medals  were  frequently  found 
on  and  near  the  place,  but  we  were  not  so  fortunate  as  to  obtain  any." 

I  regret  now  having  had  so  little  time  to  devote  to  the  examination 
of  this  fort,  but  think  the  period  of  its  construction  is  not  of  so  an- 
cient a  date  as  is  ascribed  to  it. 

The  resources  of  the  country,  as  far  as  grain,  cloth,  &c.  are  concerned, 

Resources,  are  drawn  from  the  large  towns  near  the  river,  and  its  vici- 
nity.   Cattle,  sheep,  goats,  and  camels,  are  abundant  in  the  desert  tract. 

Grain  is  brought  from  Tatta  and  Sehwan ;  bajary,  wheat,  and  rice, 
principally  brought  from  Larkhanna.  Grass  is  abundant  along  the 
river,  and  in  the  hills  N.  E.  of  Kurrachee.  A  supply  should  be  cut 
and  stacked  in  September  and  October,^  for  the  Scindians  merely  bring 
in  the  daily  supply. 

At  Tatta — cloth,  loongies,  and  carpets ;  at  Sehwan,  carpets,  and  the 

Manufactures,  caps  worn  by  the  Scindians  at  Kurrachee.  I  am  in- 
formed many  articles  of  the  same  sort  are  made. 

Skins  and  hides,  raw  and  tanned,  are  exported  to  Arabia  and  Bom- 
bay.    The  report  on  Kurrachee  includes  this  subject. 

The  only  one   near   Kurrachee  is  the    Peer   Munjah   Musjeia,  and 
Curiosities,     hot   springs,    9   miles   N.E.   of  Kurrachee.      The   hot 


914  Report  on  the  Country  between  [No.  105. 

springs  abound  with  alligators,  and  a  most  disgusting  sight  they  are  ; 
there  are,  it  is  said,  upwards  of  200  of  them,  in  a  small  space  scarcely 
1 20  yards  in  circumference,  some  very  large ;  their  appearance  basking 
in  the  sun  is  not  unlike  a  dried  date  tree.  This  place  has  been  well 
described  by  Lieutenant  Carloss,  Indian  Navy. 

The  climate  of  Lower  Scinde,  out  of  the  influence  of  the  sea  breeze, 

Climate,  is  bad  during  the  months  of  August,  September,  October, 
and  November ;  fevers  are  then  very  prevalent,  and  of  a  very  dan- 
gerous and  obstinate  nature.  The  fact  of  the  whole  of  the  26th 
regiment  having  suffered  from  fever,  (2  Officers  and  one  Havildar  only 
excepted),  3  European  Officers,  and  nearly  100  men  having  died  this 
season,  is  sufficient  proof  of  the  unhealthiness  of  the  climate  in  these 
months,  within  the  influence  of  the  malaria  arising  from  the  inundated 
lands.  Sehwan  is  not  better  I  fear,  for,  from  its  situation  it  is  equally 
open  to  miasma  from  the  marshes  S.  W.  of  it,  and  the  inundated 
country  N.  and  N.  E. ;  most  of  our  people  who  have  been  there  have 
been  attacked  with  fever. 

Kurrachee  has  been  healthy,  and  the  climate  mild  and  temperate;  the 
cold  bracing,  but  not  severe  hitherto,  (16th  December),  a  point  which 
may  be  of  importance  in  fixing  the  site  of  the  cantonment  for  the 
troops  remaining  in  Scinde. 

The  roads  in  this  part  of  Scinde  are,  as  in  most  others,  mere  foot 
Koutes.    paths,  wheeled  carriages  being  unknown ;  better  are  scarcely 
necessary.     Surveys  have  been  made  of  the  following : — 

Kurrachee  to  Tatta  ; 

„  to  Sehwan  ; 

„  to  Kotree  ; 

,,  to  Hubb  River,  and  along  its  bank  to  the  sea  ; 

,,  to  Fort  Munoora  by  land  ; 

,,  to  Hoja  Jamote  ; 

„  to  Mujjah  Veer  ; 

5,  to  Gisiey  Creek  ; 

these  have  been  performed  by  two  guides,  Oree  Sing  and  Essoo 
Rama,  and  my  private  guide,  Kenkaya  Mahadavia  ;  and  a  survey  of  our 
camp,  and  the  country  near  it,  by  Capt.  Boyd,  who  acted  for  me 
during  my  absence  on  sick  certificate. 


1840.]  Kurracheef  Tatta^  and  Sehwan,  Scinde.  915 

The  following  remarks  were  drawn  up  by  me  in  transmitting  copies 
of  the  routes  to  Bombay  : — 

The  routes  forwarded  by  this  day's  post,  December  15th,  are  of  consi- 
derable importance,  since  they  shew  the  present  state  of  the  country  on 
the  right  bank  of  the  Indus,  from  Sehwan  to  the  sea;  from  which  it  will 
be  observed,  that  in  a  line  of  road  extending  in  one  instance  140  miles, 
and  in  another  96,  not  one  single  permanent  village  has  been  met  with, 
although  no  scarcity  of  water  exists  ;  various  causes  are  assigned  for 
this  desolation.  The  revenue  of  the  country  is  reduced  to  that  realized 
at  Kurrachee,  which  averages  one  lac  of  Rupees. 

The  route  from  hence  to  Hyderabad  via  Kotree  has  been  lately 
travelled  by  Lieutenant  and  Mrs.  Travers,  and  by  Lieutenant  Franklin, 
2nd  Grenadiers,  and  his  detachment  of  60  rank  and  file.  No  difficulty 
has  been  experienced;  supplies  of  grain  and  food  were  taken  from  hence  ; 
sheep,  and  goats  are  procurable  on  the  line  of  route.  The  country  is 
quiet,  and  the  few  people  met  with  civil  and  inoffensive  ;  water  is  found 
in  the  beds  of  the  rivers  by  digging  a  few  feet. 

The  above  remarks  are  equally  applicable  to  the  route  from  hence 
to  Sehwan,  which  is  however  of  greater  importance  than  the  former, 
since  it  opens  a  direct  communication  with  the  interior  of  Scinde. 

To  the  merchants  the  discovery  of  this  route  is  of  the  greatest  value, 
since,  by  pursuing  it,  they  avoid  the  delay  and  danger  of  entering  and 
tracking  up  the  Indus  to  Sehwan,  a  journey  of  at  least  one  month; 
which  can  be  performed  in  ten  days  from  Kurrachee.  The  water  com- 
munication from  Sehwan  to  Larkana,  and  to  the  Indus  by  the  Arul  and 
Narra,  is  highly  advantageous,  since  the  rapid  current  is  avoided,  which 
is  an  obstacle  in  the  Indus. 

The  route  from  Kurrachee  to  Hoja  Jamote,  in  the  vicinity  of  Kanaraj 
river,  has  proved  the  existence  there  of  lead  and  antimony.  The  in- 
formation I  have  obtained  in  consequence,  of  the  existence  of  copper 
near  Beyla,  is  also  of  importance ;  and  may  hereafter  be  turned  to 
account. 

It  remains  only  for  me  to  speak  of  the  boats  and   boatmen,  the 

Boats  and  Boatmen.  harbour  of  Kurrachee  having  been  described  in 
a  former  report.  The  boatmen  are  all  Mahomedans,  and  called  Moanas. 
They  are  respectable  and  hardy  fellows,  and  not  of  the  same  description 
as  the  Mohannas  of  Upper  Scinde,  and  on  the  river.    The  wives  of  the 

6  A 


916    Report  on  the  Country  between  Kurrachee,  ^c.     [No.  105. 

latter  are  called  Koblee,  and  are  not  remarkable  for  their  fidelity,  a  point 
which  causes  their  husbands  to  be  looked  down  on. 

The  tonnage  for  boats  on  the  river  is  calculated  by  a  measure  called 
Kharar,*  which  in  the  measurement  of  boats  is  equal  to  three  Bombay 
candies,  making  the  Kharar  —  lbs.  English. 

But  at  Kurrachee  the  tonnage  is  calculated  in  candies.  The  follow- 
ing measures  are  in  use  at  Kurrachee.  Four  Chotallo,  one  Pattee ;  six- 
teen Pattee,  one  Kassa ;  sixty  Kassa  one  Kharar ;  one  Kharar,  ninety 
Bombay  maunds. 

In  measuring  grain  the  Kharar  varies  in  size,  thus ;  bajery  and  wheat 
three  and  a  half  candies  one  kharar;  rice,  three  and  a  three-quarter 
candies  one  kharar. 

Description  of  Boats  belonging  to  the  harbour  of  Kurrachee. 

Kotia. — The  Kotia  resembles  botells  used  in  India,  it  has  a  flat  stern 
and  round  bottom,  and  does  not  fall  over  much,  when  ground. 

Dinjee. — The  Dinjee  is  sharp  bowed,  bottom,  and  stern,  and  must 
be  supported  by  props  when  aground,  like  the  pallymar  used  in  India, 
excepting  having  a  high  stem  or  poop. 

The  former  are  heavy  sailers,  the  latter  speedy. 
Camp  Kurrachee, 

December  26th,  1839. 


Narrative  of  facts  attending  the  Wreck  of  the  Transport  ^^  Indian  OaK 
on  the  Loochoo  Islands ;  communicated  from  the  Political  Secrata- 
riat  Office^  Government  of  India. 

To  C.  B.  Gkeenlaw,  Esq., 

Secretary  to  the  Marine  Boards  Calcutta. 
Sir, 

The  last  letter  I  had  the  honor  to  forward  to  your  address,  was  from 
Singapore,  dated  23rd  June;  on  the  following  day  I  sailed  for  Macao  in 
the  transport  "  Hooghly,"  taking  with  me  the  transport  "  Clifton,"  as 
directed  by  His  Excellency  the  Admiral  and  Commander-in-Chief ;  and 
arrived  with  the  above  ships  at  Macao  on  the  12th  July,  where  I  received 
further  instructions  to  proceed  with  the  ships  under  my  orders  to  Chu- 

*  **  Khur  waw  "  literally. 


1840.]  Wreck  of  the  Transport  "  Indian"  Oak,  917 

san,  and  arrived  at  the  latter  port  on  the  28th  July,  where  I  joined  the 
Admiral  and  fleet.  His  Excellency  the  Admiral  directed  me  to  return 
to  Singapore,  and  assume  the  duties  of  Resident  Agent  for  transports 
at  that  port ;  in  pursuance  of  which,  I  was  directed  by  Commodore  Sir 
J.  J.  G.  Bremer  to  join  the  transport  "  Indian  Oak"  for  a  passage  to  the 
latter  place.  We  sailed  from  Chusan  on  the  10th  of  August,  and  on 
the  14th  instant  following,  I  regret  to  say,  were  wrecked  on  the  Great 
Loochoo  Island,  in  lat.  26°  21'  46"  N.,  about  10  miles  to  the  north- 
ward of  the  principal  place,  Napakiang  ;  and  longitude  by  the  "  Indian 
Oak's"  chronometer  127°  12'  45"  E.,  which  now  proved  to  have  been  full 
thirty  miles  too  far  west.  For  particulars,  I  cannot  do  better  than  refer 
you  to  the  enclosed  copy  of  a  letter  addressed  to  Commodore  Sir  J.  J.  G. 
Bremer,  forwarded  through  the  chief  officer,  Mr.  Field,  who  succeeded 
in  making  Chusan  in  the  launch,  and  returned  to  our  relief  with  H.  M's. 
ships  "  Nimrod"  and  "  Cruizer"  on  the  16th  September.  As  the  junk 
mentioned  in  my  letter  to  the  Commodore  had  been  built,  and  nearly 
completed,  in  which  it  was  our  intention  to  have  proceeded  to  Singapore, 
Captain  Barlow,  senior  officer,  was  of  opinion,  that  she  might  be  useful  to 
the  force  at  Chusan,  and  determined  on  sending  the  "  Cruizer"  back 
with  the  mails  and  despatches  on  the  following  day,  and  remain  to  ac- 
company the  junk.  When  all  being  completed,  and  the  stores  and 
crew  of  the  "  Indian  Oak"  embarked  on  the  junk,  I,  with  Mr.  Payne  my 
writer,  embarked  on  the  "  Nimrod,"  and  sailed  on  the  29th  of  September 
for  Chusan,  where  H.  M's.  ship  "  Nimrod,"  with  the  junk  "  Loochoo," 
arrived  on  the  5  th  instant. 

I  should  not  do  justice  to  my  own  feelings,  or  to  those  kind  Islanders, 
the  Loochooers,  were  I  to  omit  stating,  and  bringing  to  the  notice  of 
government,  the  very  great  kindness  and  hospitality  received  from 
the  moment  of  our  landing  to  the  date  of  our  departure,  which  was 
uniform  from  the  first  to  the  last,  with  the  exception  that  we  were  not 
allowed  to  pass  into  the  interior,  or  exceed  the  limits  of  our  compound 
beyond  the  wreck  ;  our  own  contrymen  could  not  have  been  kinder. 
They  not  only  built  a  vessel  of  150  to  180  tons  burthen,  but  gave  us 
a  plentiful  supply  of  provisions  during  our  stay  of  forty-six  days  on  the 
island,  and  one  month's  provision  for  every  person  in  the  junk  ;  they 
also  furnished  H.  M's.  ships  with  water  and  fresh  supplies  during 
their  stay,    declining  to  receive  any  thing  in  the  shape  of  payment 


918  Wreck  of  the  Transport  '^Indian  Oak,''     [No.  105. 

in  return  ;  stating  they  neither  wanted  gold  or  silver,  but  in  the  event 
of  any  of  their  own  vessels  falling  on  the  coasts  of  any  of  our  settle- 
ments in  distress,  that  we  would  treat  their  people  with  the  same 
kindness,  and  send  them  back  to  their  country.  The  only  return 
they  accepted  was  a  telescope  from  myself,  and  one  presented  by 
Captain  Barlow,  with  twelve  copies  of  the  Saturday  and  Penny  Maga- 
zines, a  small  print,  and  a  looking  glass  in  the  name  of  Her  Britannic 
Majesty. 

In  conclusion,  I  can  only  regret  my  inability  to  do  full  justice 
to  those  kind,  hospitable,  and  good  people.  In  my  letter  to  Sir  J.  J. 
Gordon  Bremer,  I  stated  the  latitude  of  the  wreck  to  have  been  26°  11', 
which  is  wrong,  and  which  mistake  was  occasioned  by  an  error  in  the 
sextant,  that  I  did  not  discover  until  after  the  departure  of  the  long 
boat ;  the  true  latitude  however  is  26°  21'  46"  N.  both  by  double  alti- 
tudes and  altitudes  of  the  Pole  Star,  all  taken  on  a  false  horizon,  at  the 
village  of  Peekoo. 

As  I  have  kept  a  journal  of  occurrences  during  our  stay  in  Loochoo, 
should  it  be  requisite,  I  shall  be  able  to  furnish  full  particulars  of  every 
occurrence,  winds,  weather,  &c.,  that  took  place  until  my  departure 
in  H.  M's.  "  ship  Nimrod."  His  Excellency  the  Commander-in-Chief 
has  directed,  that  I  should  hold  myself  in  readiness  to  proceed  to 
Manilla,  with  two  or  three  transports,  in  which  sick  troops  are  to  be 
embarked  for  a  change  of  air  and  fresh  supplies.  On  receiving  further 
instructions,  I  shall  not  fail  to  apprise  you  of  my  movements  by 
the  first  opportunity.  ^^_ 

H.  Go's.  Transport,  Futty  Salam,  f  Signed  J  J.  J.  R.   BoWMAN,    ^^ 

Chusan  Harbour.  Agt.  for  Transports,  Eastern  Expedition. 

l^th,  October,  1840. 


To  Sir  J.  J.  G.  Bremer,  K.C.B.  &  K.C.H. 

Commodore  of  the  \st  Class. 
Sib, 

It  is  with  sincere  and  deep  regret,  that  I  have  to  report  the  loss 
of  H.  M's.  transport,  ''Indian  Oak,"  R.  Grainger,  Master,  on  one  of  the 
Loochoo  Islands,  on  the  14th  instant,  about  II  a.m.  The  following  heads 
of  occurrences  will  I  hope  afford  you  all  the  information  I  am  at 
present  able  to  give,  on  this  most  unfortunate  event. 


1840.]  Wreck  of  the  Transport  ''  Indian  Oak.''  919 

Monday y  lOth  August.  Parted  company  with  H.  M's.  ship  "  Alli- 
gator," off  Keeto  Point,  Chusan,  and  passed  out,  between  the  Buffalo's 
Nose  and  the  Quesan  Islands. 

At  9  P.M.  the  S.  Easternmost  Island,  Pata-hecock,  bore  EbN.  4  to 
5  miles,  blowing  a  fresh  breeze  from  the  northward,  steered  SEbE. 

Noon,  Tuesday  llth.-^ln  Lat.  by  Obs.  28^^  26'  17";  Long.  Ch.  123'' 
24'  15"  E.  departure  taken  from  Chusan  said  to  be  in  122^  6'  E. 
of  Greenwich  ;  at  this  time  blowing  a  hard  gale  from  NNE.  with  a 
high  sea  ;  the  ship  was  reduced  to  close-reefed  topsails,  and  topgallant 
yards  sent  down  on  deck.  Bar.  29°  63'. 

Midnight.  Severe  gale  and  high  sea,  Bar.  29°  50'. 
Noon,  Wednesday  12^A.— Lat.  Obs.  27°  13'  22"  N.  ;  Long.  Ch.  124° 
55'  45"  E.  ;  Bar.  29°  40' ;  ship's  main  rigging  very  slack,  and  in  great 
danger  of  losing  the  main-mast ;  sent  down  the  gallant  mast,  and  swifted 
the  rigging  in.  Furled  the  fore  and  mizen-topsails,  and  hove  to  under 
close-reefed  main- topsails. 

Midnight.  Gale  very  severe  from  the  northward,  blowing  in  gusts, 
with  rain  and  a  very  high  sea.  Bar.  29°  35'. 

Noon,  Thursday  13^A.— Lat.  Obs.  26^^  29',  N. ;  Long.  Ch.  124°  51'  E. ; 
Bar.  29°  35',  p.m.  3,  somewhat  more  moderate,  set  the  fore-topsail 
and  steered  EbS. 

6  P.M.  Set  fore-sail,  and  at  10  p.m.  set  the  main-sail.  Midnight  strong 
gales  and  hard  squalls. 

Friday,  l^th. — 10  a.m.  course  per  log,  from  noon  of  yesterday, 
allowing  one  point  lee-way  for  the  heave  of  the  sea,  placed  the 
ship  in  as  follows  : — Course  per  log  166°  30'  E.  121  miles.  Lat.  D.  R. 
26°  51'  N.  ;  Long.  R.  R.  127°  2',  from  which  Capt.  Grainger  consi- 
dered himself  well  to  the  SW.  of  the  Loochoo  Group,  when  in  the 
act  of  working  up  the  above  reckoning,  discoloured  water  was  reported 
by  the  officer  of  the  watch,  and  the  ship  immediately  hauled  up  SSW. 
the  wind  previously  having  hauled  to  the  NW.  in  a  very  severe  squall, 
shifted  to  the  westward  of  the  ship,  broke  off  the  SSE. ;  land  and  breakers 
were  now  seen  on  our  lee  quarter,  extending  to  SSW.  on  our  weather 
bow;  wore  ship  and  stood  to  the  northward,  at  this  time  the  fore-top- 
mast staysail,  fore-topsail,  and  foresail,  were  blown  out  of  the  bolt 
ropes  ;  found  ourselves  unable  to  weather  the  north  point  of  the  Island, 
off  which  was  a  long  extent  of  heavy  breakers,  and  a  very  high  sea 


920  Wreck  of  the  Transport  ^'Indian  Oak,''     [No.  105. 

running;  the  weather  being  so  very  thick,  the  land  was  scarcely 
discernible,  although  not  more  than  three  nailes  off.  Finding  ourselves 
embayed,  and  no  possibility  of  saving  the  ship,  wore  with  the  hope  of 
saving  the  lives  of  the  crew,  and  stood  to  the  southward  for  what 
appeared  an  opening,  but  which  proved  only  a  small  inlet  or  bay,  full 
of  breakers.  The  heavy  sea  and  the  want  of  sail,  setting  us  fast  on  the 
shore,  between  10-30,  and  11  a.  m.  struck  on  an  extensive  rocky 
ledge,  extending  about  two  miles  from  the  shore,  with  numerous  rocky 
patches,  just  a-wash.  The  sea  now  made  a  clean  breach  over  the  ship ; 
she  shortly  after  fell  over  on  her  beam-ends,  and  broke  her  back  about 
the  chess  tree,  the  fore  part  falling  in  deep  water.  Cut  away  the 
main  mast,  and  some  time  after  the  mizen  mast.  All  hands  now  col- 
lected aft,  under  the  poop,  and  on  the  weather  quarter  and  mizen 
chains.  On  the  ship's  falling  over,  lost  the  larboard  quarter  boat 
which  was  washed  on  shore,  by  which  we  observed  the  tide  to 
be  falling. 

The  gale  now  increasing  to  a  severe  hurricane,  with  heavy  rain,  our 
only  remaining  hope  was  in  getting  a  rope  on  shore.  The  first  attempt 
to  carry  a  line  on  shore  was  made  by  William  Bagburn  (seaman  sent 
from  the  Blenham)  but  owing  to  the  strong  drawback,  failed,  and 
was  with  some  risk  hauled  in  ;  a  second  attempt  with  the  lead  line 
was  made  by  a  lascar,  who  succeeded  in  reaching  the  shore  (greatly 
exhausted  and  cut  by  the  rocks)  but  lost  the  line.  About  this  time 
a  number  of  natives  came  down  and  motioned  us  to  land.  An 
attempt  was  now  made  to  get  the  jolly  boat  out,  which  was  stowed 
on  the  launch,  but  in  doing  so,  she  was  stove  to  pieces.  Several 
attempts  were  now  made  with  hatches,  gratings,  and  oars,  all  of 
which  failed,  owing  to  the  line  fouling  the  rocks;  two  more  attempts 
were  made,  by  two  lascars,  to  carry  the  log  line  on  shore,  one  of 
whom  succeeded,  and  the  end  of  the  deep  sea  lead  line  got  on 
shore,  but  which  also  fouled  the  rocks,  and  was  thereby  rendered  use- 
less. The  tide  coming  in,  all  the  Islanders  with  our  two  men  left 
the  reef ;  our  only  remaining  hope  being  in  the  strength  of  the  ship, 
and  the  after  part  holding  together.  As  the  tide  came  in,  the  wind 
and  sea  increased  ;  the  latter  making  a  complete  breach  over  all, 
fore  and  aft,  and  throwing  pieces  of  sheathing  and  copper  over  the 
vessel  in  all  directions.    Finding  it  impossible  to  hold  on  longer  on 


« 


1840.J  Wreck  of  the  Transport  ''  Indian  Oak.''  921 

the  outside,  all  hands  got  under  the  poop,  with  the  ship  on  her  beam 
ends  and  deck  nearly  perpendicular. 

As  the  tide  came  in,  the  sea  gradually  hove  the  vessel  higher  on  the 
reef  until  she  lodged  on  a  small  ledge  of  rocks.  Our  rudder  was  torn 
off  with  part  of  the  counter  shortly  after  striking,  through  which  the  sea 
rushed  into  the  poop  and  lower  cabins.  Each  sea  that  struck  the  vessel. 
Shook  her  very  frame.  Closely  huddled  together  under  the  poop,  were 
the  commander,  officers,  passengers,  and  crew,  drenched  by  every  sea, 
and  shivering  with  cold,  most  of  us  having  thrown  off  all  clothes, 
as  it  was  likely  to  impede  swimming.  We  remained  in  this  state  until 
about  i  past  11  p.m.,  when  the  tide  having  receded,  and  the  weather 
considerably  moderated,  we  found  ourselves  much  nearer  the  shore,  and 
comparatively  smooth  under  the  lee.  Sounded  on  the  lee  side,  and  found 
only  from  five  to  six  feet  water  ;  immediately  piped  all  hands  on  shore, 
the  mizen  mast,  yards,  and  gaff  forming  a  raft.  All  hands  got  on  shore, 
including  the  sick,  in  safety,  with  exception  of  a  few  cuts  and  bruises 
from  the  rocks.  All  the  crew  and  passengers  having  got  on  shore, 
myself,  the  commander  and  officers  followed,  and  after  walking  about 
a  mile  over  a  rocky  ledge,  towards  some  lights  at  high  water  mark, 
were  met  by  a  party  of  the  Islanders,  and  greeted  with  kind  hospitality, 
hot  tea  and  rice  being  served  out  to  every  man.  Nothing  can  show 
their  hospitality  in  a  stronger  light  than  the  following : — I  had  nothing 
on  but  a  shirt  and  drawers,  drenched  to  the  skin  ;  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal men  noticing  my  situation,  took  off  his  outer  jacket  or  coat, 
and  insisted  on  my  putting  it  on.  After  resting  on  the  beach  a  short 
time,  we  were  conducted  to  a  comfortable  dwelling,  or  court  house, 
where  dry  clothing  was  given  to  all  who  stood  in  need,  and  we  were  again 
regaled  with  warm  tea,  rice,  eggs,  and  fowls.  Words  are  not  adequate 
to  express  the  kindness,  attention,  and  hospitality  we  have  received 
from  the  first  moment  of  landing  to  the  present  time,  from  these 
kind  and  good  people ;  their  honesty  is  beyond  praise, — articles  of 
silver,  gold,  and  wearing  apparel  strewed  in  every  direction  to  dry, 
but  not  an  article  touched. 

Most  of  our  wearing  apparel  has  been  saved,  but  all  more  or  less 
damaged  from  being  drenched  for  several  days  in  the  sea.  Several 
dozens  of  the  Commander's  wine  and  beer  have  also  been  saved, 
but  I  regret  to  say  little  of  the  ship's  provisions.     We  are  entirely 


922  Wreck  of  the  Transport  '^  Indian  Oak,''       [No.  105. 

dependant  on  these  good  people,  who  have  up  to  the  present  time  sup- 
plied us  abundantly. 

For  all  further  particulars,  I  refer  you  to  the  bearer,  Mr.  Field,  first 
officer  of  the  late  ship  "  Indian  Oak,"  whose  conduct  throughout  this 
trying  occasion  has  been  most  meritorious  ;  and  in  nothing  more  so,  than 
at  present,  in  volunteering  to  proceed  in  the  launch  to  Chusan,  as  the 
bearer  of  intelligence  most  unfortunate,  and  I  fear  of  serious  disap- 
pointment and  loss  to  the  expedition  generally,  which  no  one  can 
feel  more  than  myself  I  can  give  you  no  description  of  the  place, 
as  we  are  not  allowed  to  go  beyond  the  limits  of  our  dwelling,  except  to 
the  wreck. 

From  altitudes  taken  in  a  false  horizon  for  the  Chronometer,  and 
several  altitudes  of  the  Pole  Star,  I  make  the  geographical  position  of 
our  dwelling,  about  two  miles  east  of  the  wreck,  as  follows  : — 
By  a  meridian  altitude  of  the  sun  from  the!     q^o  ii/  oah  -s^ 

wreck,  about  1|^  miles  horizon,       J 

By  several  altitudes  of  the  Pole  Star  taken!     g/»o  yy  nnn 
in  an  artificial  horizon,    i 

Long,  by  Chronometer,       127*  12' 45"  E. 

from  which  I  conclude  we  are  on  one  of  the  small  Islands  to  the  west- 
ward of  the  Great  Loochoo ;  but  the  natives  whenever  questioned,  say 
we  are  on  the  larger  Island,  but  jealous  of  our  gaining  any  know- 
ledge of  their  Island,  invariably  evade  the  question  ;  they  however  have 
promised  to  build  a  vessel  to  take  us  to  Singapore,  of  the  following 
dimensions,  which  they  say  shall  be  ready  in  two  months,  viz. 
66  feet  long,  23  ditto  broad,  7|  ditto  hold. 

I  trust  however  Mr.  Field  will  succeed  in  reaching  Chusan  in  safety, 
from  whence  I  feel  assured  speedy  relief  will  be  sent,  with  this  hope, 
and  full  confidence  in  a  good  God, 

I  am,  &c. 
Loochoo  Islands,      "4  (Signed)     J.  J.  R.  Bowman, 

2^th  August,  1840.    j  Agent  for  Transports,  Eeastern  Expedition- 

P.S. — Since  writing  the  above,  I  have  been  assured  by  one  of  the 
principal  men,  that  we  are  on  the  Great  Loochoo ;  this  from  what  I 
can  see  of  the  land  from  the  wreck,  is  my  opinion,  also  ;  judging  from 
Captain  Hall's  description  of  Napaking  Harbour,  the  wreck  lays  a  little 
to  the  southward  of  Abbey  Point,  in  the  above  place.     If  I  am  right, 


1840.]  Wreck  of  the  Transport  "  Indian  Oak?'  923 

and  what  the  islanders  state  is  correct,  the  longitude  shown  by  the  "  In- 
dian Oak's"  chronometer,  must  be  twenty-five  miles  too  far  west.  I 
have  had  no  opportunity  of  getting  a  lunar  as  yet,  but  shall  endeavour 
to  do  so  by  the  first  opportunity.  1  have  also  to  add,  that  every  cir- 
cumstance relating  to  Chusan  and  the  fleet,  has  been  kept  a  secret  from 
the  Islanders,  fearing  it  might  operate  against  us,  as  they  are  tributary 
to  China,  and  now  fitting  out  two  junks  for  Amoy.  I  trust  however 
we  shall  be  relieved  from  our  present  painful  situation  before  these  or 
other  vessels  return.  Mr.  Field,  the  bearer,  I  hope  leaves  to-morrow. 
[  have  the  pleasure  to  state  the  dispatches  and  letters  are  saved,  but 

more  or  less  wet  with  sea-water. 

f  Signed  J  J.  J.  R.  B. 


Note. — I  lose  no  time  in  publishing  the  above  interesting  narrative, 
rhe  natives  of  the  Loochoo  Islands  seem  to  preserve  unimpared  the 
kindness  of  disposition,  whicli  distinguished  them  when  Basil  Hall  visited 
that  distant  archipelago,  although  some  greater  degree  of  caution  and 
strictness  as  respects  intercourse  with  the  interior,  on  the  part  of  foreigners, 
seems  now  to  obtain  among  them,  than  was  the  case  when  Englishmen 
first  became  intimately  acquainted  with  them.  Of  Captain  Beechey's  sub- 
sequent visit,  there  exists  I  believe  no  published  account ;  and  although  Mr. 
Iradescant  Lay,  the  naturalist,  who  accompanied  that  officer,  has  published 
a  notice  of  the  Bonin  Islands,  he  has  not  included  (I  speak  from  memory) 
in  his  work  any  detailed  mention  of  the  Loochoooans.  A  narrative  of  the 
Russian  Captain  Creusensturn's  voyage  to  Loochoo  has  I  believe  appeared 
on  the  continent,  but  I  have  never  seen  the  book.  The  accidental  sojourn 
of  Captain  Bowman  and  his  party  among  these  kindly  islanders,  is  an 
occurrence  of  much  interest ;  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  no  Englishman 
wiU  ever  abuse  their  hospitality,  nor  fail  to  requite  it,  when  the  occasion 
may  offer  of  returning  it  in  kind.  ili 


6b 


924 

Notes  on  the  Eusofzye  tribes  of  Afghanistan.  By  the  late  Capt.  Edward  Conolly. 

The  country  of  tlie  Eusofzyes>  is  naturally,  and  by  themselves,  divided 
into  the  Sum,  (a  Pushtoo  word  signifying  a  plain)  and  the  Kohistan  or 
hilly  districts,  comprising  the  valleys  of  Chumla,  Booneer,  Swat,  &c.  and  the 
physical  characteristics  of  the  two  divisions  are  hardly  more  opposed  to 
each  other,  than  are  the  manners  and  condition  of  their  respective  in- 
habitants.    The  present  memoir  will  treat  chiefly  of  the  Sum,  with  a  few 
exceptions  (to  be  hereafter  mentioned) ;  the  whole  of  this  tract  is  peopled 
by  that  great  branch  of  the  Eusofzyes,  called  the  Munder.''  Scattered  over  a 
perfectly  level  plain,  every  where  practicable  for  guns,  in  villages  which 
mutual  jealousy  prevents  them  from  fortifying  even  with  walls,  the  Mun- 
ders   have   always   been   exposed  to  the  inroad  of  foreign  invaders,   and 
seem  in  consequence  to  have  early  sought  the  protection  of,  and  willingly 
to  have  submitted  to,  some  one  chief  of  their  own  clan ;  though  their  peculiar 
democratic  institutions  prevented  their  acknowledging  obedience  to  any 
minor  authority,  if  we  except  that  capricious  and  limited  deference  which 
custom  has  accorded  to  the  petty  Mulliks.    The  Mullikzyes,  a  powerfiil  and 
numerous  tribe,  whose  principal  seat  is  Yar  Hossein,  the  largest  village  in 
the  Sum,  are  said  formerly  to  have  given  a  Khan  to  the  Munders;^  but 
the  chieftainship  has  been  in  the  family  of  Punjtar   since  the  days   of 
Aurungzebe,  whose  letters  patent  it  still  possesses.  Though  in  the  confusion 
consequent  on  the  dismemberment  of  the  monarchy,  several  chiefs  have 
risen  to  limited  authority  in  the  Sum,  all  of  them  acknowledge  as  their 
rightful  head — ^if  they  have  ceased  to  pay  obedience  to  the  descendants  of— 
Bagho  Khan,  the  founder  of  that  family,  and  these  alone  possess  the  power 
of  life  and  death,  the  Beri  Kheil  (that  of  Bagho)  being  regarded  with  a 
respect  hardly  inferior  to  that  paid  by  the  Dauranees  to  their  Sudozyes.  ■* 

Futteh  Khan,  sixth  in  descent  from  Bagho,  died  a  few  days  before  I  left 
Peshawer.  The  high  character  he  supported  during  a  period  of  peculiar 
difficulty,  and  the  light  which  his  history  throws  on  the  present  condition 
of  the  Eusofzyes,  require  that  a  slight  sketch  of  hia  career  should  be  given. 
It  was  during  the  short,  but  brilliant  reign  of  Syud  Ahmed,^  whose  prin- 
cipal supporter  he  was,  and  to  whom  he  may  be  said  to  have  given  the 
crown,  that  Futteh  Khan  obtained  his  greatest  power;  not  only  the 
Munders,  but  the  Eusofs  of  Swat  and  Booneer  seem  to  have  acknowledged 
him  as  their  head  and  leader  at  this  period,  but  on  the  defeat  and  death 
of  the  Syud  Badshah,  the  consequence  of  Futteh  Khan  became  daily  less 
and  less.  The  Sikhs  flushed  with  victory,  poured  large  armies  and  large 
treasures  into  the  plain,  and  by  bribing  some,  and  intimidating  others,  con- 
trived, if  they  could  not  get  possession  of  the  country,  to  weaken  it  by 
exciting  jealousies  and  divisions  among  the  petty  tribes,  and  by  substitu- 
ting numerous  small  lordships  in  the  place  of  one  common  interest.    The 


1840.]        Notes  on  the  Eusofzye  tribes  of  Afghanistan,  925 

people  of  the  hills,  particularly  those  of  Booneer,  who  had  been  the 
principal  supporters  of  the  Sum  against  its  foreign  enemies,  disheartened 
by  their  losses  at  Noushera,^  contented  themselves  with  brooding  over  their 
disgrace,  and  rarely  ventured  to  leave  their  fastnesses ;  and  it  seemed 
likely  that,  in  spite  of  the  difficulties  opposed  by  the  differences  of  their 
religions,  the  disunited  Munders  would  shortly  fall  an  easy  prey  to  the 
victorious  and  one-minded  Sikhs.  One  man  alone  prevented  this.  As  his 
physical  resources  and  apparent  means  of  resistance  grew  less,  the  courage, 
the  moral  influence,  and  it  may  almost  be  said,  the  actual  strength  of 
Futteh  Khan  increased.  Punjtar  is  a  cluster  of  five  small  villages,  not 
containing  altogether  500  houses,  situated  at  the  upper  extremity  of  a 
valley,  which  opens  into  the  Sum.  It  is  a  place  of  no  strength  whatever, 
not  even  being  surrounded  by  a  wall,  and  the  road  to  it  is  open  and  prac- 
ticable for  guns ;  biit  such  was  the  terror  inspired  by  the  name  of  its  chief, 
that  for  many  years  it  remained  the  bugbear  of  the  Sikhs,  and  their  largest 
armies  never  ventured  to  approach  it.  At  last  a  force  of,  it  is  said,  15,000 
men  with  guns,  and  under  an  European  officer,  ascended  the  valley.  The  in- 
habitants were  amused  with  proposals  for  an  accommodation,  and  during 
the  night,  guns  having  secretly  been  conveyed  to  the  top  of  a  hill  which 
commands  the  place,  an  attack  was  made  on  the  unfortified  little  villages. 
Of  the  few  Punjtaris  thus  taken  by  surprize,  the  greater  number  hastened 
to  place  their  families  out  of  reach  of  the  fiiry  of  the  Sikhs ;  but  all  those 
not  encumbered  with  wives  and  children,  some  2  or  300  only,  with  Futteh 
Khan  and  the  Moullas  at  their  head,  unappalled  by  the  overpowering  masses 
of  the  enemy,  made  a  stand,  and  maintained  an  unequal  fight  for  many 
hours.  Futteh  Khan  himself  swore  not  to  retreat,  and  was  at  last  carried 
off  the  field  by  force  in  the  arms  of  his  soldiers.  The  Sikhs  destroyed  the 
principal  village  and  mosque,  but  retreated  the  next  day,  lest  the  Booneeris 
should  be  down  upon  them ;  nor  have  they  since  revisited  Punjtar.  Futteh 
Khan  made  a  vow  to  pray  in  the  open  air  till  he  had  burned  some  house 
of  images,  and  shortly  afterwards  with  a  few  followers,  in  pursuance  of  his 
vow,  he  crossed  the  river,  attacked  a  Sikh  town,  and  levelled  its  Dhurmsalla 
with  the  ground. 

Runjeit  Singh  was  fully  aware  of  the  importance  of  conciliating  an 
enemy  so  spirited  and  implacable.  He  offered  Futteh  Khan  a  jageer  of 
three  lacs,  and  to  support  him  as  Khan  of  all  the  Eusofzyes,  if  he  would 
only  nominally  acknowledge  himself  his  subject,  by  sending  him  a  hawk 
or  two,  or  a  horse  as  a  tribute.  Most  of  the  Khan's  friends,  and  even  the 
Moullas  recommended  not  that  he  should  degrade  himself  into  a  pensioner 
of  the  infidel,  but  that  he  should  send  a  horse  to  the  Maharaja  as  an 
exemption  from  the  annoyances  and  anxieties  to  which  the  vicinity  of  the 
Sikh  troops  exposed  them ;  but  the  Khan  was  inflexible  :  with  his  character, 


926       Notes  on  the  Eusofzye  tribes  of  Afghanistan.     [No.  105. 

he  would  have  lost  his  power.  "  Horses  and  hawks,"  he  wrote  back,  "  are 
to  be  found  with  rich  nobles  at  the  courts  of  kings ;  I  a  poor  Zemindar 
have  nothing  of  the  kind,  but  I  can  send  you  a  fat  cow  if  you  please." 

Futteh  Khan  left  several  childern,  but  the  three  eldest  (who  are  by  one 
mother)  alone  claim  notice. 

The  first,  Mokurrib  Khan,  the  present  chief,  will  be  described  in  another 
place.  He  was  on  bad  terms  with  his  father,  and  for  eight  years  before 
the  death  of  the  latter  had  lived  apart  from  him. 

The  second.  Alum  Khan,  is  a  good  looking,  well  disposed,  intelligent  lad, 
under  twenty  years  of  age,  and  was  the  favourite  of  his  father,  who,  a  little 
before  his  death,  sounded  his  friends  as  to  the  possibility  of  setting  aside 
in  his  favour  the  claims  of  Mokurrib  Khan  to  the  succession.  He  was 
checked  by  the  honest  bluntness  of  his  Cazi,  who  exclaimed  before  them 
all,  "  Death  to  your  house ! — would  you  murder  both  your  children?  " 

The  history  of  the  third  son,  Mudduh  Khan,  gives  a  curious  picture  of 
the  state  of  society  among  the  Eusofzyes.  He  is  now  about  fourteen  years 
old ;  at  the  age  of  eleven  he  drew  his  sword  on  his  tutor,  who  had  struck  him, 
and  ran  away  from  his  father's  house,  to  which  he  could  never  be  induced 
to  come  back.  He  found  refuge  with  Mokurrib  Khan,  who  resided  indepen- 
dent of  Futteh  Khan  in  a  fort  some  eight  miles  from  Punjtar,  and  having 
(in  the  manner  related  of  Nadir  Shah,)  formed  into  a  band  several  children 
of  his  own  age,  he  carried  on  a  sort  of  war  with  his  father,  plundering  his 
sugar-canes,  and  otherwise  annoying  him.  Futteh  Khan  would  never  allow 
the  name  of  the  boy  to  be  pronounced  in  his  presence.  A  few  hours 
before  his  death,  when  he  was  distributing  his  property  among  his  children, 
the  Cazi  ventured  to  remind  him  of  Mudduh  Khan :  "  Who  names  that 
infidel?"  said  the  dying  man,  "  he  is  no  child  of  mine." 

Of  the  minor  chiefs  of  the  Sum,  who  deserve  notice  here,  the  principal 
is  Arsilla  Khan  of  Zaideb,  who,  having  been  on  bad  terms  with  his  neigh- 
bours of  Punjtar,  was  in  a  manner  forced  to  save  himself  from  ruin  by 
seeking  the  protection  of  the  Sikhs,  strengthened  by  whom,  he  is  now  the 
most  powerful  of  the  chiefs  of  the  plain.  The  Komalzyes  have  two  chiefs 
of  influence,  Khadir  Khan  of  Gooroo  Mejar,  and  Ahmed  Khan  of  Hatti 
Murdan ;  of  the  latter,  mention  is  made  in  the  narrative. 

Mir  Khan  of  Sudoom,  known  generally  by  the  name  of  the  Mir, 
is  the  most  powerful  of  the  Amazyes.  His  experience,  firmness,  and 
courage  have  gained  him  much  respect,  and  enable  him  to  rule  with  a 
stricter  hand  than  the  Eusofzyes  will  in  general  submit  to.  The  Muchehi 
family  (mentioned  in  the  narrative)  have  however  scarcely  less  influence 
among  the  Amazyes.  Besides  these,  there  are  a  few  chiefs,  who  will  be 
mentioned  in  the  sequel,  who  have  lately  been  turned  out  of  their  posses- 
sions by  the  Sikhs  and  Arsilla  Khan. 


1840.]       Notes  on  the  Eusofzye  tribes  of  Afghanistan.  927 

It  is  easier  to  learn  the  general  character  of  the  chiefs  above  named, 
than  to  form  a  just  conception  of  their  power  and  resources.  Mokurrib 
Khan's  influence,  for  example,  may  be  said  to  extend  over  a  great  part 
of  the  Sum,  but  his  actual  authority  is  limited  to  about  seventy  villages, 
(in  these  the  smaller  ones  called  "  Bandas"  are  not  included)  from  most, 
if  not  all  of  which  he  draws  the  "Aoshr"  or  tithe,  with  this,  and  the 
produce  of  his  lands  (the  return  from  which  is  however  but  trifling)  the 
"  Jizeea,"  or  tax  on  the  Hindoos,  the  tax  on  the  fakeers  (or  villains)  and 
now  and  then  some  plunder  from  the  Sikhs,  he  is  able  to  maintain  an 
efficient  body  of  1,500,  or  perhaps  2,000  footmen;  and  5,000  of  his  tribe 
will  rally  round  him  on  emergency.  To  his  soldiers  he  gives  but  three 
rupees  a  month  ;  but  living  is  very  cheap  in  this  frugal  country,  where 
flesh  is  rarely  eaten,  and  a  fowl  is  a  luxury.  Mokurrib  Khan  has  but 
few  horsemen ;  he  was  endeavouring  to  raise  a  corps  when  I  left  him. 
His  father  is  said  to  have  left  about  30,000  rupees  in  cash,  besides  valu- 
able property  in  shawls,  &c.  the  accumulated  plunder  of  years.  Arsilla 
Khan  keeps  up  more  horses  than  any  other  chief  of  the  plain,  but  if  the 
Sikhs  left  the  country,  he  would  sink  into  insignificance,  and  would  be 
obliged  to  make  terms  with  Mokurrib.  Ahmed  Khan  and  others  are 
well  inclined  towards  him,  (for  he  is  a  liberal  man,  and  bears  a  fair 
character)  and  would  not  permit  him  to  be  altogether  crushed  by  the 
Punjtaris. 

Of  the  military  strength  of  the  other  chiefs,  it  is  not  worth  speaking ; 
each  of  them  keeps  up  from  two  to  six  hundred  followers,  horse  and  foot, 
chiefly  the  latter,  and  they  have  the  power  of  raising  their  clans,  and 
have  much  influence  in  the  "  Jeergas,"  or  public  meetings,  which  assemble, 
to  discuss  all  the  more  important  questions. 

The  Eusofzyes,  as  before  remarked,  are  not  the  only  inhabitants  of  the 
Sum.  Leaving  for  the  present  the  original  possessors  of  the  country,  who 
are  now  reduced  to  the  condition  of  Helots ;  the  other  tribes  are  the 
Gudoons,  the  Khuttuks,  the  Baeezyes,  and  the  Mamunzyes  (the  Maho- 
medzyes  of  Elphinstone) ;  but  these  last  may  be  considered  as  separate 
from  the  Sum,  and  will  not  be  further  mentioned  here. 

The  Gudoons,  called  also  Gudans,  and  east  of  the  Indus,  Judoons,  are  a 
Kaukur  tribe,  who  migrated  into  these  parts,  perhaps  two  centuries  ago. 
They  are  divided  into  two  great  branches,  Salar  and  Munsoor,  of  whom 
the  first  are  settled  to  the  east  of  Punjtar,  and  the  rest  in  Drumtour. 
The  Salars  are  said  to  have  64  villages,  and  to  muster  6,000  matchlocks ; 
their  government  is  a  democracy,  more  rigid  than  that  even  of  the  Eusofzyes. 
I  was  nearly  causing  a  quarrel  at  Grenduf,  their  chief  town,  by  inadvertently 
asking  who  was  their  head  Mullik.  We  were  much  struck  by  the  appearance 
of  wealth  and  comfort  of  their  villages,  which  are  large  and  populous, 


928        Notes  on  the  Eusofzye  tribes  of  Afghanistan,     [No.  105. 

and  the  Hindoos  seemed  to  be  more  numerous  and  thriving  amongst  them, 
than  in  any  part  of  the  country  we  visited. 

The  Khuttuks  occupy  the  left  bank  of  the  Sundi,'  from  below  Noushera 
to  Jehangiri.  They  have  not  more  than  fifteen  or  twenty  villages ;  and 
their  position  has  forced  them  to  pay  obedience  to  the  Sikhs. 

The  Baeezyes,  whose  numbers  I  have  heard  rated  at  12,000  fighting  men, 
are  also  Khuttuks,  but  they  have  for  a  long  time  been  a  separate  and  dis- 
tinct tribe.  Of  their  history  I  know  nothing.  They  are  always  spoken  of  as 
the  richest  people  in  the  country,  and  many  of  the  Hindoos  settled  amongst 
them  are  said  to  possess  great  wealth.  This  is  not  improbable,  as  one 
of  the  principal  roads  from  the  north  to  Peshawar  runs  through  their 
territory,  and  an  active  commerce  is  carried  on,  on  either  side  of  them, 
in  salt,  cloths,  &c. 

Like  the  Gudoons,  the  Baeezyes  are  governed  by  petty  MuUiks,  and 
have  always  preserved  their  independence  against  all  foreign  enemies. 
Of  the  population  of  the  Sum,  I  can  only  form  a  guess  of  the  probable 
amount,  some  data  I  had  collected  on  the  subject  having  been  carried  off 
by  the  Khyberees,  but  it  may  not  perhaps  be  very  inaccurately  rated  at 
one  lac  of  fighting  men.  All  the  tribes  above  mentioned  have  the  same 
manners  and  customs,  and  (includmg  the  Eusofs)  may,  without  hesitation, 
be  pronounced  the  best  irregular  soldiers  in  Afghanistan.  Their  cavalry, 
which  are  so  few  in  number  as  scarcely  to  deserve  notice,  are  from  their 
mode  of  training  and  equipment  rather  Hindostanee  than  Afghan.  The 
mass  and  strength  of  the  Eusofzyes  is  infantry.  Most  of  the  soldiers,  and 
every  man  is  a  soldier,  are  armed  with  heavy  matchlocks ;  others  have  long 
spears,  which  they  use  with  singular  dexterity,  either  on  horse  or  foot; 
a  few  are  clothed  in  chain  armour ;  and  some  use  even  bows  and  arrows 
of  formidable  size.  They  generally  avoid  close  fighting,  though  if  forced 
to  it,  they  have  the  character  of  being  excellent  swordsmen. 

It  is  said,  that  they  have  some  idea  of  opposing  cavalry  by  forming  into 
close  masses,  or  "Goles,"  with  their  spears  extended;  but  this  I  have  never 
seen,  and  am  inclined  to  doubt.  At  whatever  time  of  the  day  or  night  the 
"  Nakara,"  or  drum  is  beat  in  a  particular  measure,  every  man  able  to  bear 
arm  ssnatches  them  up,  and  hurries,  ready  for  action,  to  his  particular 
"Hoojra,"  or  public  meeting  room,  of  which  there  are  from  eight  to  twenty 
in  every  village ;  and  from  thence,  in  distinct  parties,  under  separate  flags, 
they  proceed  to  the  scene  of  action,  and  despising  the  protection  of  walls, 
advance  singly  into  the  plain.  A  total  want  of  discipline  and  order  now 
distinguishes  them.  They  have  no  head ;  each  party,  or  "  Hoojra,"  acts  inde- 
pendently ;  and  even  those  under  one  flag,  will  not  always  obey  one  leader. 

We  have  here  the  strength,  and  weakness  of  the  Eusofzyes  :  their  num- 
ber and  alertness,  their  courage,  sharpened  by  incessant  fighting,  and  ex- 


1840.]        Notes  on  the  Eusofzye  tribes  of  Afghanistan,  929 

pertness  in  the  use  of  their  weapons,  render  them  formidable  to  the  irre- 
gular troops,  but  their  peculiar  mode  of  warfare  incapacitates  them 
from  contending  against  a  regular  army.  It  is  evident  that  a  body 
of  disciplined  cavalry  could,  with  the  greatest  facility,  put  to  rout  and 
cut  up  a  herd  of  men  scattered  here  and  there  over  a  level  plain, 
totally  ignorant  of  tactics,  and  without  unanimity.  We  need  no  further 
proof  of  their  incompetence  to  contend  on  the  plain  with  even  semi- 
disciplined  troops,  than  is  afforded  us  by  the  battle  of  Noushera,  in  which 
though  stimulated  to  the  utmost  by  religious  enthusiasm,  they  were 
defeated  by  less  than  a  third  of  their  numbers. 

Of  the  Kohistan,  my  information,  is,  I  must  confess,  very  imperfect, 
and  will  be  here  limited  jto  nearly  a  barren  detail  of  names. 

The  tribes  of  Booneer  and  the  neighbouring  hills,  may  be  said  to  have 
no  chiefs  of  any  importance,  the  only  individuals  possessing  influence 
being  a  family  of  Syuds,  the  descendant  of  Peer  Baba,  a  celebrated  saint, 
who  lived  in  the  time  of  the  Emperor  Humaioon. 

Of  this  family,  there  are  three  principal  branches  amongst  the  Eusofs. 
The  representatives  of  the  elder  and  most  influential  branch  are,  Syud  Azim 
and  Syud  Meeah  of  Tukhtabund,  the  capital  of  Booneer,  who  may  be 
compared  to  the  Abbot  Boniface  and  Subfriar  Eustace  of  the  novel ;  Syud 
Azim,  the  elder,  a  good-natured,  indolent  character,  having  willingly 
resigned  his  authority  to  his  more  active  and  talented  brother.  The 
second  branch  is  Syud  Akber  Meeah,  of  Sitana  on  the  Indus;  and  the 
third,  Syud  Russool  of  Chumla. 

Chumla,  only  separated  from  Booneer  by  a  low  range  of  hills,  is  near- 
ly in  the  power  of  the  latter ;  however,  unless  when  some  popular  ques- 
tion is  agitated,  it  is  able  to  maintain  its  independence.  It  is  divided 
among  three  proprietors.  A  colony  of  Komalzyes  occupy  the  west  portion ; 
Noagee  the  chief  town  is  the  property  of  Syud  Rusool ;  and  the  rest  belongs 
to  Mahomed  Khan,  a  relation  of  the  Punjtar  family,  on  which  indeed  he  is 
in  some  degree  dependent. 

The  tribes  of  Swat  differ  from  those  of  Booneer  in  paying  more  obedience 
to  their  Khans,  and  being  less  under  the  direction  of  their  Syuds.  Their 
most  influential,  religious  character,  is  Mooreed  Sahebzadeh  of  Oochoond, 
near  Thanneh  ;  but  the  respect  paid  him  is  variable  and  unequal. 

In  Upper  Swat  there  are  four  principal  chiefs.  The  most  northerly  is 
Pshuh  Khan  of  Sundi,  of  whom  I  only  know  the  name ;  next  to  him  in 
position  is  Mudar  Khan  of  Mingoweer,  below  whom  are  Kashun  Khan,  the 
son  of  Arsilla  Khan  of  Bandeh  (whose  family  were  at  one  time  of  much 
consequence  among  the  Eusofs)  and  Khadir  Khan  of  Hodigram. 

Lower  Swat  has  but  two  chiefs  who  deserve  mention.  One  is  Zydoollah 
Khan,  who  was  originally  in  joint  power  with  Passund  Khan  at  Thanneh, 


930       Notes  on  the  Euso/zye  tribes  of  Afghanistan.     [No.  105. 

but  the  latter  has  lately  been  turned  out  and  reduced  to  insignificance  by 
his  elder  brother ;  the  other  chief  is  Khyroollah  Khan  of  Alia  Dund.  He 
has  only  lately  succeeded  his  cousin  Euayutoollah  Khan,  who  submitted  to 
the  Sikhs,  and  went  to  Lahore  to  pay  his  respects.  The  indignant  tribe, 
deposed  him  in  favour  of  his  son,  but  the  son  has  also  been  turned  out  by 
Khyroollah.® 

Of  all  the  Eusofzyes,  the  most  powerful  is  Ghazan  Khan  of  Deer',  but  he 
is  perfectly  aware  of  the  delicate  tenor  on  which  he  holds  his  authority, 
and  in  consequence  is  anxious  to  form  connections  with  any  power  which 
may  strengthen  him  in  his  rule.  He  intrigues  with  this  view  with  the 
Douranees  and  with  the  Sikhs,  and  he  is  fast  friends  with  the  Bajore  chief, 
and  with  the  rulers  of  Cashgar  and  Chitrane.  But  the  two  first  he  would 
willingly  betray,  and  the  last  he  plunders  whenever  he  gets  an  opportunity. 

There  is  one  chief  who,  though  not  an  Eusofzye,  yet  from  his  position 
in  the  midst  of,  and  intimate  connection  with,  the  Eusofzyes,  and  his  sin- 
gular history  and  character,  must  not  be  omitted  in  a  description  of  the 
Eusofzye  country. 

Paieendah  Khan,  of  Tanawul,  is  a  Mogul  of  the  Birlas  tribe,  the  same 
from  which  the  Ameer  Timoor  was  descended.  All  record  of  the  first 
settlement  in  Tanawul  of  his  family  is  lost,  and  it  has  long  ago  broken  off 
all  connection  with  the  other  branches  of  the  Birlas,  which  are  stUl  to  be 
found  in  Turkestan. 

The  Tanawulees,  who  from  their  dialect,  a  corrupt  Hindoostani,  seem 
to  be  of  eastern  origin,  are  divided  into  two  "  tuppahs,"  the  principal  of 
which  is  Pulal,  the  other  Hindowal,  and  these  two  divisions  are,  or  were, 
respectively  governed  by  two  branches  of  the  Birlas  family. 

Paieendah  Khan  is  descended  from  the  junior  branch,  the  Khans  of  the 
Hindowal,  who  had  little  power  till  the  time  of  Nawab  Khan,  (father  of 
Paieendah)  whose  father  having  been  killed  by  the  chief  of  the  Pulals,  set 
himself  up  against  them.  Nawab  Khan  had  the  advantage  of  possessing  the 
Douranee  road,  and  enriched  himself  by  a  toll  on  all  who  travelled  his  way. 
The  Douranees  were  constantly  passing  and  repassing  to  and  from  Cashmeer, 
and  their  pride,  as  may  well  be  conceived,  could  ill  brook  paying  tribute  to 
a  petty  tribe  like  the  Tanawulees ;  much  quarrelling  and-heart  burning  was 
the  consequence.  The  celebrated  Noorjehan,  more  commonly  known  by  the 
name  of  Ade,  or  the  mother,  the  Baumizye  mother  of  Futteh  Khan  vuzeer, 
was  en  route  to  Cashmeer,  on  a  visit  to  Mahomed  Azeem  Khan,  the  governor. 
Toll  was  as  usual  demanded,  not  of  her  however  or  her  party,  who  out  of 
respect  were  to  pass  free,  but  of  some  people  who  followed  her  camp  for 
protection.  At  this  even  the  haughty  lady  took  umbrage,  and  other  causes 
of  offence  not  being  wanting,  an  army  was  sent  under  Jubar  Khan  to  punish 
Nawab  Khan.    That  chief  had  no  option  but  to  give  himself  up.   He  was  re- 


1840.]        Notes  on  the  Eusofaye  ti^ibes  of  Afghanistan,  931 

ceived  courteously,  promises  of  favour  and  protection  were  showered  on 
liim,  and  he  was  requested  to  send  for  his  family,  when  a  maintenance 
and  a  place  of  residence  would  be  fixed  for  them. 

This  last  request  opened  the  eyes  of  the  prisoner  to  the  intentions  of 
his  captors ;  he  pretended  compliance,  however,  with  their  wishes,  and  re- 
quested only  that  "  Jam  pans"  (litters)  might  be  sent  with  his  son  Paieendah 
Khan  (then  a  lad,  17  years  old)  to  bring  the  ladies.  As  the  cortege  was  start- 
ing, Nawab  Khan  took  his  son  aside,  and  whispered  in  his  ear,  "  Take  care 
of  yourself,  consider  me  as  a  dead  man,  and  give  me  your  prayers."  When 
the  party  reached  the  Tanawul  territory,  Paieendah  Khan  broke  the  fine 
"  Jam  pans,"  and  stripping  the  servants  of  Azeem  Khan,  sent  them  back  to 
their  master  with  the  message — "  My  father  is  in  your  hands — do  what 
you  please  with  him;  me,  you  will  never  get  into  your  clutches  again." 

A  heavy  stone  was  tied  to  Nawab  Khan,  and  he  was  thrown  into  the  river. 
From  this  time,  Paieendah  Khan  has  been  a  sort  of  wild  man,  at  war  with 
all  around  him.  Driven  from  his  home,  east  of  the  Indus,  by  the  Afghans, 
the  Sikhs,  and  the  Pulals,  who  had  partially  submitted  to  Runjeit  Singh, 
and  whose  chief,  Surbulund  Khan,  is  n6w  at  Lahore,  Paieendah  Khan  took 
possession  of  Am,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Indus,  which  originally  belonged 
to  the  Pulals,  and  from  thence,  for  twenty  six  years,  has  never  ceased  to 
carry  on  a  series  of  depredations  on  the  Sikhs  and  all  who  submitted  to 
them.  He  boasts  that  he  has  four  diJEferent  times  raised  an  army  of  Ghazis, 
who  have  all  fallen  martyrs  in  the  cause.  Of  his  first  band  only  three  men 
are  alive,  and  they  are  literally  one  mass  of  wounds.  Am  is  a  small  nook 
of  land,  only  a  few  hundred  yards  square,  shut  in  between  the  deep  and 
rapid  Indus,  and  the  lofty  chain  of  the  Mabeen'"  hills,  which  close  in 
upon  it  in  a  crescent. 

The  only  road  to  it  from  the  south,  is  over  a  difficult  path  cut  in  the  face 
of  the  rocks  which  over  hang  the  river.  This  and  a  somewhat  similar 
spot  higher  up,  called  Chutter  bai  (where  his  son  resides),  and  a  few  villages 
on  the  left  bank  of  the  Indus,  are  all  the  lands  of  which  Paieendah  Khan 
can  now  boast.  The  aggregate  return  from  them  is  said  not  to  exceed  two 
thousand  rupees  a  year,  but  by  his  forays  on  the  Sikhs,  he  is  able  to 
maintain  1,000  paid  soldiers ;  and  he  is  openly  and  secretly  assisted  by 
3,000  or  4,000  of  the  Tanawulees. 

He  seizes  Hindoos,  from  the  wealthy  of  whom  he  extorts  money ;  some 
he  forces  to  labour  in  chains ;  others  he  compels  to  become  Mussulmans,  and 
if  they  are  refractory,  he  ties  a  stone  round  their  necks,  and  flings  them 
into  the  river ; — no  oaths  or  ties  bind  him.  He  takes  money  from  a  village 
as  exemption  from  plunder  one  day,  and  plunders  it  the  next.  His  own  bro- 
ther even  he  has  stripped  of  every  thing.  The  Sikhs  have  numerous  forts 
on  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river ;  they  dare  not  leave  them ;  his  very  grass- 

6  c 


932       Notes  on  the  Eusofzye  tribes  of  Afghanistan.     [No.  105. 

cutters  insult  them  every  day  with  impunity.  One  of  these  forts  commands 
that  in  which  Paeen  Khan  himself  resides.  I  pointed  this  out  to  him  ; 
"  Would  you  like  to  see  me  take  it,"  said  he,  "  I  will  do  so  in  half  an  hour." 

In  fact  the  Sikhs  are  only  there  by  his  sufferance;  he  derives  a  revenue 
from  them ;  they  paying,  that  their  supplies  may  not  be  intercepted ;  as  his 
band  passes  under  their  forts  on  a  plundering  expedition,  the  Sikh  soldiers 
salute  him  from  the  walls,  and  wish  him  good  luck. 

The  Sikhs  some  years  ago  bought  off  his  forays  by  a  jageer ;  but  his 
cruelty  and  exactions  were  such,  that  the  whole  country  rose,  and  Runjeit 
Sing  was  obliged  to  send  word  to  him  that  he  would  give  him  the  amount 
of  his  jageer,  but  must  resume  the  land  itself.  Paieendah  only  answered  by 
levelling  with  the  ground  the  nearest  Sikh  village,  and  retiring  again  to  his 
fastness.  Since  Runjeit  Singh's  death,  Paieendah  Khan  has  been  more 
active  than  ever,  and  his  excursions  would  certainly  extend  to  the  Jhelum, 
but  that  his  neighbour  the  Syud  of  Sitana  is  his  enemy,  and  the  Eusofzyes 
and  Chogurzyes,  who  inhabit  the  hills  above  him,  threaten  his  family, 
whenever  he  is  known  to  have  left  them  for  more  than  a  few  days. 

Were  there  any  revolution  in  tTie  Punjab,  to  distract  the  attention  of 
the  Sikhs,  I  should  not  be  surprized  at  hearing  that  he  had  ventured  on 
Cashmeer.  He  is  well  acquainted  with  the  road,  which  is  not  difficult,  and 
the  petty  Mussulman  chiefs  between  Tanawul  and  the  valley,  would  be 
rather  inclined  to  favour  him,  than  to  offer  him  any  opposition. 

Having  thus  given  a  sketch  of  the  principal  political  features  of  the 
country  T  traversed,  the  narrative,  to  which  I  now  proceed,  will  be  more 
readily  understood." 


Note. — It  will  be  seen  from  the  conclusion  of  the  above  paper,  that  it 
was  but  the  intended  commencement  of  a  series.  My  poor  friend  Conoily 
sent  it  me  with  the  heading  "  Part  I.  Introductory,"  his  object  being  to  fol- 
low it  up  with  a  Narrative  of  his  Journey  in  the  Eusofzyes  country,  in 
January  1840.  I  was  awaiting  the  completion  of  the  papers  to  publish 
them  in  serial  order,  when  I  heard  of  his  death.  The  information  however 
contained  in  this  paper  alone,  is  of  itself  not  unimportant;  and  I  therefore 
give  it  publication  as  it  stands. 

It  is  much  to  be  regretted  that  we  have  lost  the  aid  in  Afghanistan  of  so 
intelligent  an  observer  as  the  author  of  this  short  notice  :  the  similar  fate 
which  befel  Mr.  Lord  has  deprived  us  of  the  result  of  that  gentleman's 
intimate  acquaintance  with  the  character  and  habits  of  the  Oosbeks,  an 
unfinished  narrative  of  his  residence  with  Meer  Morad  Beg  of  Koondooz, 
written  for  this  Journal,  having  been  found  among  his  papers.  Will  no 
one  consent  to  supply  what  they  have  left  incomplete  ? 


1840.]  Notes  to  Capt.  Conolly's  Eusofzye  tribes. 


933 


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934 


Notes  to  Capt.  Conolly's  Eusofzye  tribes,      [No.  105. 


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1840.]         Notes  to  Capt.  Conolly^s  Eusofzye  tribes. 


935 


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936 


Notes  to  Capt.  Conolly's  Eusofzye  tribes.     [No.  105. 


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1840.]  Notes  to  Capt.  ConoUy's  Eusofzye  tribes,  937 

JVb^e  6. — The  Booneeries  (or  Booneer  wal,  as  they  are  more  generally  called)  were  the 
principal  sufferers  at  that  battle.    Blinded  by  religious  fury,  and  an  undue  estimate  of 
their  own  strength,  their  only  desire  was  to  cut  off  the  retreat  of  the  Sikhs.     They  are 
said  to  have  fought  rather  like  devils  than  men.     Moullas,  boys,  and  unveiled  women, 
mingled  promiscuously  in  the  fight.    For  days  before,  the  whole   Sum  had  been  a 
moving  mass  of  men,  hastening  from  the  upper  country  to  join  in  the  great  struggle 
which  was  to  vindicate  the  honour  of  Islam.     Each  man  carried  ten  days'  provision. 
No  correct  estimate  has  ever  been  formed  of  the  number  of  the  "  Ghazis,"  which 
name,  in  anticipation  of  victory,  they  had  assumed ;  the  greater  part  only  shared  in 
the  flight.    Had  they  delayed  one  day  more,  they  would  have  been  joined  by  the  Swat 
army,  which  never  reached  the  field.     But  it  was  impossible  to  hold  them  back.     The 
Booneeries,  distinguished  by  their  black  turbans  with  a  bright  yellow  border  from  the 
rest  of  the  Eusofzyes,  who  are  generally  clothed  in  white,  first  rushed  forward,  and  by 
thus  precipitating  the  contest,  lost  the  day  their  courage  deserved  to  gain.     But  their 
reckless  valour  was  of  no  avail.     Their  scanty  stock  of  ammunition  soon  expended, 
they  fought  with  arrows,  spears,  swords,  stones;  one  man  scrambled  up  behind  the  ele- 
phant of  Phoolra  Sing,  the  real  leader  of  the  Sikhs,  and  cut  down  that  chief  with  his 
"  silaweh,"  or  long  knife.     Repeatedly  driven  back  by  the  steady  fire  of  the  Sikhs, 
they  were  as  often  rallied  to  the  charge  by  the  shrieks  and  curses  of  the  women,  and  the 
"Allah  ho  Akbars"  of  the  maddened  Moullas.    At  last,  but  not  till  they  were  decima- 
ted, and  every  house  in  Booneer  had  to  mourn  its  martyr,  they  broke  and  fled,  cutting 
through  the   Sikhs  whom  they  had  wished  to  intercept,  and  from  that  time,  broken- 
hearted, they  have  scarcely  ventured  to  leave  their  valley.    After  the  battle,  dead 
Booneeries  were  found  lying  on  dead  Sikhs,  their  teeth  still  clutching  the  throats  of 
their  adversaries.       Though  seventeen  years  have   elapsed  since  the  fatal  day,  so 
deeply  do  they  still  feel  their  loss,  that  when  unusual  merriment  has  by  chance  pre- 
vailed in  a  "  hoojra,"  a  white-beard  has  been  known  to  check  them  with — "  Is  this  a 
time  for  laughing,  when    the  bones  of  your  brothers   are  whitening  Noushera  V — 
Noiishera  is  the  common  topic  of  conversation  among  the  Eusofzyes,  and  the  favourite 
theme  of  their  songs.     I  was  particularly  struck  with  one  which  commenced, 

"  Ah  Mahomed  Azeem,  where  is  the  blood  of  our  childx*en  you  sold  at  Noushera?" 
Chorus,  between  every  line, 

"Wae!  Wae!  Wae!"  [bj 
Note  7. — The  Cabul  river,  between  Peshawer,  and  the  Aba  sin,  or  Indus. 
JSlote  8. — Since  this  was  written,  Evayut  Oollah  has  returned  from  the  Punjab,  and  is 

struggling  to  regain  his  authority.     Having  money,  which  his  rival  has  not,  he  has 

succeeded  in  bringing  over  half  his  tribe  to  his  side,  and  a  furious  civil  war  is  raging. 

This  trip  to  Lahore  has  been  most  disastrous  to  him.     It  cost  him  not  only  his  country, 

but  his  eye-sight ;  a  clumsy  doctor  at  the  Durbar  having  under  pretence  of  couching, 

blinded  him. 
Note  9. — The  history  of  the  father  of  this  chief  will  be  found  in  Elphinstone. 
Note  10. — In  the  name  "  Mabun,"  we  have  evidently  a  corruption  of  "  MeaMaha 

Bun,"  or  the  great  forest;  a  title  sufficiently  appropriate,  on  account  of  the  pines 

which  cover  the  mountain. 
Note  11. — Of  the  map  which  accompanies  this  memoir,  all  that  can  be  said,  is,  that 

it  is  better  than  any  one  hitherto  published  of  the  same  country  ;    but  our  every  motion 

was  so  watched  and  misconstrued  that  we  could  only  take  a  bearing  by  stealth,   and 

some  important  bearings  were  lost  in  the  Khyber  Pass. 

Lb]  I  have  taken  some  liberty  with  the  chorus,  which  is  really  "wee  ojee,"  and  which,  however 
melancholy  it  may  sound  when  chaunted  in  a  low  solemn  tone  by  the  Afghans,  could  only  ap- 
pear ridiculous  in  English  characters.  It  is  the  most  usual  chorus  of  the  songs  of  the  eastern  Af- 
ghans. Mahomed  Azeem  it  is  well  known  (see  ConoUy  and  Burnes)  shamefully  deserted  his  friends 
at  the  battle  of  Noushera, 


938 


Extract  from  Proceedings  of  the  Numismatic  Society  of  London,  1837-38. 

"A  Lecture,  by  Mr.  Williams,  on  the  mode  of  taking  casts  in  sulphur,  from  coins, 
medals,  and  Oriental  cylinders,  illustrated  experimentally. 
"  The  following  is  the  process,  as  ingeniously  described  by  Mr.  Williams: — 
"  A  number  of  slips  of  paper,  about  an  inch  in  width,  and  of  a  length  sufficient  to  go 
somewhat  more  than  once  round  the  coin,  or  medal,  should  be  first  prepared ;  and  also 
a  number  of  slips  of  card,  not  quite  half  the  width  of  those  of  paper.  The  coin  is  then, 
to  be  oiled  with  a  piece  of  cotton  wool,  dipped  in  sweet  oil,  and  as  much  of  the  oil  as 
possible  wiped  off  with  another  piece  of  wool.  The  edge  of  the  coin  should  next  be 
placed  about  half  way  at  one  end  of  the  slip  of  paper,  and  the  paper  rolled  round  it,  a 
little  stiff  paste  being  previously  put  upon  the  opposite  end  of  the  slip.  This  will 
cause  it  to  adhere  firmly,  and  thus  form  a  hoop  round  the  coin,  which  will  be  suspend- 
ed about  midway  by  the  edge,  and  must  be  retained  in  that  situation  by  means  of  one 
of  the  slips  of  card,  bent  round,  and  placed  beneath  it,  within  the  hoop  of  paper.  The 
object  of  this  arrangement  is  to  cause  the  opposite  sides  of  the  mould  to  be  as  nearly  as 
possible  of  the  same  size.  A  little  water  is  then  to  be  poured  into  a  cup,  or  other 
vessel,  and  a  sufficient  quantity  of  the  finest  plaster  of  Paris  lightly  sprinkled  into  the 
water,  leaving  sufficient  of  the  latter  to  cover  it.  A  slight  effervescence  will  take 
place  as  soon  as  the  bubbles  have  ceased  rising.  The  superabundant  water  is  then  to 
be  poured  off,  and  the  mixture  stirred  with  a  spoon.  The  plaster  is  now  ready  for  use. 
A  thin  coating  of  plaster  is  then  to  be  laid  on  with  a  small  brush,  having  moderately 
stiff  hairs,  over  the  face  of  the  coin,  and  the  mould  filled  up  to  the  rim  with  the  spoon. 
The  use  of  the  brush  is  to  prevent  bubbles  from  forming  upon  the  surface  of  the  coin, 
as  these  would  entirely  spoil  the  mould ;  and,  in  order  to  prevent  the  accumulation  of 
bubbles  in  the  plaster,  which  is  afterwards  poured  in,  it  is  advisable  to  raise  the  hoop 
with  the  coin  and  plaster  in  it,  about  an  inch,  and  let  it  drop  upon  the  table  two  or 
three  times.  This,  of  course,  must  be  done  immediately  after  the  pouring  in  of  the 
plaster.  The  whole  is  now  to  be  left  until  the  plaster  is  set,  which  will  usually  be  in 
about  twenty  minutes. 

*'  When  this  is  effected,  the  under  side  is  to  be  turned  up,  the  strip  of  card  removed, 
and  any  plaster  that  may  have  found  its  way  between  the  edge  of  the  coin  and  hoop 
of  paper  cleared  away.  The  operation  of  mixing  and  applying  the  plaster,  must  now  be 
repeated ;  and  in  about  half  an  hour  the  plaster  will  be  sufficiently  set  to  allow  of  the 
moulds  being  separated  from  the  coin.  The  paper  must  be  removed,  and  great  care 
taken  in  pulling  off  the  moulds ;  as,  unless  they  are  taken  off  perfectly  straight,  they 
will  be  injured,  in  consequence  of  some  of  the  deeper  parts  being  broken  off  by  the 
twisting  of  the  mould.  Should  the  mould  not  yield  readily,  the  bottom  of  it  may  be 
dipped  into  water,  when  it  usually  will  very  easily  come  off.  Should  this  however  fail, 
heating  the  bottom  of  the  mould  before  the  fire,  after  having  wetted  it,  will  frequently 
have  the  desired  effect.  These  precautions  are  necessary,  as  a  gentle  force  being  suf- 
ficient to  remove  the  mould,  some  adhesion  may  be  suspected  where  more  than  that  ap- 
pears to  be  required,  which  the  methods  pointed  out  will  usually  remove.  Any  super- 
fluous plaster  about  the  mould  must  be  carefully  removed,  avoiding  all  injury  to  its 
surface. 

"  When  these  moulds  are  used  for  making  a  cast,  the  bottom  must  be  placed  in  water 
so  shallow  as  not  to  cover  the  face  of  the  mould.    They  will  imbibe  a  considerable 


1840.]  Mode  of  taking  casts  from  coins,  ^c.  939 

quantity,  and  when  they  appear  to  be  uniformly  damp,  they  are  ready  for  use.  They 
must  now  be  evenly  placed  at  the  proper  distance,  and  in  their  right  position,  with  a 
strip  of  paper  passing  rather  more  than  three  parts  round,  and  held  firmly  in  the 
fingers,  the  marks  on  the  mould,  made  by  the  end  of  the  hoop  of  paper  in  which  they 
were  fonned,  being  the  guide  for  their  right  position.  The  sulphur  having  been  melted 
in  a  proper  vessel  (the  one  used  by  Mr.  Williams  being  a  pastry-cook's  pattie-pan, 
with  a  handle,  and  a  kind  of  spout  made  to  it,)  is  now  to  be  poured  between  the  two 
sides  of  the  mould,  by  means  of  the  aperture  left  in  consequence  of  the  paper  not  com- 
ing completely  round.  As  the  sulphur  cools,  which  is  vei-y  soon,  it  shrinks;  and  the 
vacancy  thus  left  must  be  immediately  filled  up, — this  being  repeated  until  the  edge 
is  perfectly  solid.  The  moulds  are  to  be  removed  with  the  same  precautions  as  when 
they  were  taken  from  the  coin,  and  the  edge  of  the  cast  carefully  pared,  and  then 
rendered  smooth  by  being  rubbed  with  a  piece  of  fine  sand-paper.  Should  they  be 
required  nearly  of  the  colour  of  the  sulphur,  nothing  further  is  requisite,  except  a 
slight  polishing  with  a  piece  of  cotton  wool,  or  a  soft  brush.  For  his  own  casts,  Mr. 
"Williams  has  considered  it  advisable  to  use  an  artificial  colour,  which  is  given  by 
applying  black  lead  in  powder  to  the  casts,  with  a  soft  brush,  and  then  covering  them 
with  a  varnish  composed  of  a  solution  of  dragon's  blood  in  spirits  of  wine,  which  gives 
them  a  fine  dark,  bronze  appearance. 

*'Some  precautions  are  necessary  to  be  observed  in  using  the  sulphur.  When 
melted,  this  substance  is  at  first  vei*y  fluid  ;  as  it  gets  hotter  it  becomes  thick  and  ropey, 
and  a  still  greater  degree  of  heat  renders  it  again  comparatively  fluid.  It  is,  however, 
fit  for  casting  in  the  first  of  these  states  only,  and  if  employed  in  the  other  cases, 
usually  either  destroys  the  mould,  or  produces  a  bad  cast.  The  best  criterion  is  to 
observe  when  the  sulphur  begins  to  solidify  round  the  edges  of  the  vessel  in  which  it 
has  been  melted ;  it  may  then  be  used  with  safety.  It  also  often  happens  that  the  first 
cast  taken  after  the  mould  has  been  moistened  is  a  bad  one,  in  consequence  of  there 
being  too  much  water  upon  its  surface.  A  second  cast  taken  immediately,  without 
wetting  the  mould  again,  will  usually  be  a  good  one ;  and  not  more  than  three  should 
be  taken  without  repeating  the  moistening ;  for,  should  the  mould  be  too  dry,  it  cannot 
be  separated  from  the  sulphur  without  injury.  It  is  also  a  good  plan  to  place  the 
wetted  moulds  upon  blotting-paper,  as  it  quickly  absorbs  the  superfluous  moisture; 
but  this  requires  some  experience,  as  the  mould  often  gets  too  dry  to  be  used  without 
subsequent  wetting;  and  the  other  method  is  perhaps  the  safest  for  beginners.  It  is 
often  necessary  only  to  dip  the  fingers  in  water,  and  apply  it  to  the  back  of  the  mould, 
to  give  it  the  necessary  degree  of  dampness.  These  are  matters,  however,  for  which  a 
little  practice  and  experience  are  the  best  guides. 

"  In  the  casts  made  from  moulds  formed  in  this  manner,  it  is  obvious  that  the  thick- 
ness depends  upon  the  resembrance,  or  the  fancy  of  the  caster.  Should  the  exact 
thickness  be  required,  the  following  method  of  making  the  mould  may  be  resorted 
to:— 

"  Here,  the  coin  having  been  oiled,  as  in  the  former  case,  must  be  placed  with  the 
side  which  is  least  raised  upon  a  flat  surface,  such  as  a  piece  of  glass,  or  a  slate, 
which  has  also  been  previously  oiled.  The  plaster  is  applied  to  the  upper  surface  of 
the  coin  with  the  brush,  as  before,  and  the  whole  is  then  to  be  covered  with  as  much 
of  the  plaster  as  may  be  required.  When  set,  this  will  separate  from  the  surface  upon 
which  it  has  been  placed,  and  exhibit  the  coin  embedded  in  the  mass.      It  must  be 

6d 


940  Mode  of  taking  casts  from  coins,  ^c.         [No.  105. 

carefully  cleared  of  the  superfluous  plaster,  leaving  a  slightly  shelving  depression 
round  the  edge  of  the  coin;  and  hollows  naust  be  made  in  the  flat  surface  of  the  sur- 
rounding plaster  with  the  point  of  a  knife.  This  must  now  be  covered  with  soap-suds, 
the  coin  being  carefully  retained  in  its  place.  The  operation  is  now  to  be  repeated 
upon  this  surface,  as  in  the  first  instance,  the  liquid  plaster  being  poured  over  the 
whole  of  the  flat  surface  of  the  surrounding  plaster.  When  set,  the  two  parts  of  the 
mould  will  be  easily  separated,  the  soap  preventing  the  surface  from  adhering;  and, 
the  coin  being  taken  out,  a  channel  must  be  cut  to  the  outer  edge  of  the  mould,  for 
the  passage  of  the  sulphur.  When  prepared  by  moistening,  as  in  the  former  instance, 
and  put  together,  the  raised  knobs  corresponding  with  the  small  hollows  made  with  the 
point  of  the  knife,  will  keep  all  steady ;  and,  the  sulphur  being  poured  into  the  mould 
through  the  channel  cut  for  it,  a  cast  of  the  coin  will  be  produced,  exhibiting  an  exact 
facsimile  of  the  original. 

"From  this  process,  it  is  not  difficult  to  perceive  how  casts  of  small  objects  of 
different  kinds  may  be  taken ;  for  example,  moulds  of  the  cylinders  from  Babylon  or 
Persepolis.  These  require  to  be  taken  in  at  least  three  parts.  Having  oiled  the 
cylinder,  it  is  to  be  surrounded  with  a  wide  strip  of  paper,  and  the  portion  enclosed 
taken,  say  one-third.  Having  removed  this,  and  carefully  trimmed  the  edges,  made 
hollow  in  the  sides,  as  in  the  coin-mould,  and  soaped  them,  it  is  to  be  replaced  upon  the 
cylinder,  and  another  portion  taken,  say  another  third,  by  hooping  with  paper,  &c. 
as  before.  This  after  being  separated  from  the  first  portion,  trimmed,  &c.  as  before, 
is  once  more,  with  the  first  portion,  to  be  applied  to  the  cylinder  hooped  with  paper,  and 
the  third  portion  taken.  When  used  for  casting,  after  moistening  and  putting  together, 
a  piece  of  doubled  paper  may  be  applied  to  one  end,  which  may  be  kept  in  its  place  by 
a  finger  placed  beneath  it,  and  the  sulphur  poured  in  at  the  other  end,  until  the  hollow 
left  by  the  contraction  of  the  sulphur  disappears.  When  cool,  the  mould  is  to  be 
removed,  and  the  cast  trimmed,  cleared  of  the  marks  of  the  junction  of  the  mould, 
and,  if  thought  fit,  black  leaded  and  varnished,  as  in  the  case  of  the  coins. 

"  Mr.  Williams  concluded  with  a  few  words  respecting  the  purchase  of  plaster  of 
Paris.  Of  this  article  there  are  sevei'al  qualities  ;  that  procured  at  the  oil-shops  being 
the  commonest.  That  which  is  known  by  the  name  of  Super  is  the  only  kind  which 
should  be  used  for  moulds ;  and  it  is  not  generally  to  be  obtained  except  from  the 
actual  manufacturers.  The  best  he  has  met  with  is  prepared  by  Grande  and  Sons,  Bed- 
ford Street,  Liquorpond  Street ;  and  sold  at  the  rate  of  one  shilling  and  sixpence  per 
bag  of  fourteen  pounds ;  or  wholesale  at  seven  shillings  per  cwt.  A  bag  of  seven 
pounds  may,  however,  be  procured. 


Note. — I  have  extracted  and  published  this,  in  the  belief  that  the  account 
of  the  process  may  be  useful  to  coin  collectors  in  this  country. 

ft 


941 


Proceedings  of  the  Asiatic  Society. 

(Wednesday  Evening,  X^th  January ,  1841 J 

The  Honorable  H.  T.  Prinsep  in  the  Chair. 

The  following  gentlemen  were  proposed  as  Members:  — 

Capt.  R.  Fitzgerald,  of  Engineers,  by  the  Officiating  Secretary,  seconded  by 
Lieut  A.  Broome  of  Artillery. 

C.  B.  Trevor,  Esq.,  C.S.  by  T.  S.  Torrens,  Esq.,  seconded  by  the  Officiating 
Secretary. 

Raja  Khan  Behadoor,  Khan  of  Gyah,  by  the  Honorable  H.  T.  Prinsep, 
seconded  by  the  Officiating  Secretary. 

The  following  gentlemen,  have  been  elected  Office-bearers  for  the  current  year — 

President : 
The  Honorable  Sir  Edward  Ryan, 

Vice-Presidents  : 
The  Honorable  Sir  J.  P.  Grant, 

Sir  H.  Seton, 

H.  T.  Prinsep, 

W.  W    Bird. 

Committee  of  Papers : 
Major  W.  N.  Forbes,  C.  Huffnagle,  Esq., 

E.  Stirling,  Esq.,  Lieut.  A.  Broome, 

N.  Wallich,  Esq.,  M.  D.  Dr.  J.  J.  H^eberlin, 

H.  H.  Spry,  Esq.,  M.  D.  Baboo  Prosoonooomar  Tagore. 

Professor  W.  B.  O'Shaughnessy, 

Library  and  Museum. 
The  following  books  were  presented : — 

Lardner's  Cabinet  Cyclopaedia— England ;  vol.  10th, 1 

Ditto    ditto— Greece,  vol.  7th, 1 

Madras  Journal  of  Literature  and  Science,  No.  27  April — June,  1840 I 

Edinburgh  New  Philosophical  Journal,  by  Professor  Jameson,  No.  57  April — 

July,  1840 J 

London,    Edinburgh,  and  Dublin,  Philosophical  Magazine  and  Journal  of 

Science,  3rd  series,  vo